LIBRARY 


UNIVERSITY   OF   CALIFORNIA. 


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BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES 


SPEECHES,    ADDRESSES    AND    LETTERS 


EX-GOVERNOR  B.  F.  PERRY 


\\ 

OF   GREENVILLE,  S.  C., 


ll0  ^>  "'  ->?'• 

V  "ty        Jt*   ••**  ^ 

INTRODUCTORY    BY   SENATOR    WADE   HAMPTON. 


PREFACED  BY  AN 


^^-w    w    .  to      *      A 


OUTLINE    OF    THE    AUTHOR'S    LIFE. 


THE     FERREE     PRESS. 
PHILADELPHIA. 

1887. 


THIS    VOLUME 
IS   COMPILED   AND   PUBLISHED 

BY    THE    WIFE 

IN    MEMORY    OF  THE    BELOVED   AND    DEVOTED   HUSBAND, 

WHO,  DURING   A  MARRIED  LIFE  OF  FIFTY   YEARS, 

FOUND    IN    HIS    CHARACTER   AND   LIFE 

ONLY  WHAT    SHE    COULD 

LOVE,    HONOR,    AND    BE    PROUD    OF, 

AND   WHOSE  CARE   IT   IS 

THAT  THE   MEMORY    OF   HIS    VIRTUES 

AND   THE   EXAMPLE  OF  HIS 
NOBLE  DEVOTION  TO   HIS  DUTY  AND  HIS  COUNTRY 

SHALL   BE 
PRESERVED   FOR   FUTURE  GENERATIONS. 


SANS  SOUCI,   GREENVILLE,  SO,  CAROLINA. 


PREFACE. 


THE  first  series  of  Governor  Perry's  writings  were  pub 
lished  in  book  form  in  1883 — Reminiscences  of  Public  Men. 
When  that  volume  met  with  public  favor,  it  was  promised 
that  a  second  one  would  be  forthcoming.  The  entire  edi 
tion  of  said  Reminiscences  having  been  exhausted,  we  now 
fulfil  our  promise,  in  issuing  the  second,  as  Sketches  of 
Eminent  American  Statesmen. 

The  best  evidence  of  a  man's  value  in  the  world,  and  of 
his  character,  is  given  by  those  who  have  felt  and  seen  his 
work,  and  known  his  life  by  direct  observation  of  it  and 
contact  with  him. 

The  author,  Governor  B.  F.  Perry,  being  now  deceased, 
it  has  been  thought  well  to  publish  with  these  Sketches, 
an  outline-sketch  of  his  noble  and  useful  life,  and  a  compi 
lation  of  the  expressions  regarding  him,  evoked  by  his 
death,  from  the  newspaper  and  leading  men  of  his  State, 
where  he  was  most  intimately  known  ;  from  the  Legisla 
ture,  and  from  the  Bar  and  Courts  where  he  practised  so 
many  years. 

Should  this  volume  meet  with  equal  favor,  another  will 
be  published,  containing  a  biography  and  copies  from  the 
private  journal  of  the  author. 

HEXT  M.  PERRY,  M.  D. 

Phila.,  Pa.,  June  14,  1887. 


INTRODUCTION 

BY 

SENATOR    WADE    HAMPTON. 


THE  public  are  indebted  for  this  volume  to  her, 
who,  for  many  years,  was  the  devoted  wife,  the  liv 
ing  helpmate  of  its  distinguished  author,  and  this 
fact  lends  a  pathetic  interest  to  the  work  itself.  MRS. 
PERRY,  though  advanced  in  years,  and  bowed  down 
by  a  great  grief,  assumed  the  task  of  compiling 
and  arranging  for  publication  the  writings  of  her 
husband,  and  no  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  dead 
patriot  and  statesman  could  be  more  appropriate,  or 
more  touching  than  this  offered  by  her  loving  heart. 
No  monument  to  perpetuate  his  name  and  his  fame 
could  so  arouse  the  universal  sympathy  of  our  people 
as  does  this  simple  memorial  of  her  devotion  to  him 
and  of  her  reverence  for  his  memory. 

The  volume  now  submitted  to  the  public  contains 
several  of  the  addresses  made  by  Governor  PERRY 
on  various  occasions ;  sketches  of  public  men ;  and 
some  other  papers  from  different  sources,  showing  the 
estimation  in  which  he  was  held  by  his  fellow-citi 
zens.  Of  the  sketches,  some  have  been  published  in 
local  newspapers,  while  others  have  never  been  in 
print.  It  is  deemed  advisable  that  these  writings  of 
Governor  PERRY,  which  will  make  a  valuable  con 
tribution  to  the  history  of  our  times,  should  be  put 
in  some  permanent  and  enduring  form,  so  as  to  be 
accessible  to  all,  and  when  they  can  instruct  and 
benefit  those  to  whom  the  destiny  of  our  State  will 
be  committed  in  the  future.  The  friends  of  Gover 
nor  PERRY,  amongst  whom  the  whole  people  of  his 
native  State  are  included,  will  be  pleased  to  see  his 


viii  INTRODUCTION. 

literary  work   rescued   from    oblivion,   and    preserved 
in  a  shape  worthy  of  its  author. 

Every  line  that  he  wrote,  every  word  that  he 
uttered  on  public  affairs  were  inspired  by  an  ardent 
patriotic  desire  to  promote  the  best  interests  of  his 
State,  and  in  the  light  of  the  great  events  which 
have  transpired  in  the  last  quarter  of  a  century,  many 
of  his  utterances  have  proved  as  pregnant  with  wis 
dom  as  with  patriotism.  It  is  proper,  therefore,  that 
these  utterances  of  his  should  be  placed  within  the 
reach  of  the  young  men  of  our  State,  for  they  came 
from  a  man  whose  highest  ambition  was  to  do  his 
duty,  and  to  serve  his  people.  Than  this  there  can 
be  no  nobler  ambition,  no  higher  incentive  to  human 
conduct.  During  his  long,  eventful  and  honorable 
career,  he  followed  with  unshaken  constancy  his  con 
victions  of  duty,  and  neither  the  applause  of  the 
people,  nor  their  censure,  ever  diverted  him  from  the 
path  pointed  out  by  his  judgment  and  his  con 
science  He  always  sought  earnestly  that  which  was 
right,  and  when  he  conceived  that  he  had  found  it, 
he  pursued  it  with  undeviating  resolution,  regardless 
of  all  personal  considerations.  No  allurements  of 
political  power  could  tempt  him  to  forsake  his  prin 
ciples  or  to  soil  his  conscience.  No  threats  of  polit 
ical  ostracism  could  daunt  him.  Of  him  it  might 
well  have  been  said,  what  HENRY  CLAY  once  de 
clared,  "That  he  would  rather  be  right  than  be 
President."  The  example  of  such  a  life  as  Governor 
Perry's,  so  pure,  so  unsullied  in  all  its  private  and  public 
relations,  cannot  fail  to  exert  a  wholesome  and  elevating 
influence  wherever  it  is  known,  and  in  this  view  the 
following  volume  possesses  great  intrinsic  value,  for 
it  gives  the  opinions,  the  feeling,  the  very  thoughts 
of  the  writer,  expressed  with  perfect  frankness  and 
with  commendable  impartiality. 


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AN   OUTLINE  OF 
GOVERNOR    PERRY'S    LIFE 


BY  A.  B.  WILLIAMS. 


Benjamin  Franklin  Perry  was  born  November  20th, 
1805,  in  what  is  now  Oconee  county,  but  was  then  part 
of  Pendleton  district.  He  was  of  Revolutionary  stock, 
his  father  being  a  native  of  Massachusetts  of  English 
descent,  who  fought  in  the  Continental  army,  and  his 
mother,  Miss  Foster,  a  daughter  of  John  Foster,  of 
Virginia,  who  was  a  lieutenant  in  the  regular  American 
army.  He  and  Commodore  Oliver  Perry  were  of  com 
mon  ancestry,  springing  from  the  same  English  stock. 

Governor  Perry's  father  came  from  Charleston, 
whither  he  went  in  1784,  met  his  wife  in  Greenville, 
and  was  married  there.  He  removed  to  Oconee  and  en 
gaged  in  farming.  B.  F.  Perry  worked  on  his  father's 
farm  and  went  to  school  until  he  was  sixteen,  when  he 
was  sent  to  Asheville,  N.  C.,  where  he  studied  lan 
guages,  making  astonishing  progress  by  the  great  capa 
city  for  labor,  and  the  retentive  memory  developed  even 
at  that  early  age.  He  learnt  the  Latin  grammar  in  one 
week.  While  at  Asheville,  when  only  sixteen,  he  wrote 
and  published  an  article  advocating  the  claims  of  Mr. 
Calhoun  for  the  Presidency,  thus  early  showing  the 
interest  he  felt  in  his  country's  welfare.  Mr.  Calhoun 
at  that  time  was  opposed  to  State  Rights. 

He  came  to  Greenville,  then  a  small  backwoods  vil 
lage,  in  1824,  and  began  the  study  of  law  in  the  office 
of  Judge  Earle.  At  the  age  of  nineteen  he  was  chosen 
to  deliver  an  oration  on  the  4th  of  July,  at  Greenville. 

In  1827  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  having  finished 


his  coarse  under  Colonel  James  Gregg,  of  Columbia. 
He  returned  to  Greenville  and  began  the  practice  of  law 
for  the  western  circuit. 

In  1832  he  first  became  conspicuous  in  politics,  and 
appeared  as  a  leader  in  the  fight  for  the  preservation  of 
the  Union  that  he  continued  to  wage  twenty-eight  years 
against  the  overwhelming  sentiment  of  the  State.  He 
became  the  editor  of  the  Mountaineer  and  quickly  made 
it  the  recognized  organ  of  the  union  party  of  the  State, 
Immense  majorities  of  the  people  were  against  him,  led 
by  almost  all  the  talent,  learning,  and  social  and  political 
power,  with  John  C.  Calhoun,  the  idol  of  the  State,  at 
their  head  promulgating  his  theories  of  nullification 
and  finding  almost  unanimous  endorsement.  Governor 
Perry  was  a  delegate  to  the  union  convention  held  at 
Columbia  in  1832,  and  represented  that  county,  being 
elected  at  the  head  of  the  ticket,  in  the  general  convention 
of  the  people  of  the  State  called  in  the  fall  of  the  same 
year. 

It  was  during  this  period  that  the  famous  duel  with 
Bynum  occurred.  It  was  caused  by  a  political  quarrel, 
and  with  the  spirit  and  the  code  of  morals  of  the  time  it 
could  not  be  avoided.  Governor  Perry  rarely  alluded 
to  it  afterward,  and  then  always  with  sorrow,  but  it  is 
understood  that  the  quarrel  was  accepted  by  him  as  a 
deliberate  test  of  his  courage  intended  to  destroy  his 
influence  if  he  failed  to  endure  it  successfully.  All 
accounts  agree  that  he  bore  himself  with  good  temper, 
unfaltering  courage  and  dignity,  and  that  while  he 
deplored  the  unfortunate  result  to  the  end  of  his  life, 
and  from  that  time  persistently  refused  to  engage  in 
affairs  of  honor,  he  could  justly  be  held  blameless. 

In  1834  Governor  Perry,  then  twenty-nine  years  old, 
was  the  union  nominee  for  congress  in  this  district,  then 
Mr.  Calhoun's,  against  Warren  R.  Davis,  and  was 
defeated  by  a  majority  of  60  in  a  poll  of  7,000.  Mr. 
Davis  dying  before  he  could  take  his  seat,  Governor 
Perry  again  became  the  candidate  of  his  party  against 


GOVERNOR  PERRY'S  LIFE.  3 

General  Thompson,  but  was  disabled  by  an  accident 
early  in  the  canvass,  and  again  suffered  defeat.  In  1836 
he  was  elected  to  the  State  legislature  without  opposition. 
There  he  maintained  and  was  the  leading  exponent  of 
the  principles  he  had  always  held.  He  opposed  the  agi 
tation  of  the  slavery  question,  and  was  a  warm  and  con 
spicuous  advocate  of  the  Louisville  and  Cincinnati  rail 
road.  He  was  re-elected  in  1838,  and  as  chairman  of 
the  committee  on  claims  became  noted  for  his  ceaseless 
guardianship  of  the  State's  interests  and  his  unrelenting 
hostility  to  all  that  was  tainted  with  extravagance  or 
subject  to  suspicion.  On  the  floor  he  was  the  leader  of 
the  element  that  persistently  demanded  and  fought  for 
changes  in  the  system  of  State  government  and  the 
increase  of  the  power  of  the  people.  All  prisoners  were 
then  confined  in  the  county  jails,  the  governor  and  presi 
dential  electors  were  chosen  by  the  legislature,  and  by 
the  parish  system  the  lower  part  of  the  State  was  given 
what  Governor  Perry  and  those  who  followed  him 
believed  to  be  undue  representation  in  the  senate. 
Against  all  these  things  he  fought,  urging  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  penitentiary,  the  choice  of  governor  and 
electors  by  popular  vote,  and  the  equalization  of  the 
representation  of  the  up  country  and  low  country.  He 
was  almost  invariably  defeated  in  the  legislature,  but  re 
tained  the  confidence  and  support  of  the  people  he  repre 
sented. 

In  1844  he  was  elected  to  the  State  senate,  and  while 
a  member  of  that  body  voted  alone  against  the  resolution 
ordering  the  expulsion  from  the  State  of  Mr.  Hoar,  who 
was  sent  here  by  the  State  of  Massachusetts.  Every 
other  senator  voted  for  it,  but  Governor  Perry  spoke 
energetically  against  it,  and  had  his  solitary  vote 
recorded  on  the  negative  side,  declaring  that  hostile 
majorities  had  no  terrors  for  him  while  he  was  con 
scientiously  performing  his  duty.  He  was  defeated  by 
Governor  Orr  in  another  contest  for  congress,  the  stand 
of  the  latter  in  favor  of  General  Taylor  securing  for  him 


the  whig  vote  in  addition  to  the  part  of  the  democratic 
vote  he  commanded.  Governor  Perry  was  chosen  by 
the  legislature  an  elector  at  large  for  this  State  to  vote 
for  Cass  for  president.  He  was  one  of  the  fathers  of 
the  Greenville  and  Columbia  railroad,  and  his  powerful 
influence  and  untiring  energy  contributed  much  to  its 
successful  building. 

In  1850,  the  secession  and  disunion  feeling  rose  so 
high  in  South  Carolina  that  it  was  said  the  State  was  a 
unit  in  breaking  up  the  government  and  forming  a  new 
Confederacy.  Governor  Perry,  however,  remained 
"  faithful  amongst  the  faithless,"  and  boldly  proclaimed 
his  opposition  to  secession  and  disunion,  as  destructive  of 
liberty  and  the  very  institutions  of  the  South  for  the  pre 
servation  of  which  the  Union  was  to  be  dissolved.  He 
suggested  the  propriety  of  establishing  a  Union  paper  at 
Greenville  after  every  newspaper  in  the  State  had  gone 
over  to  secession  and  espoused  the  cause  of  disunion. 
He  thought  it  would  be  a  rallying  point  for  the  dis 
membered  and  broken  Union  party  throughout  the  State, 
and  perhaps  be  the  means  of  checking  disunion.  Some 
of  his  personal  friends  came  to  him  and  said  if  he  perse 
vered  in  establishing  his  newspaper,  neither  his  life  nor 
his  property  would  be  safe.  His  reply  desei  ves  being 
repeated.  He  said  :  "  I  will  go  on  with  the  paper  if  it 
sinks  my  fortune  and  sacrifices  my  life ! "  The 
crowning  glory  of  Governor  Perry's  life  is  the  more 
than  Roman  courage  with  which  he  took  this  position. 
No  one  living  out  of  the  State  can  adequately  appre 
ciate  the  terrific  excitement  of  the  people  at  this  dan 
gerous  crisis.  Governor  Perry  boldly  assumed  the 
editorial  department  of  the  paper.  The  difficult  and 
dangerous  path  which  was  before  him  he  trod  with 
courage,  patriotism,  wisdom  and  high  courtesy,  which 
have  won  the  respect  and  admiration  of  even  his  oppo 
nents. 

He  was  again  elected  to  the  legislature  and  he  and  his 
two  colleagues  from  this  county  were  the  only  union 


men  in  the  body,  this  being  the  one  county  that  stood 
for  that  side.  In  the  house  Governor  Perry  delivered  a 
ringing,  bold  speech,  defending  the  Union  and .  de 
nouncing  the  efforts  to  break  it,  and  declared  that  he 
intended  to  have  that  speech  printed  and  published  and 
handed  down  as  a  legacy  to  his  country  and  his  children 
—  a  promise  which  he  faithfully  kept.  It  was  the  first 
check  the  secession  movement  received  in  this  State  at 
that  time,  and  was  copied  and  quoted  from  one  end  of  the 
country  to  the  other.  He  was  a  member  of  the  State 
convention  in  1851,  and  as  a  member  of  the  committee 
of  twenty-one  appointed  to  prepare  business,  prepared 
and  submitted  an  able  minority  report  dissenting  from 
the  resolutions  prepared  and  presented  by  Judge  Cheves, 
which  defended  the  right  of  secession  but  declined  to 
use  it  at  that  time. 

In  1860  Governor  Perry  was  one  of  the  delegates  from 
this  State  to  the  famous  Charleston  convention  of  the 
democratic  party.  He  refused  to  withdraw  with  the 
other  delegates  from  this  State  and  remained,  voting 
steadily  for  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  of  Virginia,  as  the  can 
didate  of  the  party  for  president. 

The  galleries  hissed  him  every  time  he  rose  to  vote, 
and  when  he  rose  to  speak  the  hissing  became  so  loud 
and  continuous  that  he  could  with  difficulty  proceed. 
The  chairman,  Mr.  Gushing,  threatened  to  clear  the 
galleries,  but  the  man  who  had  faced  and  defied  angry 
multitudes  and  put  his  life  and  property  in  jeopardy  a 
score  of  times  was  not  the  one  to  be  frightened  by  such 
demonstrations.  "  Let  them  remain,  Mr.  Chairman/' 
he  said  in  the  deep,  strong  tones  and  deliberate  manner 
always  characteristic  of  him,  "  I  would  like  them  to 
hear  what  I  have  to  say."  And  they  did  hear  him 
while  he  spoke  with  all  his  power  for  the  unity  of  the 
great  democratic  party,  and  declared  that  on  its  success 
depended  the  life  of  the  Union.  As  is  well  remem 
bered,  his  urging  was  of  no  avail.  The  party  split  and 
nominated  two  candidates,  and  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
elected. 


6  GOVERNOR  PERRY'S  LIFE. 

In  1860  an  election  was  ordered  for  a  convention  of 
the  people  of  South  Carolina  to  declare  the  Union  dis 
solved.  Governor  Perry  fought  secession  then  as  he 
had  fought  it  and  nullification  before.  He  predicted 
the  war  and  the  defeat  of  the  South,  and  urged  that  it 
was  folly  to  secede  with  a  democratic  majority  in  con 
gress,  in  the  supreme  court  and  in  the  country.  But 
the  wave  overpowered  him.  He  went  down  flying  his 
colors  to  the  last  and  raising  his  voice  for  the  Union. 
Greenville  county  was  carried  along  in  the  rush,  and 
B.  F.  Perry,  James  P.  Boyce  and  Chief  Justice  O'Neal  1, 
the  union  candidates  for  the  convention,  were  defeated, 
Governor  Perry  being  beaten  in  his  own  county  the  first 
time  in  thirty  years.  But  when  the  secession  ordinance 
was  adopted  he  yielded  to  the  will  of  the  majority 
and  went  with  his  State.  "  You  are  all  going  to  the 
devil  and  I  will  go  with  you,"  was  his  good-humored 
announcement  of  his  purpose.  From  that  time  he  was 
unswerving  in  his  loyalty  to  the  Confederacy.  Being 
then  fifty-six  years  old  he  could  not  enter  active  service 
himself,  but  his  eldest  son  was  sent  to  the  front,  and 
Governor  Perry  supported  the  government  with  voice, 
service  and  purse.  During  the  war  he  served  as  mem 
ber  of  the  legislature,  Confederate  commissioner,  district 
attorney  and  district  judge. 

In  the  misfortunes  brought  on  by  disregard  of  his 
advice  Governor  Perry  shared  with  his  people.  He  stood 
by  them  with  conspicuous  firmness  and  boldness  in  the 
dark  hours  after  the  war.  He  was  not  only  with  the 
people,  but  felt  with  them,  and  some  of  his  speeches  of 
that  time  gave  evidence  of  the  bitterness  that  was  then 
over  the  spirit  of  the  South.  But  without  the  solicita 
tion  of  himself  or  his  friends  he  was  chosen  by  Presi 
dent  Johnson  the  provisional  governor  of  the  State. 
The  appointment  was  received  with  universal  satisfac 
tion.  Governor  Perry's  consistent  record  as  a  union  man 
won  for  him  the  good  will  of  the  North,  and  he  already 
possessed  the  full  confidence  of  the  people  of  this  State. 


GOVERNOR  PERRY'S  LIFE. 


His  strength  of  character  and  intellect,  and  cool,  sound 
judgment  fitted  him  well  to  guide  the  State  through 
that  stormy  time.  Quiet  dignity  and  the  purpose  to 
restore  the  State  to  peace  and  prosperity  marked  his 
conduct  during  his  administration  of  six  months.  He 
ignored  all  party  claims  and  alliances,  appointed  to  fill 
the  offices  those  persons  who  had  occupied  them  at  the 
close  of  the  war,  obtained  an  order  abolishing  the  mili 
tary  tribunals  that  had  been  trying  civil  and  criminal 
cases,  so  far  as  white  persons  were  concerned,  and 're 
stored  the  confidence  of  the  people  by  refusing  to  levy 
or  collect  taxes,  and  using  the  pardoning  power  liberally. 
Under  his  government  the  first  election  after  the  war 
was  held,  resulting  in  the  choice  of  the  Hon.  J.  L.  Orr. 
Meantime  Governor  Perry  had  labored  actively  in  behalf 
of  the  State  with  the  Federal  administration,  and  suc 
ceeded  in  making  an  impression  on  the  president  and  Sec 
retary  Seward,  which  doubtless  did  much  to  mitigate  the 
rigor  of  her  treatment.  The  legislature  elected  and  in 
session  during  Governor  Perry's  term  did  much  of  the 
work  he  had  given  his  energies  to  against  such  opposing 
odds  during  many  years.  The  parish  system  he  had 
fought  so  hard  was  abolished,  the  right  of  electing  gover 
nor  and  presidential  electors  was  given  to  the  people,  the 
penitentiary  was  established,  and  the  courts  of  law  and 
equity  were  amalgamated,  and  the  State  was  separated 
from  all  connection  with  banks. 

At  the  expiration  of  his  service  as  governor  he  re 
turned  to  Greenville,  but  he  continued  his  active  interest 
in  public  affairs,  and  his  efforts  to  improve  the  condition 
of  his  State  and  people.  He  was  elected  to  the  United 
States  senate,  but,  like  the  other  southern  senators,  was 
(Jenied  the  seat.  His  faithful  and  heroic  stand  for  the 
Union,  made  at  far  greater  sacrifice  and  against  worse 
odds  and  more  danger  than  any  man  then  on  the  floor  of 
the  senate  had  endured,  was  forgot  or  disregarded.  Men 
who  had  been  disunionists  while  he  was  facing  furious 
nlobs  and  enduring  banishment  from  honors  and  almost 


8  GOVERNOR  PERRY'S  LIFE. 

from  friendships,  and  holding  his  faith  in  and  love  for 
the  Union  solitary  in  a  crowd  of  angered  opponents, 
voted  to  shut  him  out  of  the  senate  chamber  because  he 
refused  to  desert  his  people  in  the  humiliation  and  deso 
lation  he  foresaw  coming  on  them.  He  was  a  bitter 
opponent  of  the  reconstruction  measures,  and  wrote  and 
spoke  strongly  to  prove  that  the  people  would  be  better 
under  an  indefinite  military  rule  than  under  negro  and 
•carpet-bagger  government — a  conclusion  which  all  the 
white  people  had  reached  by  1876,  when  their  cam 
paign  cry  was  "  Hampton  or  a  military  governor ! " 

In  1867  he  was  a  delegate  to  the  Philadelphia  conven 
tion.  In  1868  he  represented  the  State  in  the  national 
democratic  convention  that  nominated  Seymour  and 
Blair.  The  people  of  his  State — as  if  eager  to  atone  for 
the  injustice  of  the  past  and  to  express  their  confidence 
and  affection  and  their  appreciation  of  the  vindication  of 
his  wisdom  brought  by  time  and  events — continued  to 
heap  honors  on  him.  The  democratic  convention  of  the 
Fourth  congressional  district,  then  composed  of  York, 
Chester,  Fairfield,  Union,  Spartanburg,  Laurens,  Green 
ville,  Pickens  and  Ocouee  counties,  met  at  Columbia  in 
September,  1872,  and  unanimously  tendered  him  the 
nomination  for  the  Federal  house  of  representatives. 
The  nomination  was  unanimously  endorsed  by  the  press 
and  people  of  the  State,  and  Governor  Perry  accepted 
the  leadership  of  the  forlorn  hope  as  he  accepted  every 
duty  and  made  a  thorough  canvass  of  the  large  district. 
His  fate  was  that  of  all  other  democratic  candidates  of 
the  time,  but  his  indomitable  spirit  was  not  broken  by 
defeat,  and  immediately  after  the  election  he  published 
an  address  to  the  voters  urging  them  to  oppose  the 
radical  government  and  to  continue  to  fight  it,  and 
denouncing  the  corruption  of  the  party  in  power  in  good, 
round  English  terms,  not  forgetting  to  upbraid  the 
white  people  for  the  apathy  and  timidity  they  were 
showing.  His  last  prominent  public  service  was  in 
1876,  when,  at  the  age  of  seventy-one,  he  went  as  one'of 


LIFE.  9 

the  South  Carolina  delegation  to  the  St.  Louis  conven 
tion  by  which  Tilden  and  Hendricks  were  nominated. 

Governor  Perry's  political  career  is  that  most  known 
and  interesting  to  the  public,  but  through  long  years  it 
was  a  succession  of  apparent  failures.  In  the  practice 
of  his  profession  in  which  he  was  matched  against  single 
antagonists  and  not  against  a  legion  of  politicians  and 
orators  and  angry  multitudes  of  people,  he  was  uniformly 
successful.  He  took  a  high  place  at  the  bar  early  in 
life  and  retained  it  to  the  end,  winning  honor  and 
money.  His  practice  was  always  marked  by  conscien 
tious  devotion  to  his  cause,  careful  study  and  strong, 
logical  handling.  He  was  always  a  dignified  and 
courteous  lawyer,  giving  others  all  the  respect  they 
merited  and  rigidly  exacting  like  treatment,  conforming 
his  conduct  to  the  highest  standards  of  professional 
ethics.  He  was  employed  by  General  Thompson  in  1851 
to  assist  in  the  defence  of  Dr.  Gardiner,  indicted  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  for  perjury  in  presenting  false 
claims  against  the  Mexican  Government.  It  was  a 
famous  case  of  the  time  and  offered  fees  then  considered 
immense.  But  Governor  Perry,  after  spending  several 
weeks  investigating  the  case,  became  convinced  of 
Gardiner's  guilt  and  promptly  returned  home.  When 
he  became  convinced  that  the  judiciary  of  this  State  was 
corrupt  he  retired  almost  entirely  from  active  practice 
and  sought  the  retirement  of  his  farm  "  Sans  Souci  " 
near  Greenville  city,  where  he  has  lived  since  and  where 
he  died. 

Governor  Perry  during  his  life  had  many  friends 
and  many  enemies.  He  was  not  an  effusive  man  and 
made  little  display  of  his  friendships,  but  they  were 
valuable  and  enduring.  He  was  "  a  plain,  blunt  man," 
and  when  he  disliked  or  distrusted  made  no  secret  of  it. 
Stubborn  in  his  opinions,  he  was  always  willing  to 
concede  honesty  to  his  opponents,  and  to  give  courtesy 
while  it  was  appreciated  and  reciprocated.  His  fighting 
was  all  done  fairly  and  openly.  Of  scrupulous  integrity 


10 

and  with  unspotted  purity  of  character,  he  hated  rascal 
ity  and  meanness  or  anything  he  took  for  it  with  an 
unrelenting  hatred,  and  was  always  ready  to  lead  war 
fare  against  it.  He  did  not  often  win  friends;  he 
commanded  them  by  the  force  of  his  character  and 
his  unswerving  loyalty. 

He  married  in  1837,  in  the  city  of  Charleston,  Miss 
Elizabeth  F.  McCall,  daughter  of  Hext  McCall  and  a 
niece  of  Robert  Y.  Hayne.  They  had  seven  children, 
of  whom  four  survive — Mrs.  Wm.  Beattie,  Representa 
tive  W.  H.  Perry,  Dr.  Hext  M.  Perry,  of  Philadelphia, 
and  B.  F.  Perry,  Jr.  Mrs.  Perry  survives  the  Governor ; 
on  her,  more  especially,  his  death  comes  with  fearful 
force,  and  while  the  sympathy  of  hundreds  of  friends 
throughout  the  country  are  with  the  entire  family,  a 
special  measure  of  it  will  be  for  her  who  has  so  many 
years  illustrated  the  devotion  and  love  of  which  woman 
is  capable  as  wife  and  mother. 

Governor  Perry  was  a  man  of  pure  life,  simple  tastes, 
and  temperate  habits.  During  the  last  ten  years  most 
of  his  time  has  been  spent  at  his  place  in  the  country, 
where  he  had  built  one  of  the  handsomest  residences  in 
the  State.  He  usually  drove  into  town  in  his  carriage, 
received  his  mail,  remained  in  the  office  of  his  law  firm, 
composed  of  himself,  W.  H.  Perry  and  Julius  H.  Hey- 
ward,  a  few  hours  in  the  forenoon,  and  returned  to  his 
home.  There  he  had  one  of  the  most  complete  libraries 
in  the  country,  covering  the  whole  range  of  literature, 
and  he  devoted  himself  to  making  new  literary  acquaint 
ances  and  renewing  old  ones.  He  was  an  eager  buyer 
and  reader  of  new  books,  and  a  prolific  writer  for  the 
press,  although  he  rarely  appeared  in  print  during  the 
last  years  of  his  life  except  when  his  interest  was  espe 
cially  aroused  in  some  matter  of  local  or  general  moment. 
At  one  time  he  prepared  and  published  in  newspapers  a 
series  of  historical  sketches  of  this  section  of  the  Stater 
and  reminiscences  of  the  many  distinguished  men  he  had 
known  and  been  associated  with.  Some  of  these  have 


GOVERNOR  PERRY'S  LIFE.  11 

been  compiled  and  printed  in  book  form  by  Dr.  Hext 
M.  Perry,  preceded  by  a  brief  biography  of  the  Gov 
ernor,  making  a  volume  of  much  interest.  Governor 
Perry  left  doubtless  material  for  many  other  volumes  of 
historical  interest,  including  newspaper  files,  unpublished 
sketches  and  memoirs,  a  carefully  kept  diary  of  his  life, 
and  many  of  his  speeches  and  more  important  published 
articles. 

He  was  not  a  communicant,  but  was  a  zealous  friend 
and  supporter  of  Christ  Episcopal  Church,  where  his 
family  attended.  During  all  his  life  he  gave  much  at 
tention  to  religion,  and  his  conduct  was  conformed  to  the 
teachings  of  Christianity  in  which  he  was  a  sincere  and 
earnest  believer. 

The  last  years  of  his  life  were  very  tranquil  and  happy 
in  the  society  of  his  family,  the  friends  he  delighted  to 
welcome  to  the  hospitable  halls  of  Sans  Souci,  his  books 
and  his  writings,  peacefully  busy,  with  few  cares,  and 
an  honest  record  and  useful  life  to  look  back  on,  only 
awaiting  the  summons  he  knew  must  soon  come. 


EDITORIAL  COMMENTS. 


One  of  the  biggest  and  strongest  men  this  country 
has  known  died  here  yesterday.*  He  was  cast  in  a 
big  mould,  morally,  intellectually  and  physically,  and 
Nature  in  her  mysterious  operations  for  the  destruction 
of  her  work  seems  to  have  designed  an  appropriate 
ending.  There  was  none  of  the  pitiful  weakness  of 
decay.  The  years  brought  no  childish  treble  to  the  big 
strong  voice,  no  dullness  of  perception  or  senile  feeble 
ness  to  the  active,  vigorous  mind.  Like  an  old  oak  tree 
struck  by  the  axe  he  fell  while  yet  strong  and  towering, 
and  died  with  the  honors,  years  and  compensations  of 
age  before  the  calamities  of  age  had  come  upon  him. 

Governor  Perry  was  sometimes  spoken  of  by  his 
admirers  as  "  the  old  Roman,"  and  surely  he  deserved 
the  title  by  virtue  of  the  qualities  ascribed  to  the 
Romans  in  the  best  days  of  the  republic,  when  Romans 
were  as  brothers  and  all  were  for  the  State.  Courage, 
tenacity  of  purpose,  force  of  character  and  rigid  adher 
ence  to  principle  marked  his  course  through  all  the 
years  of  his  manhood.  As  the  youth  began  the  old  man 
ended.  The  path  of  his  duty  and  his  conscience  led 
straight  across  the  popular  way.  But  the  fury  of  the 
people,  the  seductions  of  friends,  the  promises  of  ambi 
tion,  the  overwhelming  power  of  opponents  combined 
against  him  failed  to  cause  the  swerving  of  a  step.  He 
could  not  see  the  end  or  know  where  the  road  he  trod 
would  lead  him ;  disaster  after  disaster  fell  upon  him, 
until  the  limits  of  his  county  seemed  to  be  the  impene- 

*  December  3, 1886. 
13 


14  EDITORIAL  COMMENTS. 

trable  boundary  of  his  aspirations.  The  only  effect  of 
it  all  was  to  nerve  and  urge  him  to  stronger  and  bolder 
labors  for  the  cause  he  believed  to  be  right. 

Years  and  events  approved  his  judgment  and  his 
principles,  but  they  were  not  needed  to  win  him  honor. 
His  thirty  years  of  hopeless  fighting  was  honor  and  tri 
umph  enough,  because  it  was  evidence  that  could  not  be 
questioned  that  he  believed  in  his  cause,  and  had  in  him 
the  manhood,  strength  and  devotion  that  constitute 
heroism. 

Whether  measured  by  the  invisible  standard  of  the 
soul,  felt  but  not  definable  in  words  or  to  be  expressed  by 
figures,  or  by  the  baser  measurement  of  utility,  Governor 
Perry's  life  is  worthy  of  study  and  emulation.  There 
is  a  tremendous  elation  and  power,  and  a  splendor  more 
felt  by  the  heart  than  any  discernible  to  the  senses  in 
the  feeling  of  a  man  that  he  is  right — right  beyond 
doubt — and  that  he  is  maintaining  the  right  against 
odds,  and  will  be  proved  right  in  the  end.  It  is  worth 
all  the  labor  and  sacrifice  of  a  life. 

And  if  life  holds,  time  will  bring  the  reward  for  the 
man  who  cleaves  his  way  right  onward,  undismayed  and 
unallured.  The  coward  who  truckles  to  place  and 
powers,  the  shuffler  who  crooks  the  hinges  of  his  knee 
and  climbs  by  devious  courses,  must  go  down  and  be 
lost  with  the  long  procession  of  their  like.  But  the 
man  who  clings  to  his  sound  principles  and  fears  nobody 
and  nothing,  will  be  remembered  and  honored — after  he 
is  dead  sometimes,  but  always  sooner  or  later. 

Read  the  story  of  Governor  Perry's  life  as  it  is  briefly 
and  imperfectly  told  to-day.  Read  it  and  remember  it. 

He  was  a  man — the  thing  that  only  God  can  make, 
and  the  only  thing  He  has  made  in  His  likeness — a 
manly  man,  with  manly  virtues,  holding  and  proving 
his  manhood,  and  never  dishonoring  it,  and  therein  the 
most  splendid  of  the  creations  of  Omnipotence,  and 
very  worthy  to  be  honored. 


EDITORIAL   COMMENTS.  15 

That  can  be  said  of  him  with  truth.  What  more  or 
what  better  need  be  or  could  be  said  of  any  man  ? — 
Greenville  Daily  News. 

Governor  Perry  was  a  grand  figure  in  South  Carolina 
affairs,  a  Romanesque  rock  standing  out  boldly  in  the 
midst  of  the  troubled  sea  of  politics,  and  unmoved  by 
dashing  waves  or  pelting  storm.  Unquestionably  he 
was  the  head  and  front  and  chieftain  of  the  union  senti 
ment  in  South  Carolina.  In  the  union  cause  he  fleshed 
his  sword  more  than  fifty  years  ago. 

There  was  hot  work  in  South  Carolina  in  those  old 
days.  In  1832,  in  his  lusty  youth,  Governor  Perry 
fought  Mr.  Bynum,  the  editor  of  the  Greenville  Sentinel, 
and  wounded  him  mortally  at  the  first  shot  on  the  field. 
After  this  he  declined  to  accept  any  challenge.  The  first 
and  fatal  meeting  was  more  than  enough. 

Governor  Perry  opposed  secession,  first  and  last  and 
all  the  while.  But,  honest  Carolinian  as  he  was,  he 
was  with  his  people,  heart  and  soul,  when  the  die  was 
cast,  and  South  Carolina  had  withdrawn  from  the  sister 
hood  of  States.  It  was  not  for  him  to  reason  why. 
South  Carolina  had  taken  her  course,  and,  as  a  loyal 
son,  he  went  with  South  Carolina,  and  exerted  himself 
to  the  utmost  to  strengthen  her  endeavor. 

Some  measure  of  reward  came  to  him  when  the  strug 
gle  was  over,  as  by  reason  of  his  noble  record  he  was 
appointed  governor  of  the  State.  Superbly  he  dis 
charged  the  difficult  duties  that  were  imposed  upon  him 
in  that  time  of  transition  and  re-adjustment.  Afterward 
he  came  rarely  before  the  public,  but  from  his  eyrie  on 
the  slopes  of  the  Blue  Ridge  he  watched  the  course  or 
events,  and  was  ready  always  to  give  to  his  people  the 
benefit  of  his  ripe  and  varied  observation  and  profound 
knowledge  of  men  and  affairs. 

Statesman,  jurist,  man  of  letters  and  patriot,  unflinch 
ing  in  his  loyalty  to  these  United  States,  and  immov 
able  in  his  devotion  to  the  Commonwealth  of  South 


16  EDITORIAL   COMMENTS. 

Carolina.  Governor  Perry  was  in  many  respects  with 
out  a  peer  in  our  public  life,  and  in  nothing  that  was 
worthy  and  of  good  report  had  he  any  superior. — 
Charleston  News  and  Conner. 

The  death  of  ex-Governor  Perry  at  his  home  near 
Greenville  yesterday  afternoon  will  be  received  with 
deep  regret  in  all  parts  of  the  State.  *  *  *  *  The 
deceased  was  a  remarkable  man  from  many  points  of 
view.  For  many  years  the  consistent,  outspoken, 
courageous  defender  of  Union  doctrines  in  opposition 
to  all  the  declared  principles  of  his  native  State,  he  never 
flinched  from  the  advocacy  of  his  opinions  whatever  the 
majority  against  him.  He  was  opposed  to  secession 
from  first  to  last,  but  when  his  State  acted  he  surren 
dered  his  life-long  convictions  to  her  commands.  We 
sincerely  believe  that  there  was  no  more  conscientious 
and  patriotic  citizen  in  all  the  State  than  he  who  now 
has  been  gathered  to  the  fold  of  Carolina's  great  sons  as 
they  sleep  beneath  her  soil. 

The  deceased  for  many  years  represented  the  district 
of  Greenville  in  the  State  assembly,  and  he  was  always 
recognized  as  a  most  conspicuous  member.  His  opinions 
were  always  earnestly  and  frankly  expressed.  He  took 
a  bold  stand  on  every  public  measure,  and  squarely  toed 
the  mark  in  every  position  of  his  long  life. 

Such  was  the  declared  character  of  the  man  in  all 
things  that  he  was  highly  respected  by  those  who  op 
posed  his  views  no  less  than  by  those  who  followed  his 
lead. 

This  distinguished  Carolinian  was  selected  by  Presi 
dent  Andrew  Johnson,  from  not  a  few  eminent  union 
ists  in  South  Carolina,  to  fill  the  important  trust  of  pro 
visional  governor  on  the  termination  of  the  war  in  1865. 
As  provisional  governor,  Governor  Perry  earnestly  advo 
cated  a  policy  of  magnanimous  peace.  He  had  no  pa 
tience  with  the  policy  of  persecution  and  revenge.  He 
did  all  he  possibly  could  to  shield  h-is  distressed  fellow- 


EDITORIAL    COMMENTS.  17 

citizens  from  the  savage  policy  of  hate  which  then  surged 
up  against  our  devoted  State  as  "  the  cause  of  the  war." 
He  stood  by  his  State  as  faithfully  in  the  dire  moment 
of  her  downfall  as  he  had  manfully  resisted  the  temper 
and  policies  which  had  led  up  to  the  war.  He  was  too 
brave  a  man  himself  to  have  lot  or  parcel  with  those 
who  were  willing  to  strike  the  downfallen. 

Ex-Governor  Perry's  memory,  then,  will  long  be 
cherished  by  all  who  love  and  admire  true  manhood  in 
its  highest  sense,  whether  it  be  in  friend  or  foe.  And 
Greenville  will  lovingly  cherish  the  memory  of  her 
great  son  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  the  State 
has  ever  given  birth  to. 

The  father  of  an  honored  family,  among  whom  is  the 
representative  in  congress  from  this  district,  the  Hon. 
Wm.  Perry,  the  deceased  goes  to  rest  without  an  enemy 
in  the  State,  though  it  was  so  long  opposed  to  his  polit 
ical  opinions.  Let  him  sleep,  then,  in  the  bosom  of  his 
mother  State  as  no  unhonored  son  among  those  who 
illustrated  her  name  with  a  virtue,  courage  and  unblem 
ished  repute,  which  shall  teach  generation  after  genera 
tion  of  her  sons  how  it  is  to  live  like  a  Carolinian,  and 
how  it  is  to  die  as  such,  without  fear  and  without 
reproach . — Columbia  Register. 

He  was  a  remarkable  man  in  many  respects.  He 
was  distinguished  for  the  great  purity  of  his  character, 
his  profound  knowledge  of  law,  his  undying  devotion  to 
principle,  and  for  a  studiousness  that  remained  with 
him  to  the  day  of  his  death. 

In  his  death  the  State  and  Union  have  lost  a  citizen 
of  which  each  might  justly  feel  great  pride.  The  peo 
ple  of  Greenville  almost  idolized  him,  and  he  has  con 
trolled  their  public  sentiment  f»r  more  than  half  a  cent 
ury,  and  there  is  no  one  of  equal  character  and  abilities 
to  take  his  place. 

Whatever  position  in  life  Governor  Perry  was  called 
on  to  fill,  whether  member  of  the  legislature,  member  of 


18  EDITORIAL   COMMENTS. 

a  State  convention,  commissioner,  district  attorney,  dis 
trict  judge  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  provisional 
governor  of  the  State,  delegate  to  conventions  of  the 
democratic  party,  legal  counsellor  or  citizen,  he  never 
failed  to  discharge  his  duties  with  a  rigid  fidelity  and 
great  ability  that  commanded  the  esteem  of  every  one. 
His  name  was  a  synonym  of  uprightness,  integrity  and 
bold  performance  of  duty.  He  had  contempt  for  mean 
actions  and  duplicity  in  men,  and  was  severe  in  condem 
nation  of  them. 

He  was  one  of  nature's  noblemen,  in  physical  stature 
and  features,  as  well  as  in  mind  and  heart. 

It  is  sad  indeed  to  know  that  his  familiar  face  and 
noble  form  have  passed  from  our  midst  forever,  and 
that  we  will  see  him  no  more. — Greenville  Enterprise 
and  Mountaineer. 


ACTION  OF  THE 

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 

OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 


The  State  Senate  was  not  in  session  on  Saturday,  Decem 
ber  4th,  when  the  announcement  of  Governor  Perry's  death 
was  made. 

In  the  House  Mr.  Ansel,  of  Greenville,  said  : 

MR.  SPEAKER: — Upon  the  wings  of  the  lightning  the 
sad  intelligence  has  just  been  received  that  the  late  dis 
tinguished  and  highly  esteemed  Benjamin  Franklin 
Perry,  of  Greenville,  is  no  more.  He  has  gone  to  that 
bourne  from  whence  no  traveler  returns.  Being  more 
than  four  score  years  of  age,  and  having  been  for  a 
great  many  years  in  public  life  in  this  State  and  the 
Nation,  I  think  it  but  due  to  the  memory  of  this  great 
and  good  man  that  we  should  pause  in  our  deliberations 
for  a  short  while  to  pay  our  respects  to  his  many 
virtues. 

He  was  for  more  than  twenty  years  during  the  early 
and  middle  part  of  his  life  a  distinguished  member  and 
leader  of  the  house  of  representatives  of  this  State,  and 
his  course  while  a  member  of  this  honorable  body  has 
been  the  admiration  and  praise  of  all.  One  of  the 
many  acts  which  he  did  as  a  member  of  that  body  was 
the  selection  of  the  place  where  the  capitol  building 
now  stands. 

Since  that  time  he  has  held  many  honorable  positions 
given  him  by  the  people  of  his  native  State.  Once  he 
held  the  office  of  judge,  once  elected  United  States  sen- 
19 


20  ACTION    OF    THE 

ator  from  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  and  once  the 
Governor  of  this  grand  old  Commonwealth  of  ours ; 
and  though  he  was  not  allowed  to  hold  his  seat  in  the 
United  States  senate  by  reason  of  the  political  sentiment 
prevailing  in  the  North  at  and  after  the  time  of  his 
election  to  this  honored  position,  it  shows  the  high 
esteem  in  which  he  was  held,  and  ever  has  been  held, 
by  the  people  of  this  State  and  country. 

As  governor  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  his 
every  act  was  for  the  best  interests  of  his  native  State, 
and  the  nature  and  the  ability  and  integrity  which  char 
acterized  his  administration  of  that  office  is  part  of  the 
history  of  this  State,  known  by  all,  which  will  go  down 
on  its  pages  to  the  everlasting  glory  and  honor  of  his 
name. 

But  time  forbids,  Mr.  Speaker,  my  detailing  the  many 
virtues  and  good  qualities  of  this  great  and  good  man. 
I  could  not  refrain,  however,  in  this  presence  from  ask 
ing  that  the  business  of  this  house  might  stop  for  a 
short  time,  in  order  that  we  may  place  one  flower  upon 
the  bier  of  our  departed  friend,  and,  looking  at  him  as 
he  shall  pass  down  into  the  grave  and  be  gathered  to  his 
fathers,  say :  "  Well  done,  good  and  faithful  servant." 

Mr.  Speaker,  as  a  mark  of  respect  to  the  memory  of 
the  late  Benjamin  Franklin  Perry,  I  move  you,  sir,  that 
this  house  do  now  adjourn. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  remarks  of  Mr.  Ansel,  of  Green 
ville,  in  announcing  to  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
South  Carolina  the  death  of  the  Hon.  B.  F.  Perry,  one  of 
the  ex-governors  of  this  State,  and  after  the  reading  of  the 
resolutions  appropriate  to  the  occasion,  Mr.  Hamilton,  of 
Chester,  arose  and  spoke  as  follows  : 

MR.  SPEAKER  : — It  is  only  since  taking  my  seat  in  this 
House  to-day  that  I  have  been  made  aware  of  the  death 
of  ex-Governor  B.  F.  Perry,  an  event,  it  is  true,  at 
his  advanced  age,  we  have  all  known  could  not  be  long 
postponed,  but  which  nevertheless  we  are  permitted  to 
deplore  as  a  great  public  loss. 


HOUSE   OF    REPRESENTATIVES.  21 

It  is  uot  necessary,  Mr.  Speaker,  to  give  any  sketch  of 
the  circumstances  of  the  private  life  or  public  career  of 
Governor  Perry,  for  by  the  enterprising  forethought  of 
the  News  and  Conner  in  its  issue  of  to-day  we  are 
furnished  with  all  it  is  necessary  to  know  on  that  head. 
I  shall  therefore  confine  myself  to  an  allusion  to  his 
peculiar  characteristics  which  distinguished  him  from 
the  general  run  of  men  and  lifted  him  to  a  place  among 
the  very  few  who  are  possessed  of  the  rare  gift  of  a 
lofty  moral  courage  and  a  fearless  intellectual  bravery. 

It  has  been  remarked  that  there  are  comparatively 
few  men  who  think  for  themselves,  and  more  especially 
on  public  affairs,  and  whose  utterances  make  up  public 
opinion.  In  large  cities  it  has  come  to  pass  that  news 
papers  to  a  great  extent  do  the  thinking  of  the  people, 
and  in  smaller  and  more  remote  communities  there  are 
certain  leading  minds  to  which  it  is  given  to  guide  the 
current  of  opinion.  But  even  with  this  small  class  are 
often  found  those  who  temporize  and  often  shrink  from 
their  convictions  and  abandon  opposition  in  order  to  sail 
before  a  popular  breeze.  Governor  Perry  was  cast  in  a 
different  mould  from  any  such.  He  thought  for  him 
self  ;  he  had  strong  convictions,  and  he  dared  always  to 
own  them  in  any  presence  and  before  any  audience.  He 
came  first  into  public  notice  in  the  memorable  nullifica 
tion  contest.  The  advocates  of  that  extreme  remedy  for 
our  differences  with  the  Federal  Government  numbered 
in  their  ranks,  as  the  active  leaders,  John  C.  Calhoun, 
Robert  Y.  Hayne,  George  McDuffie,  James  Hamilton 
and  Stephen  B.  Miller — an  array  of  statesmen,  orators, 
and  men  of  action  unsurpassed  in  their  respective  excel 
lences,  and  formidable  indeed  to  encounter  in  opposition. 
It  was  natural  for  the  young  men  of  South  Carolina  to 
follow  such  leaders  in  a  contest,  particularly  alluring  as 
challenging  a  conflict  with  the  general  government,  and 
it  may  safely  be  said  that  nine-tenths  of  them  were  ral 
lied  under  the  banner  of  the  nullification  party. 


22  ACTION    OF   THE 

To  confront  such  opponents  had  no  terrors  for  Benja 
min  F.  Perry,  a  young  man  only  starting  forth  in  life. 
In  his  newspaper,  on  the  stump,  and  everywhere,  he 
boldly  advocated  the  cause  he  had  espoused,  and  although 
defeated  on  that  particular  issue  yet  he  came  out  of  the 
contest  unscathed  and  unterrified,  and  by  his  fearless  and 
honorable  course  gained  for  himself  the  honorable  ad 
miration  and  esteem  of  the  great  men  whose  opinions 
and  actions  he  had  combated  so  manfully. 

It  was  not  unnatural  for  Union  men  of  the  South  to 
be  earnest  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  States,  and  there 
were  not  a  few  of  them  caught  by  the  idea  of  "  accept 
ing  the  situation'7  who  were  hurried  into  the  republican 
party,  and  too  late  to  retreat  were  overwhelmed  by  the 
disgrace  and  obloquy  which  attached  to  the  southern 
government  of  that  day. 

Governor  Perry  was  deeply  enlisted  in  the  scheme 
proposed  by  President  Johnson  to  reconstruct  the  State 
of  South  Carolina  and  the  other  Southern  States,  but 
upon  the  passage  of  the  reconstruction  measures  and  the 
military  usurpation  of  Sickles  and  Canby,  every  instinct 
of  his  brave  nature  and  his  love  of  civil  liberty  was 
aroused,  and  until  that  invasion  of  our  right  finally  dis 
appeared  with  the  inauguration  of  President  Cleveland, 
there  was  no  more  hostile  opponent  of  republican  men 
and  measures  than  he  was. 

Governor  Perry's  last  connection  with  public  affairs 
was  in  1872.  A  convention  assembled  in  the  fall  of 
that  year  in  this  city,  of  which  I  was  myself  a  member ; 
he  was  unanimously  nominated  to  contest  the  Fourth 
Congressional  District  against  A.  S.  Wallace.  It  was 
hoped  by  running  a  pronounced  Union  man,  in  addition 
to  the  democratic  majorities  in  Greenville  and  Spartan- 
burg,  we  might  supplement  them  by  a  majority  in 
York  and  reduction  of  the  republican  vote  in  the  other 
counties,  and  by  that  means  we  might  elect  him.  His 
most  excellent  conservative  speeches,  however,  failed  of 
effect,  and  our  relief  was  postponed  for  four  years  more, 


HOUSE    OF    REPRESENTATIVES.  23 

when  the  bugle  call  of  Hampton  aroused  us  to  action. 
Since  then  Governor  Perry  has  lived  in  retirement  at 
his  country  seat  near  Greenville. 

Mr.  Brawley,  of  Charleston,  said: 

MR.  SPEAKER  : — I  have  been  so  occupied  this  morning 
that  I  did  not  read  the  newspaper,  and  until  the  gentle 
man  from  Greenville  addressed  the  Chair  I  did  not 
know  that  a  great  loss  had  fallen  upon  the  State,  for 
although  in  "the  white  winter  of  his  age,"  and  for  some 
time  withdrawn  from  active  participation  in  public 
affairs,  the  death  of  Governor  Perry  will  be  felt  every 
where  throughout  the  State  as  a  public  calamity. 

I  regret  very  much,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  I  have  not  the 
gift  of  speaking  aptly  upon  occasions  like  this  without 
preparation,  and  that  I  have  not  had  time  to  prepare 
such  fit  words  as  are  due  to  the  memory  of  this  distin 
guished  citizen.  I  regret  it  all  the  more  because  I  repre 
sent  here  a  constituency  which  in  times  past  was  not  in 
accord  with  those  ideas  and  principles  of  which  Gover 
nor  Perry  was  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  advocates, 
and  yet  I  feel  that  I  would  not  truly  represent  that  con 
stituency  if  I  failed  to  express  upon  this  mournful  occa 
sion  the  sentiment  of  profound  respect  for  his  character 
and  memory  there  entertained,  and,  therefore,  I  must 
add  my  voice  to  the  general  lamentation  and  pay  tribute 
to  his  memory. 

It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  upon  this  sudden  call  I 
can  do  justice  to  a  character  which  had  many  elements 
of  greatness,  and  it  would  not  accord  with  the  "  fitness 
of  things"  that  I  should  indulge  in  indiscriminating 
eulogy.  I  cannot  speak  of  him  from  much  personal 
knowledge,  as  I  saw  him  mainly  from  a  distance,  but  I 
always  admired  that  rugged  independence  of  character 
and  opinions  which  lifted  him  above  the  lead  of  com 
mon  men  as  distinctly  as  do  the  mountains,  near  which 
he  dwelt,  stand  out  from  the  plain.. 


24  ACTION    OF    THE 

He  was  a  man  of  strong  individuality,  and  probably 
of  strong  dislikes,  but  he  was  likewise  a  man  of  strong 
and  earnest  patriotism,  and  although  his  State  was  led 
into  courses  against  his  wishes  and  judgment,  he  never 
wavered  in  his  devotion  to  her. 

He  was  in  the  highest  sense  of  the  word  a  patriot,  and, 
therefore,  it  is  most  fitting  that  we,  who  are  for  the  time 
being  the  representatives  of  the  State  which  he  loved  and 
served  during  a  long  and  useful  life,  should  pause  in  our 
work  here  and  pay  respect  to  his  memory.  The  name 
and  fame  of  such  a  man  is  a  precious  heritage,  and  we 
should  so  testify. 

He  lived  in  a  time  of  great  events  and  was  a  conspic 
uous  actor  in  them.  Called  to  high  station  in  a  time  of 
great  adversity  he  bore  himself  with  dignity,  and  then 
and  ever  he  was  true  and  steadfast  as  those  mountains 
beneath  the  shadow  of  which  he  now  rests.  His  fame, 
like  them,  is  fixed  in  the  earnest  stillness  of  eternity. 

Mr.  Haskell,  of  Bichland,  said  : 

MR.  SPEAKER: — I  regret  that  the  first  news  that  I  have 
of  Governor  Perry's  death  is  the  resolution  which  I  ask 
to  second,  for  I  feel  that  I  can,  unprepared  as  I  am,  but 
ill  express  the  feelings  of  my  constituents,  or  my  own. 
Yet  I  would  ill  represent  my  constituents  if  I  failed  to 
join  as  best  I  can  in  the  expressions  of  sympathy  for  the 
family  of  Governor  Perry,  and  of  praise  for  the  service 
which  he  has  done  by  his  pure  life  and  earnest  work  for 
the  State  he  has  served  so  long  and  so  well.  It  has  been 
truly  said  by  those  who  have  preceded  me  that  Governor 
Perry  throughout  his  life  displayed  always  an  utter  fear 
lessness  in  opposing  the  will  of  majorities,  no  matter  how 
great,  when  his  judgment  did  not  approve,  and  this  most 
notably  in  the  almost  unaided  opposition  which  for  many 
years  he  offered  to  those  who  advocated  a  disruption  of 
the  Union. 

All  they  have  said  is  true,  but  it  seems  to  me  that 
higher  praise  than  this  is  due  to  this  distinguished  citizen. 


HOUSE    OF     REPRESENTATIVES.  25 

Any  one  can  oppose,  but  it  is  of  few,  even  in  history, 
that  it  can  be  said  that  they  openly,  constantly  and  defi 
antly  opposed  the  enthusiastic  will  of  a  great  majority  of 
their  fellow-citizens  without  ever  losing  at  any  time  their 
respect  and  confidence.  Yet  none  will  deny  that  this 
can  be  truly  said  of  him  who  we  now  seek  to  honor. 
To  oppose  secession,  either  alone  or  with  the  other  slave- 
holding  States,  was  in  South  Carolina  regarded  as  unpa 
triotic,  if  not  traitorous ;  and  yet  Governor  Perry,  an 
avowed  Union  man  under  all  circumstances,  had  the 
warm  esteem  of  those  who  knew  him,  and  the  confidence 
of  the  people  at  large  who  knew  him  by  his  acts  and 
reputation. 

When  finally  the  war  against  which  he  had  struggled 
came  upon  us,  there  was  no  citizen  of  the  State  more 
earnest  in  his  efforts  to  bring  it  to  a  successful  issue  and 
none  who  more  willingly  contributed  to  its  prosecution. 
This  caused  no  surprise,  for  his  whole  life  had  made  the 
people  of  this  State  expect  nothing  less  from  him  under 
all  circumstances  than  the  fullest  performance  of  every 
duty  of  a  patriotic  citizen. 

Governor  Perry  impressed  his  views  and  policy  upon 
what  is  now  the  most  prosperous  section  of  this  State  to 
an  extent  that  would  have  marked  him  as  an  extraordi 
nary  man  had  he  performed  nothing  else.  Here  in  the 
capital  of  the  State,  he  was  chiefly  known  before  the  war 
as  the  Unionist  opposing  what  nearly  all  our  people  be 
lieved  to  be  the  best  interests  of  the  State.  They  next 
knew  him  as  the  reconstruction  governor  appointed  by 
the  president  of  the  United  States,  who  the  people  still 
regarded  as  our  bitter  enemy. 

In  this  office  we  quickly  learned  to  know  him  as  one 
who  took  office  only  that  he  might  serve  his  State 
without  a  thought  of  self-glorification  or  personal  repu 
tation  or  profit,  and  the  city  of  Columbia  and  Richland 
•county  joins  with  her  whole  heart  in  seconding  the  reso 
lution  in  honor  of  him  who  as  a  citizen  was  upright  and 
patriotic ;  as  a  statesman,  wise  to  foresee  danger,  earnest 


26  ACTION    OF    THE   HOUSE. 

in  his  effort  to  avert  it,  brave  and  constant  in  resisting 
it  when  it  came,  and  when  it  culminated  in  disaster,  un 
tiring  and  undismayed  in  earnestly  striving  by  precept 
and  example  to  repair  the  ruin  and  bring  back  prosperity 
to  his  State,  to  which  the  best  efforts  of  his  long  and 
active  life  were  devoted. 

After  remarks  by  Colonel  John  C.  Haskell,  of  Richland, 
on  motion  of  Mr.  Ansel,  seconded  by  Mr.  Simpson,  of  Lau- 
rens,  the  house  adjourned  in  respect  to  Governor  Perry's 
memory. 


PROCEEDINGS  OF 
THE  GREENVILLE  BAR. 


On  the  llth  of  December,  1886,  there  was  a  called  meeting 
of  the  bar  of  Greenville,  at  which  almost  every  member 
was  present. 

Colonel  G.  F.  Townes  was  elected  chairman  and  D.  P. 
Verner  secretary. 

In  taking  the  chair  Colonel  Townes  announced  the  pur 
pose  of  the  meeting  is  to  consider  the  action  to  be  taken 
regarding  the  death  of  the  leader  of  the  bar,  the  late  Gov 
ernor  B.  F.  Perry.  He  said  : 

GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  GREENVILLE  BAR: — To  ren 
der  due  tribute  to  departed  friends,  and  to  express 
sorrow  for  their  loss,  is  an  instinct  of  our  common 
humanity,  stirring  the  most  pathetic  emotions  of  the 
heart.  But  when  one  of  eminent  merit,  especially  iden 
tified  with  a  professional  circle,  is  removed  by  death, 
the  surviving  members  feel  the  loss  most  deeply,  and 
are  fond  to  recall  the  remembrance  of  the  noble  qualities 
and  honorable  career  of  the  distinguished  dead,  and  to 
give  some  utterance  to  the  sentiments  such  remembrance 
inspires.  The  death  of  ex-Governor  Benjamin  Frank 
lin  Perry  is,  to  us,  an  event  sorrowful  indeed  and  most 
profoundly  regretted.  We  greatly  esteemed  him  for 
his  virtues.  His  was  a  life  unstained  by  intemperance, 
uncpntaminated  by  licentiousness.  We  admired  his 
high  character,  conspicuous  for  ability  and  integrity, 
not  only  as  a  lawyer,  but  as  a  man,  a  citizen,  public 
servant,  and  true  patriot,  His  memory  will  last.  The 
influence  of  his  example,  the  good  he  has  done,  is  not 
"  interred  with  his  bones."  He  never  swerved  from 
what  he  believed  to  be  the  right.  Even  when  in  a  minor 
ity,  breasting  the  storms  of  political  strife,  earning  a 
27 


28  PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE 

national  as  well  as  a  State  reputation,  he  so  bore  himself 
that  his  opponents  respected  him,  and  every  one,  even 
those  with  whom  political  questions  had  produced 
quarrels  or  estrangement,  when  the  calm  came  were 
again  his  personal  friends  and  admirers.  He  recipro 
cated  their  feelings  and  met  them  more  than  half  way. 
As  age  advanced,  he  gathered  more  and  more  troops  of 
friends,  and  has  died  without  an  enemy  in  either  of  the 
old  political  parties,  now  happily  merged  in  one. 

Governor  Perry  was  faithful  as  a  friend,  and  a  de 
lightful  companion.  He  excelled  in  entertaining  con 
versation.  He  possessed  an  extensive  knowledge  of 
history,  European  and  American.  I  have  never  met 
any  one  who  appeared  to  me  so  familiar  with  the  char 
acters  and  incidents  connected  with  the  lives  of  the 
remarkable  personages  who  have  lived  in  the  past  and 
present  century,  especially  those  of  his  own  country  and 
the  British  Kingdom.  His  memory  was  a  very  ency 
clopedia  of  the  events  and  prominent  men  belonging  to 
the  history  of  his  own  State,  from  the  earliest  colonial 
times  to  the  present.  He  was  my  senior  at  the  bar,  but 
I  stood  next  to  him.  He  was  my  oldest  associate  and 
friend.  I  shall  miss  him  more  than  I  can  express. 
Indeed,  Ave  may  all  say  in  regard  to  him,  as  Henry 
Clay  said  in  his  noble  tribute  to  Calhoun,  uttered  in  the 
United  States  senate  chamber :  "  Who  can  fill  the  great 
void  his  death  has  left  us?" 

On  motion  of  Colonel  J.  W.  Stokes,  a  committee  of  three 
was  appointed  to  draw  and  present  suitable  resolutions. 
The  committee  consisted  of  Colonel  Stokes,  T.  Q.  Donald 
son  and  Captain  C.  M.  Furman.  The  members  retired  and 
subsequently  returned  and  presented  the  following  : 

"  WHEREAS,  it  has  pleased  God  in  His  infinite  wis 
dom  to  call  from  time  to  eternity,  full  of  years  and 
honors,  the  distinguished  and  honored  leader  of  the 
Greenville  bar,  Governor  Benjamin  Franklin  Perry, 
who  for  a  period  of  half  a  century  or  more  illustrated  in 


GREENVILLE   BAR.  29 

an  eminent  degree  the  ability,  dignity  and  courtesy  of 
the  profession ;  and  whereas  we  desire  to  place  upon 
record  our  high  appreciation  and  admiration  of  his  noble 
qualities  of  head  and  heart  as  exhibited  in  all  the  rela 
tions  of  life — domestic,  civil,  political  and  professional; 
therefore, 

"  Resolved,  That  in  the  death  of  Governor  Benjamin 
Franklin  Perry,  his  family  have  lost  a  devoted  and 
indulgent  husband  and  father ;  the  community  a  useful, 
valued  and  eminent  citizen ;  the  State  a  wise,  patriotic 
and  incorruptible  public  servant,  and  the  bar  a  learned, 
able  and  fearless  advocate,  who  by  his  integrity  and 
great  ability  justly  occupied  a  commanding  position 
among  the  most  distinguished  lawyers  of  the  State. 

"  Resolved,  That  this  bar  deeply  sympathize  and 
sincerely  condole  with  the  family  of  the  distinguished 
deceased  in  their  sad  bereavement  and  great  loss. 

"Resolved,  That  as  a  mark  of  respect  to  the  memory 
of  the  deceased  the  members  of  this  bar  will  wear  the 
usual  badge  of  mourning  for  thirty  days. 

"Resolved,  That  the  chairman  of  this  meeting  present 
the  preamble  and  these  resolutions  to  the  presiding 
judge  at  the  next  term  of  the  circuit  court  for  Green 
ville  and  request  him  to  have  them  recorded  upon  the 
journal  of  the  court. 

"Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  be  trans 
mitted  by  the  secretary  of  this  meeting  to  the  family  of 
the  deceased,  and  that  the  city  newspapers  be  requested 
to  publish  them.77 

Mr.  T.  Q.  Donaldson  said  : 

MR.  CHAIRMAN  : — I  rise  to  second  the  resolutions  just 
offered,  and  in  doing  so,  I  confess  to  some  degree  of 
embarrassment,  not  so  much  for  want  of  something  to 
say  as  to  decide  what  should  be  left  unsaid  in  the  limited 
time  which  it  would  be  proper  to  occupy  on  an  occasion 
like  this. 


30  PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE 

It  lias  been  but  a  few  short  months,  Mr.  Chairman, 
since  the  members  of  the  Greenville  bar  had  occasion  to 
come  together  in  their  hall  to  do  honor  to  the  memory 
of  one  of  their  number  who  had  been  stricken  down  in 
the  maturity  of  manhood.  We  are  now  assembled  to 
perform  a  like  service  to  the  memory  of  one  who  lived 
out  the  full  measure  of  his  days,  and  who  gently  sank 
to  rest,  "  Like  one  who  wraps  the  drapery  of  his  couch 
about  him  and  lies  down  to  pleasant  dreams.'7 

I  knew  Governor  Perry  intimately  for  a  period  of 
thirty  years ;  for  the  greater  portion  of  this  time  we 
were  near  neighbors,  residing  on  opposite  sides  of  the 
street.  I  had  peculiarly  favorable  opportunities  of 
observing  him  in  all  the  relations  of  life,  to  which  refer 
ence  has  been  made  in  the  resolutions,  and  can  say  with 
out  mental  reservation,  and  with  entire  sincerity,  that 
all  that  has  been  said  of  him  in  these  resolutions  is 
strictly  and  literally  true.  He  was  devotedly  attached 
to  his  home  and  family,  and  a  kinder  and  more  indul 
gent  husband  and  father  I  have  never  known.  He 
greatly  enjoyed  the  society  of  his  friends  and  neighbors, 
and  felt  a  keen  and  lively  interest  in  whatever  contrib 
uted  to  the  prosperity  and  well  being  of  the  community 
in  which  he  lived. 

When  I  first  came  to  Greenville  Governor  Perry  was 
at  the  zenith  of  his  career  as  a  lawyer,  and  was  engaged 
on  one  side  of  every  cause  of  importance  which  came 
before  the  courts  of  the  western  circuit  (as  it  was  then 
known),  comprising  the  counties  of  Greenville,  Spartan- 
burg,  Laurens,  Anderson  and  Pickens.  He  was  the 
peer  of  the  ablest  lawyers  who  practised  in  that  circuit, 
which  could  boast  of  some  of  the  most  eminent  men  of 
the  State.  No  lawyer  ever  prepared  his  cases  with 
more  care  nor  fought  them  with  more  ability  and  per 
sistence.  No  client  of  his  ever  had  just  cause  to  com 
plain  that  his  case  was  neglected.  His  character  for 
honesty  and  integrity  and  his  great  ability  as  a  lawyer 
made  him  almost  irresistible  before  juries,  especially  of 


GREKNVILKE    BAR.  31 

Greenville  county,  with  whom  his  name  was  a  tower  of 
strength. 

Governor  Perry  was  remarkable  for  his  industry  and 
•devotion  to  his  profession,  and  as  a  result  he  always 
•enjoyed  a  lucrative  practice.  At  the  same  time  it  may 
be  said  that  he  was  not  a  mere  attorney,  as  too  many  of 
our  profession  are,  but  a  jurist  as  well,  and  thoroughly 
.imbued  with  a  knowledge  of  the  law  as  a  science.  He 
was  also  fond  of  reading  general  literature,  and  had 
.-accumulated,  during  his  long  life,  one  of  the  largest  and 
most  select  miscellaneous  libraries  in  the  State.  Gov 
ernor  Perry  was  one  of  the  comparatively  few  public 
men  of  the  State  who  achieved  a  national  reputation, 
and  his  name  will  always  be  associated  with  those  of  her 
most  eminent  statesmen.  His  public  life  was  a  pecu 
liarly  eventful  one.  He  lived  in  the  most  exciting 
period  of  the  State's  history,  and  was  a  conspicuous  actor 
in  all  the  important  political  events  which  agitated  the 
country  from  1832  on  the  great  issue  between  the 
State  and  General  Government,  which  finally  resulted 
in  civil  war.  He  held  views  opposed  to  those  of  a 
imajority  of  the  leading  men  of  the  State,  and  to  this  fact 
•may  doubtless  be  attributed  his  failure  of  promotion  to 
high  federal  position  until  the  latter  part  of  his  life. 

No  one  possessed  in  a  higher  degree  than  Governor 
Perry  the  courage  of  his  convictions,  and  no  one  was 
Hess  deterred  from  following  them  when  once  he  had 
determined  as  to  the  proper  course  to  pursue,  and  he 
had  the  satisfaction,  before  his  death,  of  seeing  the  wis- 
•dom  of  his  course  with  reference  to  the  most  vital  politi 
cal  issues  approved. 

Nature  had  cast  Governor  Perry  in  a  large  mould 
physically  and  mentally.  No  one  ever  saw  him  for  the 
first  time  who  was  not  impressed  with  the  fact  that  he 
was  no  ordinary  man.  His  life  was  a  success.  He 
achieved  fame  and  fortune,  and  "full  of  days  and  hon 
ors"  has  been  gathered  to  his  Father,  leaving  to  his 
family  the  priceless  heritage  of  a  pure  and  spotless  name, 


32  PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE 

and  to  the  members  of  the  bar  an  example  worthy  of 
their  emulation. 

Mr.  John  W.  Stokes  said  : 

MR.  CHAIRMAN: — We  are  gathered  here  to-day  to 
mingle  our  voices  in  honor  of  the  distinguished  leader 
of  this  bar,  and  to  cast  our  garlands,  gathered  and  per 
fumed  from  memory's  casket,  upon  the  tomb  in  which 
he  lies  near  his  darling  children — precious  jewels,  who 
years  ago,  like  sweetest,  brightest  flowers  nipped  by  an 
untimely  frost,  faded  away  forever. 

In  the  death  of  Governor  Benjamin  Franklin  Perry, 
the  State  of  South  Carolina,  loved  and  honored  so  much 
by  him,  has  lost  one  of  her  purest  men  and  most  useful 
and  highly  distinguished  citizens.  Full  of  years  and 
full  of  honors  and  with  a  name  written  in  immortal 
characters  across  more  than  half  a  century  of  his 
country's  history,  that  grand  old  Roman  has  gone  to 
rest  and  is  taking  his  last  sleep  in  the  bosom  of  his 
native  land  and  in  the  city  where  he  achieved  so  many 
brilliant  triumphs  as  an  advocate,  in  the  forum. 

As  a  patriot  he  was  ardent  and  devoted,  sincere  and 
unselfish.  With  all  the  fervor  of  his  great  heart  he 
loved  his  country  for  his  country's  sake  and  stood  by 
her  with  heroic  courage,  whether  she  was  right  or 
wrong.  Never  faltering  for  her  weal,  he  was  always 
ready  to  make  any  sacrifice,  however  great,  to  advance  her 
welfare  and  prosperity,  or  to  shield,  protect  and  defend 
her  against  wrong,  injustice  and  oppression.  In  this 
zeal,  love  and  fidelity  to  her,  the  language  of  his  great 
heart  was  millions  for  defence  but  not  a  cent  for  tribute. 
And  when  the  heated  controversies  over  vexed  questions 
as  to  what  course  his  country  should  pursue  were 
terminated,  he  allowed  no  bitterness  towards  his  oppo 
nents  to  linger  in  his  bosom,  but  actuated  by  his  gener 
ous,  forgiving  nature,  he  freely  and  readily  forgave  all 
past  differences  between  himself  and  his  countrymen. 


(GREENVILLE    BAR. 


As  a  statesman,  he  was  broad,  bold,  courageous  and 
progressive,  and  ranked  as  such  among  the  great  and 
distinguished  luminaries  of  our  countiy.  No  one  of  his 
cotemporaries  had  a  clearer  conception  or  understood 
better  than  he  did,  the  spirit  and  genius  of  our  republi 
can  institutions  ;  the  organic  law  of  both  the  State  and 
Federal  governments — the  powers  conferred  by  the  States 
upon  the  general  government  and  those  reserved  by  the 
States  to  themselves.  All  of  the  great  questions  and 
measures  that  have  sprung  up  and  agitated  the  general 
government  from  its  organization  to  the  present  time 
were  familiar  with  him.  The  alien  and  sedition  laws  ; 
the  Missouri  compromise;  the  slavery  questions;  the 
tariff;  bank  of  the  United  States  ;  internal  improve 
ment  by  the  general  government ;  the  Munroe  doctrine  ; 
the  immunity  of  our  ships  from  search  upon  the  high  seas ; 
nullification  ;  secession,  and  reconstruction  were  closely 
examined,  thoroughly  scrutinized,  accurately  analyzed, 
and  perfectly  mastered  by  him.  When  surrounded  by 
a  group  of  his  genial  friends  it  was  a  rich,  intellectual 
treat  to  hear  him,  with  his  wonderful  conversational 
powers,  review  any  of  these  great  national  questions  and 
the  lives  of  the  patriots  and  sages  who  engaged  in  their 
discussion  in  the  congress  of  the  United  States.  And 
the  name  of  Governor  Perry  as  a  wonderfully  gifted 
statesman  will  go  down  the  ages  in  the  history  of  our 
country  with  the  names  of  Calhoun,  McDuffie,  Hayne 
and  other  illustrious  men. 

In  the  meridian  of  his  legal  career  Governor  Perry 
was  regarded,  both  by  the  bench  and  the  bar,  as  one  of 
the  ablest  lawyers  and  most  powerful  advocates  in  the 
State.  At  that  time  the  western  circuit  was  dis 
tinguished  for  its  able  lawyers — Judge  Wardlaw,  Judge 
Whitner,  Armstead  Burt,  Henry  C.  Young,  James 
Edward  Henry  and  General  Waddy  Thompson,  besides 
some  other  distinguished  men,  practised  law  at  the 
Greenville  bar — and  Governor  Perry  was  then,  certainly, 
the  peer  and  equal  in  legal  learning  and  forensic  ability 


PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE 

•of  any  of  those  great  lawyers.  He  was  then  engaged  on 
the  one  side  or  the  other,  in  every  important  case,  both 
•civil  and  criminal,  which  came  before  the  court  at  this 
place.  Among  the  many  great  State  trials  in  which  he 
was  engaged  was  the  celebrated  Gardner  case,  the  hear 
ing  of  which  occupied  the  court  for  several  months  at 
Washington  city.  And  assisted  by  Judge  Wardlaw 
and  Hon.  Armstead  Burt,  Governor  Perry  defended  the 
Hon.  William  L.  Yancey  when  he  was  arraigned  at  the 
bar,  at  Greenville,  charged  with  murder,  and  whose 
trial  terminated  in  a  verdict  of  manslaughter.  He  was 
sentenced  to  fine  and  imprisonment,  and  Governor 
Noble  remitted  both  of  these  in  a  few  weeks.  He  was 
a  bold  and  fearless,  a  terse  and  perspicuous  writer.  His 
editorials  in  the  old  Mountaineer,  and  afterwards  in  the 
Patriot  and  Mountaineer,  his  biographical  sketches  or 
reminiscences  of  .distinguished  men,  his  extensive  contri 
butions  to  the  periodical  literature  of  the  country,  and 
his  written  speeches  for  special  public  occasions,  were 
anxiously  sought  for,  and  eagerly  read  and  carefully 
preserved  by  the  best  scholars  of  the  country. 

As  a  citizen,  he  was  a  model  worthy  of  imitation. 
He  was  always  frank,  generous  and  sincere  in  his  inter 
course  and  dealings  with  mankind  and  uniformly  just 
and  polite.  He  loved  his  friends,  was  an  examplar 
of  virtue,  scorned  a  mean  act,  and  was  one  of  nature's 
noblest  workmanship— an  honest  man. 

He  tranquilly  met  death  and  ended  life's  journey  on 
Friday  morning,  the  3d  day  of  December,  1886,  at  Sans 
Souci,  his  beautiful  home  and  seat  of  elegant  hospitality, 
in  sight  of  mountain  crags,  sparkling  brooks  and  shin 
ing  river.  And  the  large  and  commanding  form  of  that 
wonderfully  gifted  and  highly  intellectual  and  scholarly 
man  lay  in  state  in  his  spacious  library  hall,  filled  with 
tomes  and  volumes  of  choice  and  elegant  books,  which 
seemed  like  silent  sentinels  to  watch  over  his  remains 
until  Sunday,  December  5th,  when  he  was  borne  hither 
to  the  cemetery  by  a  host  of  sorrowing,  sympathizing 


GREENVILLE   BAR.  35 

friends,  who  laid  him  gently  down,  with  bleeding  hearts 
and  briny  tears,  in  his  new-made  grave  to  take  his  last 
long  repose. 

He  has  gone  forever  from  us,  and,  in  all  probability, 
in  the  noble  qualities  of  head  and  heart  and  the  brilliant 
record  of  a  useful  and  honorable  life,  we  will  never  see 
his  like  again. 

Mr.  C.  M.  Fur  man  said  : 

It  is  so  much  the  custom  to  praise  the  dead,  that  occa 
sions  like  the  present  are  too  often  but  empty  ceremo 
nies,  in  which  the  desire  to  please  the  living  by  cheap 
laudation  of  the  departed  is  the  chief  motive.  And 
hence,  what  is  said  on  such  occasions  is  very  often  re 
garded  as  a  mere  sentimental  outburst — the  glowing 
picture  having  no  counterpart  in  the  life  or  character  of 
him  who  is  represented.  But  on  this  occasion  there  is 
no  room  for  empty  words.  Should  any  one  attempt  to 
portray  the  man  who  has  fallen  among  us  so  as  to  do 
justice  to  the  great  subject,  he  would  find  matter  to  his 
hand,  crowding  upon  him  in  such  abundance  as  to  tran 
scend  the  limits  by  which  we  are  circumscribed. 

I  shall  attempt  no  such  undertaking — it  is  needless. 
You  all  know  the  man.  He  stood  amongst  us  like  some 
grand  old  oak,  erect,  with  wide-spread  boughs,  conspicu 
ous  to  all  observers.  And  now,  that  he  has  fallen,  we 
feel  as  never  before  the  largeness  of  the  space  he  filled. 

The  illustrious  deceased  was  possessed,  in  a  most  re 
markable  degree,  of  three  traits  of  character  rarely  seen 
combined  in  the  same  person.  He  was  a  man  of  tireless 
energy.  He  fought  his  way  to  the  top.  With  an  in 
dustry  that  never  flagged  he  mastered  his  profession  and 
became  a  great  lawyer,  and  not  content  with  this,  he 
turned  his  vigorous  mind  to  the  difficult  study  of  poli 
tics  and  became  a  great  statesman.  No  labor  was  too 
protracted  or  too  severe  for  him.  The  end  of  the  race, 
however  long,  he  always  reached  triumphantly.  He 
fought  with  fate  and  conquered  circumstance  by  resolute 


36  GREENVILLE   BAR    PROCEEDINGS. 

endurance.  He  was  a  man  of  high  courage.  In  his 
earlier  career  his  convictions  placed  him  in  a  position 
antagonistic  to  the  great  majority  of  the  strong  men 
who  were  around  him.  But  he  was  not  the  man  to 
count  the  number  of  his  opponents.  He  never  lowered 
his  lance  because  their  battalions  thickened.  Though, 
like  all  patriotic  men,  he  loved  the  approval  of  his 
countrymen,  yet  he  dared  to  differ  and  bore  their  con 
demnation  in  the  calm  consciousness  of  his  own  purity 
of  purpose.  In  his  later  political  life,  when  violence 
had  usurped  the  seat  of  law,  and  a  corrupt  tyranny  had 
supplemented  right  and  justice,  his  voice  arose,  defiantly 
denouncing  wrong  and  inspiring  his  people  with  fresh 
hope  and  courage.  He  was  a  man  of  absolute  integrity. 
Many  men  possessed  of  the  first  mentioned  qualities  are 
found  wanting  in  this.  The  profession  of  the  law,  the 
political  arena,  present  special  temptations  to  men  of 
feeble  conscience,  and  too  often  men  whose  intellectual 
gifts  lift  them  above  their  fellows  are  morally  wrecked 
through  the  opportunities  thus  offered.  But  no  breath 
of  suspicion  ever  stirred  against  him.  "His  enemies 
themselves  being  judges" — his  character  was  not  only 
"sans  peur"  but  "sans  reproche."  While  others  were 
blown  about  by  the  gusts  of  popular  feeling  and  set  their 
sails  subserviently  to  catch  whatever  wind  might  blow, 
he,  despising  the  acts  of  the  time  server  and  the  syco 
phant  alike,  held  steadily  on  his  course,  and  having 
faced  manfully  the  duties  of  life,  he  has  reached  at  last, 
in  honor  and  good  report  with  all  men,  the  haven  of 
eternal  rest. 

Such  a  life  needs  no  commentary.  It  is  a  lesson  to 
us  all.  It  is  of  more  value  than  precept  or  exhortation, 
it  is  a  stimulus  to  noble  living,  and  as  such  let  us  cherish 
its  memory  as  a  heritage  of  richest  value. 

The  resolutions  were  adopted  unanimously  by  a  rising 
vote  and  the  meeting  adjourned. 


PROCEEDINGS   TN   THE 
COURT  OF  COMMON  PLEAS. 

GREENVILLE,  APRIL  6TH,  1887. 


At  the  opening  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  on  Wed 
nesday,  April  6th,  Colonel  G.  F.  Townes  addressed  Judge 
Fraser  and  presented  the  resolutions  adopted  by  the  Green 
ville  bar  in  honor  of  the  late  Governor  Perry,  in  performance 
of  the  duty  assigned  him  by  his  brethren.  He  asked  that 
they  be  recorded  on  the  journal  of  the  court,  and  moved  for 
adjournment  as  a  mark  of  respect  for  the  deceased,  following 
his  motion  with  brief  but  appropriate  and  feeling  remarks. 

The  motion  was  seconded  by  John  R.  Bellinger,  M.  F. 
Ansel,  J.  A.  Mooney,  Judge  j.  8.  Cothran  and  Julius  H. 
Heyward. 

Mr.  Bellinger  said : 

May  it  please  your  Honor — In  this  temple  of  justice, 
where  the  illustrious  dead  was  wont  so  oft  to  stand  in 
defence  of  the  rights  of  his  fellow-countrymen,  it  is  fit 
that  the  business  of  the  court  should  stop,  that  we  should 
pause  in  the  discharge  of  our  duties  to  pay  a  deserved 
tribute  to  the  memory  of  departed  worth.  And  however 
vain  and  unmeaning  these  ceremonies  usually  are,  yet  I 
venture  the  assertion  that  on  this  occasion  not  one  word 
will  be  spoken,  not  one  single  act  be  done,  that  will  not 
be  prompted  by  the  sincere  conviction  of  him  who  says 
or  does  it. 

Admitted  to  the  bar  in  1827,  Governor  Perry  for  fifty- 
nine  years  adorned  the  profession  of  which  he  was  at 
once  an  ornament  and  a  shining  light.  The  relation  of 
a  lawyer  to  his  client  he  regarded  as  a  sacred  trust,  to  be 
performed  under  the  dictates  of  an  enlightened  conscience, 
actuated  solely  by  the  considerations  of  right  and  duty. 
Always  studious,  ever  ready  and  fully  prepared  in  his 
37 


38  PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

cases,  he  took  advantage  of  no  technicalities  which  the 
justice  of  his  cause  and  the  rights  of  his  client  did  not 
demand  that  he  should  act  upon.  Truth  was  his  guiding 
star,  and  in  every  cause  he  sought  to  find  it,  and  always 
followed  and  was  led  by  it.  So  thoroughly  was  his  con 
duct  actuated  by  this  principle  that  in  looking  back  over 
his  life  I  do  not  believe  a  single  professional  act  could 
be  pointed  to  which  he  would  have  had  performed  other 
wise  than  as  it  was. 

But,  may  it  please  your  Honor,  Governor  Perry  was 
not  only  a  distinguished  lawyer,  he  was  also  a  profound 
statesman.  However  true  in  England  the  remark  might 
be  that  a  great  lawyer  can  never  make  a  wise  statesman, 
in  this  country,  at  least,  and  in  the  person  of  our  dis 
tinguished  friend,  it  is  not  an  axiom,  for  it  is  not  true. 
Living  in  the  stormiest  period  of  our  country's  history, 
when  the  greatest  questions  of  public  policy  were  agitat 
ing  the  whole  people,  he  found  himself  almost  invariably 
on  the  side  of  the  minority,  yet  no  man  ever  for  an 
instant  thought  that  his  convictions  were  not  sincere  or 
his  opinions  honest.  The  purest  patriotism  prompted 
his  every  political  word  and  deed,  and  all  that  he  did 
and  all  that  he  said  was  in  the  faith  of  duty  to  his  State 
and  country. 

And,  may  it  please  your  Honor,  time  and  the  circum 
stances  through  which  we  have  passed  have  demonstrated 
the  wisdom  of  some,  at  least,  of  the  opinions  he  held. 

Our  friend  was  also  a  man  of  letters.  Possessed  of 
one  of  the  finest  miscellaneous  libraries  in  the  State,  he 
was  well  informed  on  any  subject  which  might  arise. 
Thus  it  was  that  his  society  was  courted  and  sought  after 
by  those  who  desired  either  to  be  entertained  or  instructed, 
for  he  was  ever  willing  to  impart  to  others  that  knowl 
edge  which  he  himself  possessed.  It  was  not  my  fortune 
to  know  him  until  within  a  few  short  years,  but  knowing 
was  but  to  admire  him,  and  it  will  ever  be  a  source  of 
satisfaction  to  me,  your  Honor,  that  I  did  know  him,  and 
to  feel  that  he  was  my  friend. 


COURT   OF   COMMON    PLEAS.  39 

Shall  we  lift  the  sacred  veil  that  shuts  out  his  domestic 
from  his  public  life?  If  we  do,  we  behold  the  devoted 
husband,  the  affectionate  father,  the  kind  master,  the 
generous  friend,  yea,  may  it  please  your  Honor,  the 
humble  Christian.  For  whatever  may  be  the  public 
opinion  as  to  Governor  Perry's  religious  belief,  we  are 
assured  by  his  pastor  that  he  died  in  the  perfect  faith  of 
an  humble  Christian  child,  and  if  better  proof  than  this 
were  wanted  we  have  it  in  his  own  words.  In  his  last 
will  and  testament,  in  its  very  first  item,  this  language 
occurs :  "  I  give  my  soul  to  God,  hoping  and  trusting 
in  His  mercies,  through  the  merits  of  our  Lord  and 
Saviour,  Jesus  Christ." 

Thus,  then,  may  it  please  your  Honor,  has  passed 
away  the  distinguished  lawyer,  the  pure  patriot,  the 
wise  statesman,  the  fond  and  affectionate  husband  and 
father,  the  generous  friend,  the  Christian  gentleman, 

"A  combination  and  a  form  indeed, 
Where  every  god  did  seem  to  set  his  seal, 
To  give  the  world  assurance  of  a  man." 

As  such,  he  is  worthy  to  be  held  up  as  an  example 
for  the  youth  of  this  and  of  future  generations;  and 
happy  will  it  be  for  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  happy 
for  the  community  in  which  they  live,  happy  for  them 
selves,  if  any  be  found  worthy  to  wear  the  mantle 
which  has  fallen  from  his  shoulders.  He  needs  no 
marble  monument  to  perpetuate  his  memory.  He  lives 
upon  the  pages  of  his  country's  history,  he  lives  in  the 
hearts  of  his  countrymen.  He  lives,  aye!  and  will 
ever  live,  in  the  priceless  legacy  which  he  has  left  to 
his  children  and  his  children's  children — an  unspotted 
reputation,  an  honored  name. 

"No  farther  seek  his  merits  to  disclose, 
Or  draw  his  frailties  from  their  dread  abode  ; 
(There,  they  alike  in  trembling  hope  repose,) 
The  bosom  of  his  Father  and  his  God." 

I  heartily  second  the   resolutions  which   have  been 


40  PROCEEDINGS   OF   TH  E    ; 

offered,  and  move  that  the  court  adjourn  until  to-mor 
row  morning,  in  honor  of  the  memory  of  Governor 
Benjamin  Franklin  Perry. 

Mr.  Ansel  said : 

May  it  please  your  Honor — I  had  the  honor  before 
another  tribunal,  soon  after  the  death  of  our  distin 
guished  friend,  Governor  B.  F.  Perry,  to  introduce 
resolutions  similar  to  the  ones  now  presented,  com 
memorative  of  Governor  Perry,  and  to  advocate  the 
adoption  of  the  same  by  the  house  of  representatives  of 
the  State  of  South  Carolina,  and  it  gives  me  pleasure  to 
add  a  few  words  on  this  occasion,  and  in  this  presence, 
upon  the  resolutions  now  offered. 

It  is,  I  think,  eminently  proper  for  us,  among  whom 
he  has  spent  his  long  and  useful  life,  to  stop  and  con 
sider  the  many  good  traits  of  his  character,  and  as  he  is 
removed  from  our  midst,  to  drop  a  tear  upon  the  grave 
that  hides  his  form  from  our  sight. 

The  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  by  the  people  of 
this  county  and  State  was  shown  on  many  occasions. 
He  was  the  recipient  of  the  highest  offices  in  the  gift  of 
the  people,  and  in  each  and  every  one  of  them  dis 
charged  the  duties  pertaining  thereto  with  fidelity  and 
honor. 

My  acquaintance  with  Governor  Perry  began  during 
the  later  years  of  his  life,  and  after  he  had  retired  from 
active  practice  at  the  bar,  and  I  could  but  admire  him 
for  his  honorable  and  upright  life, 

A  few  weeks  ago  I  read  with  much  pleasure  and 
profit  a  speech  delivered  by  him  in  1844,  before  the 
students  of  Erskine  College,  Due  West,  S.  C.,  and  was 
touched  with  the  wise  words  of  advice  it  contained. 
The  virtues  of  many  great  and  good  men  were  extolled, 
and  his  hearers  admonished  to  imitate  them. 

We,  the  younger  members  of  the  bar,  and  the  older 
ones  too,  might  well  learn  a  lesson  from  the  exemplary 
life  and  high  intellectual  and  moral  character  of  our 


COURT  OF  COMMON  PLEAS.  41 

distinguished  dead.  He  was  a  valuable  member  of  this 
community  and  State,  and  the  influence  of  such  a  life 
is  not  measured  by  the  direct  results  alone.  It  is  felt 
in  its  elevating  power,  lifting  us  to  higher  and  nobler 
aims.  His  faithfulness  in  the  discharge  of  duty  is  well 
known.  He  was  a  son  of  whom  South  Carolina  had 
every  reason  to  be  proud,  and  his  loss  will  long  be  felt 
and  sincerely  mourned. 

"Peace  to  his  ashes." 
Mr.  Mooney  said  : 

May  it  please  your  Honor — I  hope  that  my  older 
brethren  of  the  bar  will  pardon  the  seeming  forwardness 
in  one  so  young  as  myself  in  rising  in  this  presence  to 
second  these  resolutions.  But  sir,  Governor  Perry  was 
my  friend,  in  the  truest  meaning  of  friend,  and  I  cannot 
allow  this  occasion  to  pass  without  adding  my  little 
tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  great  man  who  has  fallen 
among  us. 

Before  I  had  reached  the  age  to  appreciate  for  myself 
the  noble  qualities  of  head  and  heart  that  adorned  the 
life  of  Governor  Perry,  I  was  taught  at  home  to  respect 
and  honor  him.  Having  grown  up  in  a  section  of  this 
county  in  which  he  was  admired  and  looked  up  to  per 
haps  more  than  any  other,  and  having  seen  in  what 
esteem  the  people  held  him,  I  could  not  but  join  with 
the  throng  that  did  him  honor.  But  if  your  Honor 
please,  when  I  came  to  know  this  personification  of 
chivalry,  this  great  statesman  and  profound  lawyer,  I 
found  that  the  half  had  not  been  told  me. 

It  was  under  his  tuition  and  that  of  his  distinguished 
son  that  I  prepared  myself  for  admission  to  practice  in 
this  Court ;  and  it  is  a  distinction  that  I  will  always 
remember  with  a  feeling  of  pride. 

Having  been  more  or  less  intimately  acquainted  with 
him  for  quite  a  number  of  years,  I  had  an  opportunity 
to  ascertain  the  principles  which  governed  his  life ;  and 
I  do  think,  sir,  that  when  we  find  among  the  millions 


42  PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE 

who  are  pushing  and  scrambling  for  fame  and  fortune, 
with  an  utter  disregard  of  the  means  used,  or  the  result 
to  their  fellow-men,  a  man  who  dares  always  do  right, 
we  should  pause  to  admire,  and  point  him  out  to  the 
world  as  a  man  who  is  indeed  the  noblest  work  of  God. 
Such  a  man  was  Governor  Perry.  His  high  character 
rendered  him  incapable  of  doing  anything  inconsistent 
with  the  highest  instinct  of  a  gentleman.  No  matter 
in  what  sphere  of  life  he  was  called  upon  to  perform  a 
duty,  whether  as  private  citizen,  lawyer  or  statesman, 
his  high  sense  of  moral  rectitude  always  controlled  his 
conduct,  and  in  the  discharge  of  that  duty  he  knew  no 
fear.  Possessing  a  very  high  order  of  both  moral  and 
physical  courage,  he  stood  immovably  by  his  convic 
tions.  I  read  with  much  profit,  a  short  time  ago,  an 
address  delivered  by  Governor  Perry  before  the  literary 
societies  of  Erskine  College  in  1844.  It  is  a  most  ad 
mirable  production,  and  entirely  characteristic  of  its 
author;  and  knowing  that  he  always  lived  up  to  his 
convictions,  it  gives  us  an  insight  to  the  character  of 
the  great  man.  One  sentence  in  that  address  struck  me 
as  being  peculiarly  characteristic.  It  was  this :  "  With 
out  firmness  and  high  moral  courage  no  man  can  act 
correctly,  no  matter  how  pure  his  principles  may  be." 
His  life  proved  the  truthfulness  of  these  words.  Few 
men  would  have  withstood  the  strong  current  of  public 
sentiment  as  he  did.  When  the  heroic  blood  of  Caro 
lina's  brave  sons  was  boiling  with  indignation  at  the 
action  of  the  North  in  demanding  the  emancipation  of 
our  slaves,  and  when  the  voice  of  the  people  from  the 
mountains  to  the  seaboard  was  crying  out  for  secession, 
Governor  Perry  had  the  courage  to  stand  up  among  the 
frenzied  multitude  and  raise  his  voice  for  the  Union. 
Doubtless  the  calm  and  cool  deliberation  begat  in  his 
vision  the  smouldering  embers  of  a  once  happy  home, 
the  crouching  form  of  a  tender  female  weeping  over  the 
death  of  a  brave  husband  or  son,  a  proud  and  happy 
people  humbled  and  impoverished,  as  a  result  of  this 


COURT   OF   COMMON    PLEAS.  43 

unnatural  war.  Time,  in  my  humble  judgment,  has 
proved  that  he  was  right.  I  could  mention  other 
abortive  attempts  to  influence  his  conduct  during  his 
career  as  a  legislator,  but  I  deem  it  superfluous.  Nor 
do  I  think  it  necessary  in  this  presence  to  refer  to  the 
splendid  services  Governor  Perry  has  done  the  country 
as  a  statesman.  His  walk  has  been  among  us,  and  his 
tory  is  known  to  us  all.  For  ages  to  come,  in  reading 
the  history  of  the  great  men  of  our  times,  Carolina's 
sons  will  point  with  pride  to  the  fact  that  Governor 
Perry  was  a  true  son  of  the  old  State.  No  one,  I  think, 
who  knew  him  well,  or  has  read  much  of  that  which 
he  has  written,  will  doubt  that  he  was  a  Christian ;  for 
there  was  no  hypocrisy  in  his  nature,  and  his  senti 
ments  were  all  in  strict  accord  with  the  teachings  of 
Christianity.  It  has  been  well  said  by  the  gentleman 
who  preceded  me  that  he  was  the  humble  Christian 
gentleman. 

And  now,  my  young  brethren,  we  who  are  standing 
upon  the  threshold  of  the  legal  profession,  we  have  an 
example  in  Governor  Perry  that  it  will  be  well  for  us  to 
emulate.  Let's  take  him  as  our  model,  and  strive  hard 
to  attain  to  the  high  plane  that  he  reached.  Could  we 
all  succeed,  what  a  bar,  what  a  country  we  would  have. 
He  was  zealous  in  his  causes,  and  no  client  of  his 
ever  had  cause  to  complain  that  his  interests  were  not 
properly  attended  to. 

I  knew  Governor  Perry  at  home,  and  have  seen  his 
unselfish  devotion  to  his  family,  and  permit  me  to  say, 
sir,  that  I  have  never  seen  a  wife  so  proud  of  her  hus 
band  as  was  Mrs.  Perry  of  the  Governor.  She  knew 
the  manliness  of  his  character,  and  adored  him  accord 
ingly.  If  we  mourn  the  loss  of  that  manly  form  from 
our  midst,  how  great  must  be  her  sorrow  and  loneliness 
until  the  trump's  glad  sound  shall  summon  her  to  the 
everlasting  companionship  of  that  noble  spirit  that 
beckons  her  from  the  other  shore. 


44  PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

Mr.  Hey  ward  said  : 

May  it  please  your  Honor — I  cannot  allow  the  op 
portunity  to  pass  without  expressing  the  high  regard 
and  admiration  I  feel  for  the  subject  of  these  resolu 
tions.  During  the  last  five  or  six  years  of  his  life  I 
was,  perhaps,  nearer  to  Governor  Perry  than  any  mem 
ber  of  the  bar  except  his  son.  During  that  time  my 
intercourse  with  him  was  almost  daily,  and  I  can  truly 
say  that  I  never  heard  from  his  lips  the  expression  of 
an  unworthy  thought ;  of  any,  in  fact,  but  the  highest 
sentiments.  He  always  expressed  his  feelings  fearlessly, 
and  without  regard  to  consequences.  He  never  had  a 
friend  or  an  enemy  who  could  for  a  moment  be  in  doubt 
as  to  his  true  sentiments  towards  him.  This  it  was 
which  added  so  much  to  his  strength  in  Greenville 
county.  What  he  said  he  meant,  and  no  man  ever  knew 
him  to  deceive  any  one.  His  high  courage  is  matter  of 
history  in  this  State.  One  of  the  most  striking  pictures 
in  our  history  will  represent  him  casting  his  single  vote, 
upon  a  memorable  occasion,  in  opposition  to  the  entire 
convention  in  which  he  sat.  This  fact  alone  is  sufficient 
to  preserve  his  name  as  one  of  the  striking  characters 
of  our  State. 

His  professional  conduct  was  equally  high.  My  own 
experience  with  him  is  illustrative  of  his  kindly  feeling 
and  generosity  towards  his  juniors  at  the  bar.  I  came 
to  Greenville  a  stranger  to  the  entire  community.  Those 
of  my  relatives  who  were  in  public  life  with  Governor 
Perry  were  diametrically  opposed  to  him  in  their  views. 
I  knew  nothing  of  him  except  his  name,  and  he  knew 
nothing  of  me  except  that  I  was  a  beginner  at  the  bar, 
without  experience  and  without  a  practice.  But  this  was 
all  he  desired  to  know.  His  hand  was  frankly  extended, 
and  his  advice  and  assistance  ever  at  my  disposal.  In 
the  moment  of  success,  he  had  always  a  kindly  smile 
and  grasp  of  the  hand  in  congratulation  ;  in  the  hour  of 
difficulty,  a  brave,  cheery  word  of  encouragement. 

The  empty  chair,  your  Honor,  is  a  constant  reminder 


COURT   OF   COMMON    PLEAS.  45 

to  me  of  the  loss  I,  individually,  have  sustained.  But 
it  needs  not  this  to  remind  me.  Till  I  myself  shall  sink 
into  the  grave  I  shall  not  forget  his  kindness. 

Judge  Fraser  ordered  the  clerk  to  enter  the  resolutions, 
and  said  it  was  usual  on  such  occasions  to  have  a  merely 
formal  adjournment  of  the  court  in  the  last  hour  of  the  ses 
sion.  He  thought,  however,  that  the  character  and  position 
of  Governor  Perry  required  a  more  marked  expression  of 
respect,  and  that  business  should  be  suspended  immedi 
ately.  He  added : 

It  is  a  privilege  to  unite  with  you  in  this  tribute  to 
the  memory  of  Governor  Perry.  We  are  not  called  to 
mourn  the  loss  of  one  who  has  been  taken  from  our 
midst  in  youth  or  even  in  the  full  vigor  of  manhood, 
but  of  one  who  has  lived  more  than  the  three  score  and 
ten  years  allotted  to  man  and  who  in  mature  old  age, 
after  a  life  full  of  usefulness  and  honor,  has  been  gath 
ered  to  the  fathers. 

When  I  was  a  mere  boy  and  scarcely  knew  anyone 
outside  of  my  own  home  or  had  begun  to  feel  or  take 
an  interest  in  anything  beyond  its  narrow  circle,  I  heard 
of  him  as  a  leader  of  men  and  an  exponent  of  a  grand 
principle.  This  he  continued  to  be  throughout  a  long  and 
eventful  life.  He  was  ever  the  same  heroic,  consistent 
advocate  of  what  in  his  judgment  were  the  rights  and 
true  interests  of  the  State  he  loved  so  well. 

This  is  not  the  occasion  to  discuss,  nor  is  it  possible 
for  this  generation  to  determine,  the  issues  as  to  which 
there  are  diiferences  of  opinion  amongst  our  people. 
They  must  be  relegated  to  the  future. 

To  Governor  Perry  belonged  all  the  attributes  of 
true  manhood  and  true  greatness.  To  you  it  was  given 
to  know  his  worth  as  a  neighbor  and  a  friend.  To 
those  of  us  who  were  not  so  fortunate  it  was  permitted 
to  honor  him  as  an  eminent  lawyer,  a  patriot  and  states 
man.  It  was  his  eminent  and  unselfish  patriotism  that 
led  him  at  the  call  of  his  State  to  surrender  his  own 
views  of  mere  policy  and  unite  his  fortunes  with  those 


46  PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE   COURT. 

of  his  fellow-citizens ;  and  when  disaster  came  in  after 
years  he  was  perhaps  the  boldest  to  raise  his  voice 
against  the  monstrous  wrongs  which  arbitrary  power 
had  inflicted  on  a  gallant  though  conquered  people — 
wrongs  which  it  was  his  privilege  in  his  old  age  to  see 
in  a  measure  redressed. 

We  make  this  record  to-day,  not  to  perpetuate  his 
name,  but  to  show  that  we  are  not  unmindful  of  his 
virtues  and  his  services.  His  is  one  of  the  few  names 
that  were  not  born  to  die  and  it  will  go  down  the  cur 
rent  of  history  with  the  great  men  of  South  Carolina 
to  serve  in  future  times  and  for  other  generations  to 
illustrate  the  character  of  a  people  whose  representatives 
and  exponents  they  are  and  of  whom  any  people  may  be 
proud. 

Let  these  resolutions  be  recorded  in  accordance  with 
the  wishes  of  the  bar,  and  let  the  Court  stand  adjourned 
until  to-morrow  morning  at  half-past  nine  o'clock. 


FOURTH  OF   JULY  ORATION. 

Delivered  in  the    Baptist  Church  at  Greenville,  South    Carolina 
on  the  Fourth  of  July,  1831. 

FRIENDS  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS: —There  is  some 
thing  in  human  nature  which  delights  to  recur  to  the 
virtuous  and  heroic  deeds  of  a  noble  ancestry.  There 
is  a  feeling  in  the  bosom  of  every  man,  whether  savage 
or  civilized,  that  glows  with  rapture  at  the  mention  of 
dangers  encountered,  or  honors  achieved  by  the  valor 
and  wisdom  of  his  country.  There  is  no  duty  we  per 
form  so  cheerfully  as  that  of  paying  honor  to  the  mem 
ories  of  great  and  illustrious  men.  There  is  no  event 
whose  anniversary  we  so  willingly  join  in  commemo 
rating  as  that  which  reflects  lustre  on  the  glory  and 
renown  of  our  national  character.  There  is  no  festival 
more  pleasing  to  the  finer  and  better  feelings  of  the 
human  heart  than  that  which  celebrates  the  merited 
worth  of  departed  heroes  and  patriots.  In  every  age 
and  among  every  people  in  the  world,  gratitude,  rever 
ence  and  veneration  have  been  found  the  instinctive 
principles  of  man. 

It  is  under  the  influence  of  such  feelings,  inseparable 
from  our  nature,  that  we  have  assembled  here  to-day. 
Actuated  by  one  and  the  same  impulse,  urged  by  one 
and  the  same  motive,  we  have  come  to  do  honor  unto 
those  to  whom  honor  is  due.  We  have  met,  not  like 
the  ancient  Romans,  to  commemorate  the  anniversary  of 
some  proud  conquest,  or  victorious  achievement  over  an 
oppressed  and  enslaved  people.  We  have  come,  not  to 
celebrate  a  triumph  of  the  imperfect  sceptre  over  rude 
and  savage  independence,  nor  have  we  assembled  to 
47 


48          FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

exult  over  the  fallen  ruins  of  a  great  and  powerful 
nation.  But  we  have  met  with  mingled  emotions  of 
piety,  gratitude  and  virtuous  pride,  to  commemorate  the 
anniversary  of  American  Independence — the  birth  day 
of  liberty. 

In  performing  the  part  which  has  been  assigned  me 
on  this  occasion,  need  I  recur  to  the  discovery  and  early 
settlement  of  this  country  ?  Shall  I  relate  the  feeling 
and  pathetic  story  of  our  forefathers,  flying  from  the 
land  of  civil  and  religious  oppression — leaving  their 
homes,  their  firesides  and  their  families — giving  up  the 
luxuries  and  comforts  of  a  refined  society — abandoning 
the  tombs  of  their  ancestors,  and  breaking  asunder  those 
ties  which  bind  man  to  his  own  native  soil — committing 
themselves  to  the  dangers  and  tempests  of  an  unknown 
ocean — and  seeking  an  asylum  in  this  vast  and  howling 
wilderness  ?  Shall  I  recount  the  toils,  the  privations 
and  the  painful  vicissitudes  which  they  had  to  encounter 
in  a  barren  country,  exposed  to  all  the  inclemencies  of  a 
rigorous  climate,  surrounded  by  a  merciless  savage  foe, 
and  alternately  threatened  with  war,  famine  and  pesti 
lence?  Need  I  attempt  before  this  assembly  to  sketch 
the  character  of  those  humble,  devout  pilgrims  who  first 
landed  at  Plymouth,  Salem  and  Jamestown?  Shall  I 
speak  of  their  supreme  regard  for  religion,  their  daunt 
less  fortitude,  their  devotion  to  liberty,  their  moral  vir 
tues  and  their  social  feelings  ?  Shall  I  tell  how  they 
converted  a  dreary  wilderness,  the  abode  of  savages  and 
the  haunt  of  prowling  beasts  into  fruitful  fields  and 
flourishing  plantations?  Shall  I  mention  their  unri 
valled  prosperity,  or  their  final  wealth  and  greatness? 
No,  fellow-citizens.  These  things  are  known  to  you 
all.  They  were  impressed  on  your  minds  in  the  days 
of  your  infancy.  You  have  read  them  in  the  graphic 
legends  of  your  country.  You  have  seen  them  on 
the  faithful  pages  of  history.  They  are  fresh  in  your 
memories. 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.          49 

V  >v" 

The  American  Revolution  is,  in  every  point  of  view, 
the  most  important  and  interesting  event  that  has  eyer. 
occurred  in  the  annals  of  the  world.  Whether  we  regard 
the  causes  which  led  to  it,  the  spirit  and  success  with 
which  it  was  carried  on,  or  the  influence  which  it  has 
had  on  the  destinies  of  other  nations,  it  stands  unequaled, 
either  for  purity  of  conception,  boldness  in  action,  or 
usefulness  in  example  and  consequence.  There  may 
have  been  revolutions  more  extensive,  achieved  by  bat 
tles  more  fatal,  or  victories  more  brilliant.  But  there 
never  was  a  change  in  government  originated  for  a  purer 
purpose,  or  sustained  by  more  devoted  patriotism  t  and 
heroic  bravery.  The  mind  of  man  is  incapable  of  con 
ceiving  a  more  sublime  or  interesting  spectacle  than  that 
of  a  few  infant  colonies,  without  any  common  bond  of 
union,  save  that  of  an  ardent  love  of  liberty,  thinly  dis 
persed  over  an  immense  tract  of  country,  and  destitute 
of  all  the  necessary  means  of  warfare,  engaging  in  a 
struggle  for  life,  liberty  and  independence,  with  a  great 
and  powerful  Empire,  rich  in  every  resource,  and  capa 
ble  of  sending  forth  to  battle  millions  of  mercenary 
troops  !  But  it  was  a  contest  for  freedom  and  the  rights 
of  man  on  the  one  side,  and  the  sceptre  of  tyranny  and 
the  iron  hand  of  oppression  on  the  other.  In  a  cause 
so  just  and  holy  on  the  part  of  the  colonies,  and  so 
wicked  and  monstrous  on  the  part  of  the  mother  coun 
try,  it  is  neither  vain-glorious  nor  inconsistent  with  the 
nature  of  an  All-wise  Being,  to  suppose  that  the  ruling 
hand  of  Providence  assisted  in  governing  and  directing 
the  issue. 

The  manners,  habits,  education  and  mode  of  thinking 
among  the  colonists,  were  eminently  calculated  to  inspire 
them  with  a  hatred  for  tyranny  and  a  love  of  liberty. 
They  were  far  removed  from  all  the  pomp,  show  and 
splendor  of  royalty,  and  consequently  strangers  to  that 
influence  which  a  court  and  nobility  imperceptibly  exer 
cise  over  the  minds  of  most  men.  They  were  all 
engaged  in  agricultural  pursuits,  and  accustomed  to 


50  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

industry,  prudence  and  economy;  habits  which  tend 
more  than  anything  else  to  encourage  notions  of  general 
equality  and  republican  simplicity.  They  had  among 
them  no  hereditary  titles,  honors,  or  distinctions.  They 
had  gradually  lost  those  feelings  and  affections  for  Eng 
land  which  their  forefathers  long  continued  to  cherish 
for  the  land  of  their  nativity.  If  they  were  still 
reminded  that  it  had  once  been  the  home  of  their  ances 
tors,  they  quickly  recollected  that  it  was  a  home  from 
which  they  had  been  driven  by  the  ruthless  hand  of 
oppression.  It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that  the  colo 
nists  should  have  resisted  the  first  efforts  on  the  part  of 
the  British  Parliament  to  tax  them  without  their  con 
sent.  They  were  well-acquainted  with  those  funda 
mental  principles  of  liberty  on  which  the  English  Con 
stitution  is  founded.  They  knew  that  the  right  of  rep 
resentation  and  the  right  of  taxation  had  hitherto  been 
considered  by  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  as  insepa 
rable.  They  knew  that  if  they  once  yielded  this  well- 
established  principle  of  magna  charta,  they  would  aban 
don  forever  all  that  was  desirable  in  the  name  of  lib 
erty.  Hence  they  immediately  recognized  a  departure 
from  the  rights  of  freemen  in  the  tea  and  stamp  duties. 
They  clearly  foresaw  the  dangers  which  must  ensue,  if 
those  acts  of  usurpation  were  submitted  to.  The  alarm 
was  simultaneously  given  in  Virginia  and  Massachusetts 
by  two  of  the  boldest  and  most  fearless  spirits  that  ever 
shone  in  the  councils  of  any  nation.  The  names  of 
James  Otis  and  Patrick  Henry  are  intimately  associated 
with  all  that  is  great  and  good  in  the  character  of  dis 
tinguished  patriots  and  statesmen.  These  illustrious 
men  justly  acquired  the  fame  of  having  been  the  prime 
movers  of  the  American  Revolution.  It  was  by  the 
loftiness  of  their  genius,  the  fire,  boldness  and  grandeur 
of  their  eloquence,  that  a  tone  was  given  to  public  opin 
ion,  and  an  impulse  to  that  spirit  which  declared  the 
people  of  Great  Britain  "  enemies  in  war,  in  peace 
friends." 


FOURTH    OF   JULY   ORATION.  51 

Every  one  who  is  at  all  acquainted  with  the  events 
of  the  American  Revolution  must  acknowledge  that 
it  was  fruitful,  beyond  a  parallel,  in  the  production  of 
great  and  illustrious  men.  In  contemplating  the  his 
tory  of  that  period  we  know  not  which  the  more  to 
admire,  the  civic  virtues,  the  wisdom  in  legislation,  the 
genius  and  eloquence  of  those  who  directed  the  councils 
of  their  country ;  or  the  military  talent,  the  heroic 
bravery,  the  dauntless  spirit  and  disinterested  zeal  of 
those  who  guided  her  armies  and  achieved  her  glory  in 
war.  Among  those  who  were  distinguished  as  states 
men,  we  meet  with  Franklin,  in  whose  character  are 
united  the  philosopher,  the  patriot,  and  the  philanthro 
pist.  His  fame  as  a  philosopher  has  extended  itself 
over  the  civilized  world,  and  is  only  commensurate  with 
his  greatness  as  a  patriot.  Associated  with  him  was 
Jefferson,  the  great  apostle  of  liberty,  whose  writings 
have  enriched  science,  and  whose  pen  has  immortalized 
his  country.  His  career  was  as  brilliant  and  useful  as 
his  patriotism  was  sincere.  In  politics  his  principles  have 
become  the  model  and  standard  of  republicanism.  At 
this  period  we  find  John  Adams,  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
and  John  Rutledge,  men  whose  bold,  thrilling  and  re 
sistless  eloquence,  like  a  rushing  torrent,  carried  every 
thing  before  it.  Whether  endowed  by  nature,  or  in 
spired  by  the  greatness  of  the  occasion,  they  exhibited, 
in  the  first  Congress,  an  eloquence  which  soared  above 
any  thing  since  the  days  of  Cicero  and  Demosthenes. 
The  republics  of  Greece  and  Rome  during  the  proud 
est  period  of  their  forensic  history  would  have  ranked 
them  with  the  most  eloquent  of  their  orators.  What 
specimens  of  nature's  greatness  were  Samuel  Adauis  and 
Roger  Sherman !  The  one  a  schoolmaster  and  the 
other  a  shoemaker!  And  yet  for  depth  of  intellect, 
manly  courage,  literary  attainment,  stoic  virtue,  origin 
ality  of  thought,  purity  of  heart,  and  practical  useful 
ness,  they  may  be  compared  to  the  most  distinguished 
men  of  antiquity.  But  it  would  be  an  almost  endless 


52  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

task  were  I  to  attempt  to  portray  the  characters  of  all 
those,  who,  like  John  Hancock,  Henry  Laurens,  Chris 
topher  Gadsden,  John  Jay,  and  Charles  Cotesworth 
Pinckney,  were  distinguished  for  their  genius,  their 
boldness,  their  patriotism  and  their  greatness  in  every 
virtue  that  can  adorn  the  character  of  statesmen,  or 
exalt  the  lives  of  patriots.  Great  and  illustrious  band 
of  noble  spirits!  They  have  been  "gathered  to  the 
everlasting  resting  place  of  their  fathers  !  "  But  their 
virtues  have  consecrated,  and  time  has  hallowed  their 
names.  Like  some  towering  majestic  tree  which  has 
breasted  the  storms  of  ages,  while  every  thing  around  it 
has  fallen,  the  venerable  Charles  Caroll  of  Carollton, 
is  now  the  only  surviving  signer  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  He,  only,  of  that  assembly  of  godlike 
men  remains  to  witness  the  grandeur  and  prosperity  of 
his  country.  Venerable  and  venerated  man !  thirteen 
millions  of  persons  are  this  day  commemorating  thy 
deeds,  and  offering  up  praises  to  thy  name ! 

In  turning  from  the  civil  history  of  America  during 
her  revolution,  to  that  which  tells  of  her  military  re 
nown,  and  points  to  the  leaders  of  her  armies,  we  are 
again  lost  in  admiration  for  her  glory  and  greatness. 
In  other  countries  there  may  have  been  generals  more 
successful,  or  more  distinguished  by  the  brilliancy  of 
their  achievements.  They  may  have  gained  more  vic 
tories,  or  taken  more  captives  in  battle.  They  may 
have  made  greater  conquests,  or  shed  more  blood.  But 
there  never  was  a  number  of  military  men  who  pos 
sessed  in  a  more  eminent  degree  than  the  revolutionary 
officers  of  America  did,  all  the  important  and  essential 
requisites  of  great  generals.  Where  is  there  to  be  found 
a  military  chieftain  who  equalled  in  valor,  wisdom, 
firmness,  virtue  and  devotion  to  country,  our  illustrious 
Washington  !  Who  would  exchange  his  fame  as  the 
commander  of  an  army  for  that  of  CaBsar's  or  Alexan 
der's  !  Who  would  not  rather  be  Washington  at  York- 
town  than  Bonaparte  at  Austerlitz !  It  is  true  there  is 


FOUKTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.          53 

more  in  the  situation  of  the  latter  to  dazzle  and  bewilder 
the  ambition  of  a  despot.  But  there  is  something  in 
the  former  more  truly  great  and  interesting  to  the  vir 
tuous  aspirations  of  a  noble  soul.  The  Emperor  of 
France  at  the  head  of  powerful  armies,  surrounded  with 
all  the  resources  wh:ch  his  great  genius  could  require, 
gained  splendid  and  triumphant  victories  over  the  con 
federated  sovereigns  of  Europe.  But  Washington,  at 
the  head  of  a  retreating  and  flying  army,  insignificant 
in  point  of  numbers,  destitute  of  all  the  requisites  of 
war,  kept  in  awe,  and  finally  overcame  the  forces  of  the 
most  powerful  kingdom  in  the  world !  But  what  were 
the  objects  of  the  two  men  ?  The  one  fought,  as  it 
were,  for  the  love  of  slaughter,  and  the  other  was  fight 
ing  for  the  liberty  of  his  country. 

Engaged  in  the  same  great  cause,  and  equally  vic 
torious  with  the  commander-in-chief,  was  Nathaniel 
Greene,  who,  without  any  previous  military  education 
or  discipline,  became  all  at  once,  and  that  too  whilst  he 
was  a  very  young  man,  the  leader  of  an  army  which 
fought  successfully  with  the  best  generals  of  England. 
By  his  zeal,  his  tmremitted  activity,  his  bravery  and  his 
real  military  genius,  he  acquired  the  reputation  of  being 
one  of  the  most  accomplished  officers  of  his  age.  His 
fame  as  "  the  hero  of  the  South,"  is  as  durable  as  the 
plains  of  Eutaw,  or  the  heights  of  Guilford.  Whilst 
the  Southern  country  continues  to  enjoy  her  liberty, 
the  name  of  General  Greene  will  be  revered  and 
cherished. 

In  relating  the  characters  of  those  who  lived  to  enjoy 
the  rewards  of  their  hard-earned  fame,  there  is  some 
thing  pleasing  and  gratifying  to  our  feelings.  But  it  is 
painful  indeed  to  revert  to  the  recollection  of  those  who 
fell  at  the  commencement  of  their  struggle,  a  sacrifice  to 
the  cause  in  which  they  were  engaged,  without  even  the 
consolation  of  knowing  that  their  country  was  triumph 
ant  and  victorious.  We  delight  to  speak  of  the  virtues 
of  those  who  lived  to  enjoy  the  noble  success  of  their 


54          FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

virtues;  but  to  recall  the  deeds  of  those  who  fell  amidst 
their  toils  and  dangers,  fills  the  human  breast  with 
the  most  melancholy  emotions.  Such  was  the  fate  of 
Warren,  Montgomery,  Laureus,  and  De  Kalb.  The 
eloquent  and  accomplished  Warren  who  was  "more 
attached  to  liberty  than  to  existence/'  and  who  was  "  as 
much  the  foe  of  ambition  as  he  was  the  friend  of  free 
dom,"  fell  at  the  commencement  of  his  career  whilst 
serving  as.  a  volunteer  on  Bunkers  Hill.  Never  was 
the  earth  crimsoned  with  the  blood  of  a  purer  patriot  or 
a  better  man.  Like  Warren,  fell  the  brave,  the  gallant 
Montgomery,  who,  it  is  said,  loved  glory  much,  but 
liberty  yet  more.  "Neither  genius,  nor  valor,  nor 
occasion  failed  him,  but  time  and  fortune."  Had  he 
lived  longer  he  would  have  left  his  country  "the  model 
of  military  heroism  and  civil  virtues."  Had  his  life 
been  spared  on  the  heights  of  Quebec,  the  fortress  and 
the  city  would  certainly  have  yielded  to  the  continental 
army.  The  young,  the  gallant,  and  the  chivalric  Lau- 
rens,  lived  to  see  his  country  successful  and  her  Inde 
pendence  secured.  He  fought  throughout  the  whole  of 
the  American  Revolution  as  the  ideal  knight  of  some 
romance.  Wherever  there  was  danger  in  battle,  there 
was  his  post.  He  seemed,  at  times,  to  court  the  perils 
of  war  with  the  enthusiasm  of  a  lover  and  the  reckless 
ness  of  a  madman  !  He  was  spared,  however,  to  receive 
the  sword  of  Cornwallis,  and  to  end  his  career  at  the 
close  of  the  war.  But  he  had  obtained  the  summit  of 
his  ambition.  He  had  shared  the  dangers  of  his  country 
until  there  were  none  left  to  share.  He  cared  not  for 
the  honors  or  rewards  which  she  could  bestow.  They 
were  something  beneath  his  ambition.  Though  De 
Kalb  was  not  a  native  of  this  country,  yet  he  was  pro 
duced,  as  it  were,  by  the  American  Revolution.  Wre 
claim  him  with  Lafayette,  Steuben  and  Kosciusko,  as 
our  own.  They  were  all  deeply  inspired  with  the  cause 
in  which  our  forefathers  were  engaged,  and  nobly  offered 
their  assistance. 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.  55 

Fain  would  I  speak,  if  time  permitted,  of  the  heroic 
bravery,  patriotism  and  virtues  of  Morgan,  Moultrie, 
Howard,  Putnam,  Sumter,  Stark,  Marion,  Pickens  and 
many  others,  who  shone  so  conspicuously  in  the  war  of 
Independence.  Distinguished  heroes,  your  names  and 
your  renown  are  engraved  on  the  hearts  of  your  coun 
trymen  !  Sooner  will  the  theatre  of  your  victories  pass 
away,  than  your  military  services  be  forgotten  !  Whilst 
our  government  continues,  whilst  there  is  one  spark  of 
liberty  left  among  us,  your  deeds  and  your  memories  shall 
be  honored  and  cherished.  Your  sacrifices  and  your  suf 
ferings  must  be  recollected  and  appreciated  whilst  the 
bosoms  of  your  countrymen  glow  with  the  feelings  of 
men.  The  glory  of  your  lives  is  far  above  that  of  the 
most  distinguished  captains  of  antiquity.  It  is  as  im 
perishable  as  liberty  itself. 

Need  I  here  recur  to  those  brilliant  actions  which 
gained  our  Independence?  Need  I  recall  the  battles 
of  Lexington,  Concord,  Monmouth  and  Germantown  ? 
Or  shall  I  name  the  victories  of  Saratoga,  Trenton, 
Cowpens,  King's  Mountain  and  IT orktown  ?  Must  I 
recount  the  laurels  which  were  gained,  or  the  valor  and 
genius  which  were  displayed  in  those  engagements? 
No,  fellow-citizens,  you  are  all  acquainted  with  those 
victorie^  battles  and  engagements.  You  have  all  read 
of  them  with  rapture  and  delight.  Many  of  you  have 
heard  their  glorious  incidents  told  at  your  firesides  by 
fathers  who  were  present  at  them,  and  seemed  to  fight 
them  over  again.  Neither  will  I  detain  you  to  relate 
the  losses,  the  toils  and  the  sufferings  of  those  who  lived 
at  this  momentous  era.  Great  as  they  were,  we  wil! 
not  now  lament  over  them.  They  should  rather  inspire 
us  with  pride  than  pity.  If  they  had  been  ten  times 
greater  than  they  were,  those  who  had  to  bear  them 
were  amply  compensated  by  the  blessings  which  ensued 
to  them  and  their  posterity. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  was  adopted,  and 
the  revolution  successfully  prosecuted  for  a  number  of 


56          FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

years  without  any  federal  government.  There  was  no 
bond  of  union  except  that  of  common  danger  and  com 
mon  interest.  Whilst  the  states  were  engaged  in  a 
struggle  for  life,  liberty  and  independence,  they  needed 
no  'incentive  to  duty  from  the  hand  of  power.  But 
no  sooner  was  danger  over  and  their  Independence 
acknowledged,  than  they  began  to  feel  the  effects  of  too 
much  security.  The  articles  of  the  old  confederation 
which  had  been  adopted  towards  the  close  of  the  revo 
lution,  were  soon  found  to  be  too  feeble  and  inefficient 
for  so  great  a  nation,  uniting  so  many  various  interests 
and  sectional  feelings.  Domestic  disturbances  were 
beginning  to  be  felt,  and  the  government  possessed  no 
confidence  in  the  eyes  of  foreign  nations.  The  world 
began  to  think  that  the  theory  of  a  republican  govern 
ment  would  fail  once  more.  The  wisest  and  best  men 
in  the  country  were  on  the  eve  of  despondency.  They 
began  to  believe  that  all  their  toils  and  sufferings,  their 
battles  and  losses  were  in  vain.  The  patriots  of  the 
revolution  were  ready  to  conclude  that  they  had  been 
fighting  for  a  phantom.  In  this  state  of  things,  and 
under  these  circumstances,  a  federal  convention  was 
called  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  "  more  perfect 
union/'  This  convention  was  filled  with  the  wisest  and 
best  men  in  the  states.  They  were  the  same  who  had 
fought  through  the  revolution,  or  who  had  during  that 
momentous  period  been  conspicuous  members  of  Con 
gress.  After  many  months  spent  in  close  and  solemn 
deliberation,  the  federal  constitution  was  handed  forth 
to  the  world  as  the  product  of  their  wisdom  and  labor. 

The  idea  of  a  republican  government  extending  over 
any  great  extent  of  country  had  hitherto  been  consid 
ered  as  the  wildest  of  all  chimeras.  Its  advocates  were 
considered  the  most  visionary  of  theorists.  They  were 
referred,  for  refutation  of  opinions  so  absurd,  to  the 
history  of  preceding  republics.  But  where  is  the 
similarity  between  the  republics  of  Greece,  Rome  and 
Carthage,  and  that  of  America  ?  In  the  latter  there  is 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.          57 

a  new  principle  introduced,  which  gives  it  strength, 
stability  and  practical  usefulness,  all  of  which  were 
wanting  in  the  former  systems  of  government.  It  is 
the  principle  of  representation.  This  is  a  modern  dis 
covery.  In  the  republics  of  antiquity  there  was  nothing 
but  a  pure  democracy.  The  people  assembled  in  their 
own  proper  persons,  made  laws,  and  regulated  the 
affairs  of  the  nation.  But  in  this  country  legislation  is 
carried  on  and  all  public  business  is  transacted  by  means 
of  representatives.  The  people  are  not  required  to 
assemble  and  make  laws  as  they  did  at  Athens.  Hence, 
the  more  extended  our  republic  is,  the  more  permanent 
will  it  be. 

The  federal  constitution  is  the  most  perfect  system  of 
civil  policy  that  the  wisdom  of  man  can  invent.  It  is 
most  appropriately  adapted  to  these  United  States. 
When  we  think  of  the  difficulties  which  had  to  be 
encountered  in  its  formation,  we  are  astonished  that  a 
plan  of  government  so  equitable,  so  wise,  and  so 
republican  should  have  been  instituted  by  the  representa 
tives  of  a  country,  so  extended  and  so  diversified  in 
interest.  But  the  liberal  spirit  of  compromise  may  be 
seen  in  it.  Without  this  nothing  could  ever  have  been 
done  towards  the  formation  of  so  perfect  an  union. 
With  what  pride  and  self-congratulation  should  we  con 
template  this  happy  charter  of  our  liberties !  It  is  an 
inheritance  bequeathed  us  by  our  fathers,  and  which  we 
are  bound  to  transmit  unimpaired  to  posterity.  How 
fondly  should  we  cherish  it !  How  careful  should  we 
be  to  preserve  it !  Whether  we  regard  the  military 
glory  which  preceded  it,  or  the  wisdom  evinced  in  its 
formation,  or  the  prosperity  which  we  have  acquired 
under  it,  we  should  in  either  point  of  view  regard  it  as 
the  most  sacred  and  precious  of  all  inheritances.  Let 
no  one  think  it  can  be  made  more  perfect  Changes  in 
politics,  like  novelties  and  alterations  in  everything 
else,  may  please  for  the  moment,  but  are  not  apt  to 
continue. 


58  FOURTH    OF   JUL.Y    ORATION. 

Connected  with  the  preservation  of  this  government, 
and  inseparable  from  those  principles  on  which  it  is 
founded,  is  the  preservation  of  this  union.  Depend  on 
it,  fellow-citizens,  that  unity  of  government  which 
constitutes  you  one  people  is  the  main  prop  and  pillar 
in  the  edifice  of  your  real  independence.  On  the 
inviolability  of  this  union  depends  the  enjoyment  of 
that  liberty  which  you  so  highly  prize.  You  should 
frown  indignantly  on  the  first  effort  to  alienate  one 
portion  of  this  country  from  another.  Be  not  persuaded 
that  you  can  in  any  event  abandon  this  unity  of 
government.  These  I  know  are  trite  maxims.  But 
they  cannot  be  repeated  too  often.  They  are  the  dying 
words  of  the  father  of  his  country.  They  were  left  as 
his  legacy  to  the  people  of  these  United  States.  I  know, 
said  he,  that  efforts  will  be  made  to  create  among  you 
sectional  jealousies  and  animosities.  You  cannot  shield 
yourselves  too  well  on  this  point.  This  is  the  language 
of  Washington,  a  man  who  was  incapable  of  a  thought 
or  an  act  contrary  to  the  interest  and  welfare  of  his 
country.  He  was  above  suspicion.  He  possessed  no 
other  feelings  than  such  as  were  inspired  by  a  love  of 
liberty. 

If  we  continue  united  as  one  people  we  have  every 
thing  to  expect,  glory,  prosperity,  independence,  liberty 
and  renown  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  We  shall 
ere  long  become  the  most  powerful,  as  we  are  already, 
the  most  prosperous  and  happy  people  in  the  world.  The 
name  of  America  will  everywhere  command  respect 
and  guarantee  the  protection  of  her  rights.  Her  govern 
ment  will  have  stability  and  power.  Her  citizens  will 
enjoy  peace  abroad  and  tranquillity  at  home.  The 
United  States  will  continue,  as  they  heretofore  have 
been,  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  and  persecuted  of  all 
nations.  Our  population  will  go  on  increasing  in 
numbers,  wealth  and  respectability.  Reared  and  edu 
cated  in  virtue  and  religion,  at  peace  with  all  the  world 
and  among  themselves,  the  people  of  this  country  will 
have  nothing  to  mar  their  glory  and  happiness. 


FOURTH    OF   .JULY   ORATION.  59 

But  now  let  us  turn  to  the  other  side  of  this  picture, 
and  see  what  are  the  probable  consequences  of  a  dis 
membered  government.  The  history  of  the  petty 
republics  of  Greece  and  Italy,  with  all  their  angry 
feelings,  their  feuds,  their  wars  and  animosities,  will 
present  us  with  a  faithful  sketch  of  the  dire  calamities 
which  must  ensue  a  division  of  our  country  into  separate 
and  independent  governments.  We  should  lose  that 
proud  standing  which  we  now  have  among  the  nations 
of  the  earth.  Our  rights  would  be  disregarded  and  our 
name  a  term  of  reproach.  We  should  want  that  power 
which  is  capable  of  commanding  respect  abroad  and 
securing  tranquillity  at  home.  Our  commerce  would 
be  unprotected  and  a  prey  for  every  plunderer  of  the 
ocean.  We  should,  in  a  word,  sink  into  insignificance 
and  be  exposed  to  the  insults  of  every  vile  despot.  At 
home  we  should  inevitably  experience  those  jealousies 
and  contentions  which  lead  to  constant  war  and  stand 
ing  armies.  The  causes  of  strife  which  would  spring  up 
between  the  different  states  are  innumerable.  They 
may  be  foreseen  by  any  one  who  is  acquainted  with 
those  feelings  of  interest  and  ambition  which  always 
govern  the  intercourse  of  neighboring  states  or  king 
doms.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  more 
powerful  states  would  attempt  to  crush  the  smaller 
and  hence  the  latter  would  have  to  fly  for  protection  to 
some  European  kingdom.  Then  indeed  might  we 
say  farewell,  a  long  farewell  to  liberty.  In  confor 
mation  to  this  picture  which  I  have  drawn  of  disunited 
America,  I  appeal  to  the  history  of  ancient  and  modern 
times.  Look  at  Greece  during  the  Achaean  and  Am- 
phyctonic  leagues.  Read  the  history  of  the  Germanic 
confederacy.  View  unfortunate  Poland  as  she  was  in 
the  days  of  her  independence  and  separate  aristocracies. 
Look  into  the  history  of  the  United  Netherlands.  Read 
the  wars  of  the  famous  heptarchy  in  England.  In  the 
history  of  these  petty  neighboring  governments,  or 
loosely  confederated  states,  we  may  see  our  own  situa 
tion  when  the  bonds  of  this  Union  are  severed. 


60  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

To  live  united  as  oiie  people,  under  one  government, 
we  have  every  inducement  that  can  influence  the  human 
bosom.  Interest,  pride,  glory,  ambition,  danger, 
virtue,  gratitude,  love  and  religion,  all  conspire  to 
make  us  live  as  one  people.  We  are  all  descended  from 
a  common  ancestry.  We  all  speak  the  same  language. 
We  are  characterized  by  the  same  habits,  manners  and 
customs.  We  possess  the  same  religion,  and  are  equally 
entitled  to  the  glories  won  in  the  revolution.  Our 
fathers  fought  side  by  side  in  the  great  cause  of 
American  Independence.  We  are  all  countrymen  of 
Lee,  Henry,  Hancock,  Adams  and  Washington.  How 
shall  we,  when  once  separated  into  three  or  twenty 
republics,  claim  citizenship  with  these  illustrious  men  ! 
How  shall  we  speak  of  the  battles  which  achieved  our 
independence !  How  shall  we  divide,  between  the 
north  and  the  south  the  honors  which  were  in  them 
won  !  Must  we  forget  the  relationship  of  a  common 
ancestry  !  Must  we  sever  those  ties  of  blood  and 
affinity  which  bind  us  together !  Shall  we  bury  in 
oblivion  that  good  feeling  which  has  hitherto  united 
us !  Shall  we  take  up  arms  against  our  kindred  and 
the  compatriots  of  our  fathers !  Forbid  it  ye  spirits 
of  '76  !  Shall  we  fight  to  destroy  that  Union  which 
our  fathers  fought  to  establish  !  Forbid  it  thou  great 
Ruler  of  the  universe !  Let  not  our  hands  be  stained 
with  the  blood  of  our  brethren  !  Let  the  voice  of  a 
brother  ascend  to  Heaven  disclosing  on  us,  as  it  did  on 
Cain  of  old  ! 

The  east  and  the  west,  the  north  and  the  south  are 
mutually  dependent  on  each  other.  There  may  occasion 
ally  arise  among  these  different  sections  of  our  country 
a  diversity  of  interests  and  inclinations.  There  may  be 
felt  at  times  some  temporary  inconveniences  and  hard 
ships  from  a  system  of  legislation  which  is  to  extend 
over  the  whole  republic.  But  it  will  be  as  apt  to  be  felt 
in  one  section  as  in  another.  The  burthens  and  griev 
ances  are  constantly  changing  and  shifting  from  the  north 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATIOX.          61 

to  the  south,  and  from  the  south  to  the  north.  They 
are  going  from  the  east  to  the  west,  and  from  the  west 
to  the  east.  There  have  been,  since  the  establishment  of 
this  government,  complaints  from  all  parts  of  the  coun 
try,  equally  and  alike.  It  was  during  the  administration 
of  Washington  that  the  ratification  of  Jay's  treaty 
seemed  to  threaten  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  The 
south  was  then  injured  and  complained.  Shortly  after 
wards,  an  excise  duty  on  whiskey  produced  a  rebellion 
in  Pennsylvania.  Under  the  administration  of  Mr. 
Adams,  the  alien  and  sedition  laws  produced  an  unpre 
cedented  excitement  in  Virginia  and  Kentucky.  The 
whole  western  country  were  ready  at  one  time  to  fly  to 
arms  for  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  The  people 
of  this  section  complained  of  their  want  of  a  market  or 
outlet  for  their  produce,  whilst  the  Atlantic  states  were 
enjoying  wealth  and  abundance.  Then  came  the  embargo, 
under  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  To  get  rid 
of  this  entire  restraint  on  commerce,  the  New  England 
states  were  on  the  eve  of  forming  a  separate  confederacy. 
They  alleged  that  their  situation  was  intolerable,  and 
that  they  were  on  the  point  of  bankruptcy.  It  was 
during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Madison  that  war  was 
declared  against  Great  Britain.  This  step  was  imperi 
ously  demanded  in  order  to  avenge  our  honor  and  wipe 
off  the  stain  which  was  left  on  our  national  character. 
But  the  cry  of  disunion  was  heard  again  in  accents  still 
louder  from  the  east.  This  war,  in  which  the  United 
States  acquired  so  much  glory  and  evinced  so  much  chiv 
alry,  was  denounced  in  the  pulpit,  the  rostrum  and  the 
legislative  hall.  It  was  anathematized  throughout  the 
eastern  states.  So  odious  and  unpopular  was  it  in  a  city 
which  proudly  styles  herself  the  Athens  of  America,  that 
it  was  considered  disgraceful  to  advance  the  government 
funds  to  carry  it  on.  At  this  period  there  came  forth, 
like  a  foul,  hideous,  skulking  monster,  the  Hartford 
Convention.  Its  object  was  to  provide  ways  and  means 
for  destroying  this  Union.  But  peace  to  its  manes. 


62          FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

Though  it  did  not  meet  the  death  of  a  traitor,  yet  its 
fame  has  gathered  around  it  all  the  fruits  of  treason. 
The  war  was  no  sooner  closed  by  a  brilliant  succession 
of  victories  on  land  and  sea  than  other  causes  of  com 
plaint  against  the  government  arose  in  other  sections  of 
the  country.  The  establishment  of  the  United  States 
Bank  was  one  of  them.  Maryland  and  Ohio  were  much 
excited  and  made  great  complaint.  The  constitutionality 
of  the  Bank  was  denied,  resisted  and  tried  in  the  federal 
courts.  The  present  system  of  Internal  Improvement 
and  the  Tariff  came  next  in  quick  succession.  They  are 
twin  sisters,  and  born  under  the  same  latitudinarian  con 
struction  of  the  constitution.  They  are  at  war  with  the 
true  spirit  of  our  government,  and  equally  odious  in  their 
operations  upon  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the 
southern  country.  We  now  complain  in  our  turn,  of  the 
unwise  legislation  of  the  general  government.  We  have 
cause  to  complain.  We  are  taxed  unjustly  and  iniquit- 
ously,  not  to  support  the  government — for  this  we  would 
do  most  cheerfully — but  to  enhance  the  capital  of  the 
northern  manufacturer.  But  let  us  beware  that  we  adopt 
no  hasty,  no  precipitate,  no  rash,  fatal  step  to  remedy  our 
grievances.  Like  the  evils  which  have  been  complained 
of  in  other  sections  of  the  country,  springing  from  the 
same  source,  they  may  in  a  short  time  pass  away.  The 
tide  of  prosperity  which  has  been  so  long  going  from  the 
south  may  ere  long  roll  back  on  us  again.  Let  us  look 
to  the  chapter  of  accidents  and  wait  for  the  return  ing- 
good  sense  of  the  American  people.  Let  us  suffer  whilst 
evils  are  sufferable,  rather  than  endanger  this  fair  fabric 
of  our  ancestors — rather  than  destroy  this  Union,  and 
with  it  the  brightest  hope  of  civilized  man. 

I  will  not  attempt,  on  this  occasion,  to  discuss  the  policy 
or  constitutionality  of  the  "  Carolina  doctrine"  which 
has  been  proposed  to  the  people  of  South  Carolina  as  a 
safe  and  salutary  mode  of  redress.  I  will  not  dwell  on 
a  subject  which  has  produced  so  much  bitter  feeling  and 
party  spirit  in  the  state.  This  day  and  this  occasion  are 


FOURTH     OF    JULY    ORAT1OX.  63 

unfit  for  party  questions.  It  is  an  occasion  on  which 
we  ought  to  bury  every  thing  calculated  to  excite  an 
angry  feeling  or  an  unpleasant  sensation.  I  cannot 
refrain,  however,  from  expressing  my  deep,  my  profound 
regret  that  this  question  should  have  taken  the  course  it 
has  in  South  Carolina.  We  are  all  opposed  to  the  Tariff, 
and  sensibly  aware  of  its  injurious  effects  upon  our 
country.  We  are  all  ready,  and  profess  our  willingness 
to  get  rid  of  it  as  soon  as  possible.  We  differ  only  as  it 
regards  the  means  and  the  way  by  which  this  is  to  be 
done.  And  on  account  of  this  difference,  this  honest 
difference  of  opinion  on  an  incidental  point,  we  have 
filled  our  bosoms  with  the  most  rancorous  and  malignant 
feelings  for  each  other !  The  ties  of  friendship  have 
been  dissolved,  old  political  associations  have  been 
destroyed  and  new  ones  formed  !  Father  and  son  have 
been  seen  arrayed  in  hostile  parties  against  each  other ! 
Where  is  there  a  patriot  who  can  witness  this  state  of 
things  without  feeling  the  deepest  forebodings  of  the 
future  gloom  which  may  overcast  his  country?  And  yet 
there  seems  to  be  no  cessation  of  hostilities !  We  every 
day  hear  of  parties  rallying  and  making  still  greater 
struggles  for  the  ascendency !  My  only  wish,  my  only 
prayer  is,  that  this  heated  and  angry  contest  may  not 
prove  the  downfall  of  our  government  and  the  end  of 
civil  liberty.  Deep-rooted  and  fixed  as  my  hatred  to  the 
tariff  is,  and  always  has  been,  I  am  unwilling  to  get  rid 
of  it  "  at  any  and  every  hazard"  I  am  unwilling,  on 
any  account,  to  put  in  jeopardy  this  union,  this  govern 
ment,  our  independence  and  our  name  as  a  people.  1 
will  not,  I  cannot  believe  that  these,  all  these,  should  be 
submitted  to  "  the  vulgar  rules  of  calculation"  But  if 
so,  "  then  indeed"  would  I  exclaim  in  the  language  of  a 
noble  and  high-toned  Carolinian,  "  our  fathers  were  the 
last  of  American  patriots  !  "  "  The  blood  which  they 
shed  at  Brandywine  and  Princeton,  the  glory  which  they 
acquired  at  Yorktown  and  Trenton,  have  been  weighed 
against  four  cents  a  yard  on  woolens  !  "  "  The  honor 


64          FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

of  South  Carolina  has  been  regulated  by  the  rule  of  three. 
Washington's  legacy  exchanged  for  a  ledger,  and  our 
patriotism  reduced  to  dollars  and  cents  !  "  "  We  have 
calculated  the  profit  and  loss  of  being  honorable,  generous 
and  free ! " 

One  word  more,  fellow-citizens,  and  I  shall  have  done. 
The  basis  of  all  republican  governments  is  the  virtue  and 
intelligence  of  the  people.  With  these  qualities  any 
nation  may  be  free,  without  them  none  can.  Hence  the 
reason  why  so  many  efforts  to  establish  a  free  govern 
ment  have  failed.  Give  to  a  people  enshrouded  in  dark 
ness  and  vice  all  the  civil  liberty  that  man  is  capable  of 
enjoying,  and  it  will  be  like  casting  pearl  before  swine. 
They  will  be  incapable  of  retaining  or  enjoying  those 
blessings  which  flow  from  it.  A  free  government,  a  wise 
constitution  and  judicious  laws  are  worth  nothing  to  a 
people  wanting  virtue  and  intelligence.  These  will  be 
found  no  restraint  on  the  ambition  and  corruption  of  the 
age.  How  easy  is  it  for  the  plainest  constitutional  prin 
ciples,  and  the  most  obvious  and  well-established  rules 
of  law  to  be  misconstrued  and  misinterpreted !  There 
is  no  check  on  the  interest  and  cupidity  of  rulers  like 
that  of  an  enlightened  and  virtuous  public  opinion. 
Therefore,  fellow-citizens,  whilst  you  remain  as  intelli 
gent,  and  as  moral  as  you  are  at  present,  you  have  little 
cause  to  apprehend  danger  to  your  liberties.  But  if  you 
ever  lose  your  present  standing  in  knowledge  and  morals, 
you  will  most  assuredly  lose  your  freedom.  You  should 
consequently  encourage  science,  disseminate  information, 
love  virtue  and  cherish  religion.  Do  these  things,  live 
free,  and  be  happy. 


AN    ADDRESS 

Delivered  at  the  Celebration  of  the  Fifty-fourth  Anniversary  of  the  BATTLE 
OF  THE  COWPENS,  on  the  Battle-Ground,  in  Spartanburgh  District, 
South  Carolina,  January  17,  1835. 


FELLOW- CITIZENS  : — We  have  met  ou  a  most  solemn 
and  interesting  occasion — one  calculated,  beyond  all 
others,  to  inspire  our  bosoms  with  an  ardent  love  of 
country,  a  devout  reverence  for  the  deeds  of  our  ancestors, 
and  with  feelings  of  deep  and  overwhelming  gratitude 
to  God.  We  have  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  com 
memorating  a  VALOROUS  ACHIEVEMENT  of  American 
arms,  in  defence  of  LIBERTY  and  the  sufferings  of  a 
BLEEDING  COUNTRY.  We  have  met  too  on  the  very 
plain — now  consecrated  as  the  FIELD  of  BATTLE  and  of 
VICTORY — enriched  with  the  blood  of  our  COUNTRYMEN, 
and  bleaching  with  the  bones  of  their  ENEMIES. 

Yes,  fellow-citizens,  it  was  on  this  glorious  and  sacred 
spot,  fifty-four  years  since  to-day,  as  the  morning's  sun 
rose  fair  and  brilliant  over  the  heights  of  King's 
Mountain — recently  immortalized  with  victory — that  a 
gallant  detachment  of  the  American  army  here  unfurled 
the  STAR-SPANGLED  BANNER  of  their  country,  and 
nobly  resolved  to  die  or  conquer  under  its  inspiring  and 
protecting  JEGis.  No  sooner  was  the  STANDARD  of 
LIBERTY  hoisted  to  the  morning  breeze,  and  her  Flag 
seen  to  waive  aloft  in  proud  defiance  of  the  opposing 
foe,  than  the  hearts  and  drooping  spirit  of  the  soldiery 
became  nerved  at  the  sight,  and  they  cheerfully  rushed 
on  to  the  combat.  Quickly  the  silent  stillness  of  this 
65 


66  ANNIVERSARY    ADDRESS 

vast  forest  gave  way  to  the  roar  of  artillery  and  all  the 
"  din  of  horrid  war."  The  earth,  on  which  we  now 
stand,  was  soon  crimsoned  with  the  blood,  and  covered 
with  the  fallen  bodies  of  the  contending  armies !  And 
although  the  battle  was  one  of  undisciplined  militia 
against  a  superior  number  of  select  and  veteran  troops, 
yet  VICTORY  was  on  the  side  of  the  former,  contending 
for  LIBERTY  against  TYRANNY  and  OPPRESSION. 

It  may  with  truth  be  said,  that  in  no  battle  of  the 
American  Revolution  was  the  contest  more  unequal,  or 
the  victory  more  signal  and  complete.  The  British 
army  was  superior  in  numbers,  in  discipline,  in  arms, 
and  in  everything  that  can  constitute  an  army,  save  the 
soul  and  spirit  of  the  soldier,  and  the  noble  daring  of  the 
officer.  In  infantry,  they  were  as  five  to  four,  and  in 
cavalry,  as  three  to  one !  Every  soldier,  too,  was  pro 
vided  with  all  the  necessary  arms  and  implements  of  war, 
and  had  previously  enjoyed  all  the  comforts  and  con 
veniences  of  baggage  and  provisions.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  American  troops  had  been  for  weeks  destitute 
of  almost  everything  that  can  render  an  army  comfort 
able  within  themselves,  or  formidable  to  their  enemies. 
They  were  a  retreating  detachment,  without  artillery, 
without  proper  arms,  and  without  baggage  or  provisions. 
In  the  language  of  a  distinguished  historian  of  that 
period — "  the  earth  was  their  bed,  the  heavens  their 
covering,  and  the  rivulets  which  they  crossed  their  only 
drink  ! "  In  the  dead  of  winter,  barefooted,  and  with 
thin  and  tattered  clothing,  they  were  tracked,  amidst 
snows  and  frosts,  by  the  blood  which  trickled  from  their 
feet !  Yet,  under  all  these  sufferings  and  hardships 
they  were  never  heard  to  murmur  or  complain  !  They 
felt  that  their  evils,  great  as  they  were,  were  as  nothing 
when  compared  with  the  TYRANNY  and  OPPRESSION 
under  which  they  were  living.  The  spirit  of  Liberty  a 
magnanimous  patriotism  and  a  daring  chivalry,  seemed 
to  inspire  them  with  courage  and  fortitude  under  every 
privation. 


BATTLE   OF   THE    COWPENS.  67 

It  was  natural  that  the  British  army  should  have  been 
sanguine  of  success  over  their  destitute  and  fleeing  enemy 
—inferior  in  numbers,  in  discipline,  in  arms — and 
depressed  in  spirit  and  in  feelings  by  the  plunder  and 
devastation  of  their  country.  Great,  indeed,  were  the 
boastings  of  that  vain-glorious  officer,  whose  name  is 
associated  with  everything  that  is  infamous  and  daring, 
and  whose  cruelty  and  outrages  had  done  more  to  sink 
than  all  his  victories  had  to  elevate  the  cause  of  Great 
Britain  in  South  Carolina.  But  neither  Colonel 
Tarleton  nor  the  British  army  considered  that  they  were 
on  the  eve  of  contending  with  men  fighting  for 
FREEDOM,  and  made  desperate  by  their  situation — men 
who  believed  that  they  were  doing  nothing  more  than 
their  duty,  in  sacrificing  their  lives  in  defence  of  the  vio 
lated  rights  of  their  country. 

The  Battle  of  the  Cowpens  furnishes  a  most  inter 
esting,  and  before  unknown,  incident  in  Military 
History — that  of  undisciplined  militia  renewing  the 
attack,  and  charging  their  assailants  with  fixed  bayonets, 
after  having  once  been  driven  from  the  field.  It  is  known 
to  all  who  hear  me,  that  the  fierce  and  terrible  onset  of 
Tarleton 's  legion  on  this  memorable  day  was  first  received 
by  the  Carolina  militia  tinder  the  GALLANT  PICKENS. 
After  a  short  but  firm  struggle,  they  were  overpowered 
and  forced  to  give  way.  The  impetuous  shock  of  the 
enemy  was  then  nobly  withstood  by  the  Virginia  and 
Maryland  troops  under  the  ACCOMPLISHED  and  DISTIN 
GUISHED  HOWARD.  At  this  moment  a  bold  and  suc 
cessful  charge  was  made  by  the  cavalry  under  their 

BRAVE  AND  DARING  COLONEL,  WlLLIAM  WASHINGTON. 

Immediately  the  militia  were  rallied  and  gallantly 
returned  the  onset  which  they  had  received — whilst  the 
whole  army,  urged  by  the  example,  and  inspired  by 
the  soul  and  spirit  of  the  ILLUSTRIOUS  MORGAN,  com 
pleted  the  total  overthrow  of  the  British  forces.  Nothing 
was  now  seen  on  either  side  by  the  English  soldiery  and 
officers,  but  defeat,  discomfiture  and  disgrace.  The  in- 


C)8  ANNIVERSARY    ADDRESS 

fautry  quickly  threw  down  their  arms  and  cried  for 
quarters — quarters  which  might  have  been  refused  their 
victors  had  the  scales  of  battle  been  changed.  Colonel 
Tarleton,  instead  of  returning  with  General  Morgan,  in 
triumph,  to  take  breakfast  with  him,  as  he  had  vainly 
threatened,  was  seen  scampering  most  heroically  down 
yon  long,  beautiful  plain,  with  the  remnant  of  his 
cavalry,  overwhelmed  by  their  own  confusion  and 
fright.  This  blustering  Colonel  had  no  doubt  seen  and 
felt  enough  of  "the  old  Wagoner"  and  his  brave  army, 
without  pressing  them  further  with  his  hospitality. 

The  American  officers  who  commanded  in  this  battle 
were  already  known  to  fame  for  their  long-tried  services, 
devoted  patriotism  and  heroic  deeds.  The  heights  of 
Quebec  and  the  plateau  of  Saratoga  had  recently  been 
the  theatre  of  Morgan's  glory  and  renown.  He  had  risen 
from  an  humble  origin,  had  served  in  the  ranks,  and  in 
the  capacity  of  a  wagoner  in  Braddock's  war,  and  was 
now  second  in  command  of  the  Southern  army.  He 
was  endowed  by  nature  with  a  bold,  frank  and  noble 
spirit,  and  had  early  cultivated  a  disinterested  devotion 
to  his  country,  which  made  him  the  admiration  of  all  who 
knew  him.  Whilst  gallantly  leading  on  to  a  desperate 
charge  in  the  assault  upon  Quebec,  he  was  captured  by 
the  enemy,  who  were  struck  with  his  noble  daring,  fine 
appearance  and  commanding  person ;  and  on  finding  his 
rank  to  be  only  that  of  a  Captain,  they  immediately 
offered  him  the  commission  of  a  Brigadier  General  in  the 
British  service,  which  he  spurned  with  the  indignation 
of  an  INSULTED  PATRIOT.  Immediately  after  the  Battle 
of  the  Cowpens  he  was  forced  by  ill-health  to  retire  from 
the  army  to  his  farm  and  family  in  Virginia,  where  he 
lived  to  a  good  old  age,  honored  by  his  country  and 
venerated  by  his  fellow-citizens. 

Colonel  John  Egar  Howard  was  a  young  and  ac 
complished  officer,  burning  with  a  noble  thirst  for  mili 
tary  fame,  and  an  ardent  desire  which  was  still  more 
noble,  of  being  useful  to  his  country.  He  had  been 


BATTLE   OF   THE   COWPENS.  69 

trained  and  disciplined  in  the  army  of  Washington,  and 
had  already  served  in  the  Battles  of  Germantown, 
White  Plains  and  Monraouth.  In  the  Battle  of  the 
Cowpens,  it  is  said  he  held  in  his  hand,  at  one  time,  the 
swords  of  seven  British  officers  who  had  surrendered  to 
him.  He  afterwards  distinguished  himself  again  in  the 
Battle  of  Eutaw,  where  he  made  repeated  charges  with 
his  regiment,  until  he  was  left  with  only  thirty  men  to 
sustain  him  in  his  desperate  attempt  to  dislodge  the 
enemy.  With  even  this  remnant  of  a  brave  and  distin 
guished  regiment  he  was  preparing  to  make  another 
charge,  when  he  was  wounded,  and  forced  to  be  taken 
from  the  field !  In  private  life,  Colonel  Howard  was  no 
less  distinguished  for  his  many  virtues,  accomplished 
manners,  and  extensive  useful  knowledge,  than  he  was 
in  the  field  for  his  courage,  gallantry,  and  signal  achieve 
ments.  During  the  last  war,  when  it  was  proposed  to 
capitulate  with  the  enemy  at  Baltimore,  by  surrendering 
the  city,  the  venerable  Howard  rose  and  said  to  the 
Council — "  I  have  as  much  property  in  this  city  as  any 
one  man,  and  I  have  five  sons  in  the  army — but  sooner 
than  surrender  to  the  British,  I  will  sacrifice  my  property, 
and  see  my  sons  in  their  graves  !  " 

Colonel  William  Washington  was  the  nephew  of  the 
Comrnander-m-Chief  of  the  American  army,  and  was 
one  of  the  first  to  engage  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution. 
He  carried  with  him  into  the  service  of  his  country  a 
bold,  impetuous,  and  fearless  spirit,  seldom  equaled, 
and  never  surpassed.  He  had  distinguished  himself  at 
the  North  and  in  the  South — at  York  Island  and  in  the 
Battle  of  Trenton— at  RantoPs  Bridge,  and  at  Ashley 
Ferry.  For  his  gallantry  and  good  conduct  in  the  Bat 
tle  of  the  Cowpens  he  received  a  medal  and  the  thanks 
of  Congress.  He  afterwards  acquired  new  laurels  in 
the  Battles  of  Guilford  and  Eutaw.  In  private  life,  he 
was  distinguished  for  the  kindness  of  his  heart,  the 
warmth  of  his  disposition,  and  his  generous  hospitality. 

General  Andrew  Pickens  was  a  brave,  gallant   and 


70  ANN1VKU.SAKY 

active  officer  throughout  the  whole  of  the  Revolution 
ary  War  in  South  Carolina.  Me  was  one  of  the  tirst 
settlers  in  the  upper  part  of  the  State,  ami  previous  to 
the  oonunemvment  of  the  Revolution,  hail  l>een  engaged 
in  defending  the  frontiers  of  Carolina  against  the  fiv- 
quent  incursions  and  depredations  of  the  Indians.  Mis 
service  had  always  been  of  a  most  arduous  ami  dirti- 
eult  nature.  During  the  most  trying  ami  perilous 
period  of  her  history,  South  Carolina  ever  found  him 
actively  engaged  in  maintaining  her  rights  ami  righting 
her  Unties.  He  acquired  fame  and  distinction  for  his 
g\>od  conduct  in  the  Battles  of  Kutaw,  Kettle  Creek  and 
the  siege  of  Ninety-Six.  For  his  brave  ami  gallant  ser 
vices  in  the  Battle  of  the  Cowpens,  he  was  rewarded  by 
Congress  with  a  suitable  present  and  a  tender  of  their 
thanks.  Those  who  knew  him  best,  and  who  had 
served  with  him  throughout  our  struggle  for  Independ 
ence,  have  said  that  no  one  possessed  <i  ht\trf  woiv  hon- 
twrf,  or  WOIY  ttarofrt/  to  hi$  COMMON/, 

The  Ivittle  whose  anniversary  we  are  now  celebrating, 
was  the  second  in  a  series  of  victories,  which  resulted  in 
the  downfall  of  the  British  Government  in  South  Caro 
lina,  and  the  acknowledgment  of  American  lndej>end- 
ence.  The  victory  on  King's  Mountain,  in  the  Fall 
preceding,  was  the  ticiioi  of  hope  to  the  Carolina*  and 
Georgia.  Until  that  glorious  event  the  whole  Sout hern 
country  was  regm\le\l  as  last.  The  defeat  of  General 
Gates  at  Canuien  was  the  last  and  tinishing  blow  to  all 
their  faint  hopes,  British  forces  and  military  posts 
were  established  in  every  jvu*t  of  South  Carolina.  The 
royal  provincial  Government  was  in  a  manner  restored, 
and  the  citizens  forced  to  take  up  arms  against  their 
jMrwot'/>.Vxx\  their  ivmiAry.  and  LIBERTY  !  Kven  the 
Congrviss  of  the  iTnitt\l  Stilts  began  to  desjvnir  of  the 
Southern  country,  ami  a  formal  proposition  was  made 
iu  secret  Section  to  treat  with  Great  Britain  and 
o/xiifcicm  South  GwWwa  awef  Gtoiyin!  Stninge  as  this 
proposition  may  now  seem,  it  was  advocated  by  one  of 


BATTLE   OF   THE    COWPEN8. 

the  most  distinguished  members  of  Congre-- 
devoted    a  patriot  as  the  Revolution  prcx1 
LIVING  SAGE  OF  MONTPELIER. 

But  in  the  midst  of  this  gloom  and  despondency,  the 
spirit  of  the  country  was  roused  by  the  very  means 
which  were  resorted  to  in  order  to  crush  its  flickering 
glearn.  The  people  of  Carolina  saw  that  instead  of  ob 
taining  peace  and  security  by  their  submission  to  the 
will  of  a  Tyrant,  they  only  received  greater  outrage  and 
oppression.  Everywhere  they  witnessed  the  jjlun/ler  of 
their  property  and  the  murder  of  their  countrymen.  In 
many  parts  of  the  State  some  of  the  most  respectable 
citizens  were  hung  Ufa  felons,  for  having  dared  to  defend 
tfteir  country  against  tyranny  and  oppression.  In 
Charleston,  some  thirty  or  forty  of  the  most  distin 
guished  Whigs  of  that  place  were  ruthlessly  taken  from 
their  homes  and  families  in  the  hours  of  the  night, 
without  cause  or  provocation,  and  sent  into  a  distant 
country  to  endure  want,  privation  and  imprisonment ! 
Protection,  most  solemnly  given,  was  sfiamefully  violated, 
and  paroles  granted  were  withdrawn  and  misconstrued  ! 

Grievances  and  sufferings  like  these  were  too  much 
for  human  nature  to  bear.  Want,  privation  and  hard 
ship,  the  inhabitants  of  this  country  had  been  accus 
tomed  to  from  the  first  settlement,  in  1750,  on  Fair 
Forest  and  Pacolet.  But  they  were  the  sufferings  and 
privations  of  FKEEMEX,  struggling  for  an  honest  sup 
port  for  themselves  and  families.  Such  sufferings  they 
could  endure,  and  did  endure  —  but  they  could  not 
become  the  slaves  and  vassals  of  a  tyrant.  Their  energy 
was  once  more  called  into  action.  The  Battle  of  King's 
Mountain  spoke  their  determination.  Soon  after  this 
gallant  exploit  of  the  Whigs  of  the  two  Carolinas  under 
their  intrepid  Colonels,  a  distinguished  officer  was  sent 
from  the  North  to  take  command  of  the  Southern  Army. 
His  name  and  his  spirit  seemed  to  diffuse  new  life  into 
the  country.  Immediately,  preparations  were  everv- 
where  in  making  to  renew  the  war.  The  Battle  of  the 


7'2  ANNIVERSARY   ADDRESS 

Cowpens  reanimated  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  people, 
and  proved  in  the  end  a  fatal  blow  to  the  military  com 
mand  of  Cornwallis.  The  Battles  of  Guilford  and 
Eutaw  soon  followed,  and  an  evacuation  of  every  Eng 
lish  station  out  of  Charleston  quickly  ensued.  The 
noble  resolution  of  General  Greene  "  to  re-conquer  the 
Southern  country,  or  die  in  the  attempt"  was  most  hap 
pily  accomplished. 

It  is  unnecessary  for  me,  on  this  occasion,  to  recount 
to  you  the  history  of  the  American  Revolution,  or  re 
mind  you  of  the  battles  gained  and  the  sufferings  en 
dured  by  the  Continental  troops  in  the  Eastern  and 
Middle  States.  The  causes  which  led  to  a  separation 
of  the  Colonies  from  the  Mother  country,  and  the  vic 
tories  which  achieved  our  National  Independence,  are 
familiar  to  most  of  you.  To  relate  them  now  would  be 
like  the  repetition  of  "  a  thrice-told  story  "  by  one  who 
is  incapable  of  giving  it  any  new  charm  or  embellish 
ment.  Suffice  it  therefore  to  say,  that  the  war  was 
closed  by  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown. 
The  Independence  of  the  United  States  was  soon  after 
wards  acknowledged,  and  the  country  once  more  restored 
to  peace. 

But  it  was  not  long  before  internal  commotion  con 
vinced  the  patriots  of  76  that  the  Confederacy  of  States 
which  had  carried  them  triumphantly  through  a  seven 
years7  war,  and  secured  to  them  the  blessings  of  FREE 
DOM  and  INDEPENDENCE,  was  a  Government  unfit  for 
the  selfish  times  of  peace  and  quietness.  Common  interest 
and  common  danger  no  longer  operated  upon  the  States, 
and  there  was  wanting  a  disinterested  patriotism  to 
make  them  acquiescent  in  the  commands  of  the  Federal 
Head.  The  National  Government,  under  the  old 
Articles  of  Confederation,  operated  upon  the  States,  and 
not  upon  the  people.  There  was  no  mode  of  enforcing 
the  laws  of  Congress  except  through  the  medium  of  the 
State  Governments.  No  great  evil,  however,  was  ex 
perienced  from  this  want  of  power  in  the  Federal 


BATTLE    OF   THE    COWPENS.  73- 

Government  whilst  the  States  were  engaged  in  a  strug 
gle  for  their  Freedom  and  Independence.  The  interest 
of  one,  during  that  struggle,  was  the  interest  of  them 
all.  But  after  the  restoration  of  peace,  and  the  opera 
tions  of  the  Government  becoming  more  complex,  the 
laws  of  Congress  were  deemed  unequal  in  their  bearing 
by  some  of  the  States,  and  obedience  refused  to  them — 
or,  in  modern  language,  those  obnoxious  laws  were 
nullified  by  the  States  objecting  to  them.  In  order  to 
remedy  this  paralyzing  evil  of  nullification,  or  State  dis 
obedience  to  the  laws  of  Congress,  it  was  found  neces 
sary  to  form  a  stronger  National  Government — a  Gov 
ernment  which  should  operate  directly  upon  the  people, 
and  act  independent  of  all  State  authority.  Such  a 
Government  was  formed  and  established  by  the  adop 
tion  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Under 
this  Constitution  the  powers  of  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  were  greatly  enlarged  and  the  powers  of  the  States 
in  a  like  manner  diminished.  The  highest  attributes  of 
sovereignty  were  yielded  to  the  General  Government. 
The  power  of  declaring  war  and  making  peace,  raising 
an  army,  building  a  navy  and  coining  money,  etc.,  were 
all  vested  in  Congress,  and  prohibited  the  States.  The 
Federal  Constitution  provides  also,  that  Congress  shall 
guarantee  to  every  State  a  Republican  form  of  Govern 
ment,  and  that  no  State  shall  have  anything  in  her 
Constitution  or  laws  contrary  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  or  the  laws  made  in  pursuance  thereof. 
It  is  further  ordained,  that  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  laws  of  Congress  passed  in  pur 
suance  of  it,  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  nnd 
that  all  State  officers  shall  be  sworn  to  support  this 
SUPREME  LAW. 

In  order  to  give  the  Federal  Government  the  power 
of  enforcing  its  own  laws,  independent  of  the  whim 
and  caprice  of  the  States,  Federal  Courts  were  estab 
lished  with  proper  judicial  and  ministerial  officers.  It 
was  made  the  duty  of  these  Courts  to  decide  "all  cases 


74  ANNIVERSARY    ADDRESS 

in  law  and  equity  arising  under  this  Constitution  and 
the  laws  of  the  United  States" — to  decide  "all  con 
troversies  to  which  the  United  States  shall  be  a  party" 
— and  "all  controversies  between  two  or  more  States." 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  view  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  that  the  State  Governments  are  ex 
pressly  made  inferior  to  the  Federal  Government.  They 
are  prohibited  engrafting  into  their  laws  or  Constitu 
tions  anything  repugnant  to  the  Constitution  or  laws  of 
the  United  States.  They  are  not  permitted  to  form  any 
Government  in  derogation  of  republican  principles  ;  and 
it  is  made  the  express  duty  of  Congress  to  see  that  no 
such  governments  are  adopted  by  the  States.  In  all 
controversies  between  two  or  more  States,  they  are 
bound  by  the  decision  of  the  Judicial  Department  of 
the  Federal  Government. 

To  say  that  the  States  are  still  equal,  sovereign  and 
independent,  is  surely  a  solecism  in  language,  which 
none  but  a  mind  clouded  by  passion  and  prejudice  can 
for  a  moment  believe.  Instead  of  having  an  equal  in 
fluence  in  legislation,  or  an  equal  voice  in  managing  the 
affairs  of  the  nation,  one  State  has  a  representation  in 
Congress  of  forty  members,  and  another  only  one  member. 
Can  there  be  an  equality  where  four  States  have  a 
greater  number  of  representatives  than  twenty  others? 
The  States  are  not  equal,  either  in  wealth  or  population, 
nor  should  they  be  in  Federal  power.  Instead  of  being 
sovereign,  the  States  can  do  nothing  which  indicates 
sovereignty  in  the  ordinary  acceptation  of  the  term. 
No  State  can  declare  war,  raise  an  army,  build  a  navy, 
or  coin  money.  To  call  a  Government  sovereign  which 
possesses  none  of  these  high  attributes  of  sovereignty,  is 
a  gross  misapplication  of  terms.  That  the  States  are 
not  Independent  is  obvious  from  their  being  compelled 
to  submit  to  the  "supreme  law"  of  another  Government, 
from  their  being  prohibited  forming  any  other  than  a 
Republican  Government,  and  from  the  liability  of  their 


BATTLE    OF    THE    COWPENS.  75 

citizens  to  be  taxed  and  dragged  into  war  by  another 
power  against  the  unit  of  the  State. 

It  matters  not  what  may  have  been  the  relative  situa 
tion  of  the  States  previous  to  their  adoption  by  the 
Federal  Constitution.  Whether  they  were  sovereign, 
equal  and  independent  at  that  period  does  not  in  any 
way  affect  our  present  National  Government.  It  is  ad 
mitted  that  they  were  distinct  and  separate  communities 
under  the  Colonial  Government,  that  they  were  equal 
under  the  old  Articles  of  Confederation,  and  that  they 
were  independent  and  sovereign  in  adopting  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States.  But  having  accepted  this 
Constitution  for  their  Government,  they  yielded  a  por 
tion  of  their  power,  rights  and  privileges  in  the  same 
way  that  a  man  does,  in  a  state  of  nature,  when  he  con 
sents  to  become  a  member  of  society.  The  only  ques 
tion  for  the  consideration  of  the  States  in  adopting  the 
Federal  Constitution  was,  whether  it  was  more  to  their 
interest,  prosperity  and  happiness  as  a  people,  to  retain 
their  separate  independence  and  sovereignty,  or,  by 
giving  this  up,  to  become  united  members  of  ONE 
GREAT  NATION.  The  people  of  one  State,  in  giving 
the  Federal  Government  a  control  over  themselves,  ac 
quired  a  partial  control  over  the  people  of  twelve  other 
States.  They  also  become  entitled  to  the  protection  of 
these  other  States  when  their  rights  and  interests  were 
violated  by  any  Foreign  Power. 

Although  the  States  were  separate  communities  under 
the  Colonial  Government,  equal  members  under  the  old 
Articles  of  Confederation,  and  independent  sovereignties 
in  adopting  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  yet 
they  always  regarded  themselves,  and  were  so  regarded 
by  the  world,  as  ONE  PEUPLE,  having  a  common  origin, 
speaking  the  same  language,  and  possessing  similar 
laws  and  institutions.  The  Colonies  were  under  the 
same  mother  country,  and  all  governed  in  the  same 
manner.  There  was,  too,  a  constant  intercourse  and 
emigration  from  one  to  another.  Relations  of  the  same 


76  ANNIVERSARY    ADDRESS 

families  were  to  be  found  in  all  of  them.  Then,  so  far 
as  a  common  origin,  identity  of  interests,  similar  laws, 
and  a  similar  Government,  the  ties  of  kindred  and'  a 
constant  intercourse  between  each  other  could  make  sep 
arate  communities  ONE  PEOPLE,  the  Colonies  had 
already  assumed  that  character  previous  to  the  American 
Revolution.  The  oppressions  of  Great  Britain  were 
aimed  at  the  Colonies  as  ONE  NATION,  they  were  felt  as 
ONE  NATION,  and  resented  as  ONE  NATION.  The  war 
was  begun  by  the  Colonies  as  one  people,  the  battles 
fought  and  the  victories  won  were  claimed  by  them  as 
one  people,  and  their  Declaration  of  Independence  was 
made  and  acknowledged  as  the  work  of  one  people. 
There  was  not,  during  the  whole  revolutionary  struggle, 
a  single  battle  of  any  importance  in  one  State,  in  which 
the  troops  from  other  States  did  not  participate.  The 
signal  victory  which  we  are  now  so  proudly  commemo 
rating,  was  not  achieved  by  South  Carolina  alone,  but 
by  an  army  composed  of  troops  from  Virginia,  Mary 
land,  North  Carolina  and  other  States.  The  superior 
commanding  officers  were  all,  save  one,  from  out  of 
South  Carolina.  In  fact,  it  was  by  a  Northern  army 
commanded  by  Northern  officers,  that  the  soil  of  Caro 
lina  was  re-conquered  and  her  citizens  rescued  from  Brit 
ish  bondage. 

It  is  passing  strange  that  any  one  acquainted  with 
the  nature  of  our  Government,  and  familiar  with  all 
these  glorious  events  of  our  Revolution,  should  boldly 
assert  that  his  love  of  country  is  confined  to  the  narrow 
limits  of  South  Carolina,  and  that  he  owes  no  allegi 
ance  to  that  Government  which  achieved  his  independ 
ence,  and  which  now  protects  his  rights  from  foreign 
aggression,  and  honors  and  dignifies  him  with  the 
proud  character  of  an  American  citizen !  I  am  happy 
to  know  that  such  a  feeling  is  of  recent  date ;  and  I 
hope  to  God  it  may  be  of  short  duration.  Patriotism 
it  is  not,  for  in  this  holy  and  sacred  feeling  of  our 
nature  there  is  nothing  selfish,  nothing  narrow  and 


BATTLE   OF   THE   COWPENS.  77 

contracted.  It  may  be  such  a  love  of  country  as  found 
a  place  in  the  ambition  of  Napoleon  when  he  said,  "  I 
AM  FRANCE."  Perhaps  these  modern  patriots  would  say 
—have  they  net  said  it? — WE  ARE  SOUTH  CAROLINA, 
and  South  Carolina  is  our  Country  ! 

The  citizens  of  the  United  States  for  years  after  the 
adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  every  where  exerted 
themselves  in  manifesting  their  extended  patriotism. 
The  feelings  cherished  by  them  all  were  for  "  their 
country,  their  Avhole  country,  and  nothing  but  their 
country."  No  one  then  thought  of  appropriating  only 
a  portion  of  this  Union  for  his  country.  The  patriotism 
of  the  South  was  not  confined  to  State  limits,  nor 
bounded  by  Mason  and  Dixon's  line.  The  citizen  of 
Carolina  was  proud  to  know  that  he  was  a  countryman 
of  Hancock  and  Adams,  of  Washington  and  Franklin. 
The  names  of  Jefferson  and  Lee,  of  Greene  and  Warren, 
were  as  dear  to  him  as  those  of  Pinckney  and  Rutledge, 
or  of  Marion  and  Sumter.  He  knew  and  felt  that  he 
was  as  much  the  countryman  of  the  one  as  he  was  of  the 
other.  The  liberty  which  he  enjoyed  was  neither 
acquired  by  the  North  nor  the  South,  the  East  nor  the 
West,  but  by  the  united  exertions  of  them  all. 

Surely  this  was  the  feeling,  and  this  was  the  patri 
otism  with  which  South  Carolina  engaged  in  the  last 
war.  No  sailor  of  her's  had  been  pressed  and  torn 
from  his  country.  But  she  then  felt  that  the  gallant 
Tar  of  New  England  was  her  countryman,  and  it  was 
to  avenge  his  rights  that  she  so  nobly  urged,  through 
her  Representatives  in  Congress,  the  Declaration  of  War. 
Had  she  then  acted  on  those  principles  which  her  Legis 
lature  now  professes,  the  sailor  would  have  continued  to 
linger  in  his  dungeon  whilst  her  citizens  were  enjoying 
an  inglorious  peace ! 

The  Union  of  these  States  was  also,  until  within  a  few 
years  past,  regarded  by  all  as  the  GREAT  PALLADIUM 
of  our  Liberty  and  Independence.  We  were  taught  to 
look  to  it  with  a  holy  and  devout  reverence.  No  one 


78  ANNIVERSARY    ADDRESS 

dared  to  think  or  speak  of  it  except  in  terms  of  love  and 
admiration.  If  any  other  feeling  than  this  were  dis 
covered  in  the  bosom  of  any  one,  the  finger  of  scorn  was 
pointed  at  him  as  an  enemy  to  his  country,  and  a 
recreant  to  those  liberties  which  he  had  inherited  from 
his  ancestors.  As  well  might  a  man  have  proclaimed 
his  enmity  to  religion,  and  his  detestation  of  freedom, 
as  to  have  shown  an  unfriendly  impulse  towards 
this  sacred  Union  !  There  was  also  a  rivalry  in  express 
ing  our  attachment  to  the  General  Government.  In 
South  Carolina,  we  prided  ourselves  in  our  national 
feelings. 

But,  fellow-citizens,  how  sadly  have  times  changed ! 
Those  feelings  are  no  more  !  That  extended  patri 
otism  which  once  elevated  our  feelings  and  ennobled  our 
souls,  is  gone  !  That  holy  and  devout  reverence  for  the 
Union  once  so  fondly  cherished,  is  now  lost !  The  Gen 
eral  Government,  instead  of  being  admired,  sustained 
and  supported,  is  openly  reviled,  denounced  and  despised. 
The  Union,  instead  of  being  looked  to  as  the  palladium 
of  our  Liberty  and  National  Independence,  is  boldly 
assailed  with  destruction.  That  patriotism  which  would 
extend  itself  beyond  the  narrow  limits  of  South  Carolina, 
is  regarded  as  TREASONABLE,  and  attempts  have  been 
made  to  punish  it  as  TREASON  !  A  dissolution  of  the 
Union  has  been  solemnly  provided  for  by  a  Convention 
of  the  State !  Yes,  fellow-citizens,  that  very  feeling  and 
spirit  which  met  with  universal  execration  when  discov 
ered  lurking  within  the  walls  of  a  Hartford  Convention, 
has  been  openly  vaunted  by  the  State  of  South  Caro 
lina,  and  honored  and  admired  as  patriotism  ! 

What,  fellow-citizens,  has  been  the  cause  of  all  this  ? 
Is  there  a  man  within  the  sound  of  my  voice  who  does 
not  know,  to  his  heart's  sorrow  ?  I  ask  if  there  be  a 
town,  village  or  hamlet  in  Carolina,  where  the  DEMON 
of  NULLIFICATION  has  made  its  appearance  without 
poisoning  and  blighting  all  that  is  sacred  in  friendship, 
all  that  is  patriotic  in  feeling,  and  all  that  is  lovely  and 


BATTLE   OF    THE    CO  AV  PENS.  79 


estimable  in  society  !  Friendship,  love  of  country,  the 
ties  of  kindred  and  the  feelings  of  religion,  have  withered 
in  its  presence,  like  life  and  vegetation  before  the  fabled 
Upas  !  It  has  substituted  discord  for  peace,  not  only  in 
the  halls  of  legislation,  but  in  the  family  circle,  and  the 
very  sanctuary  of  GOD  ! 

It  is  not  my  purpose,  on  this  occasion,  to  enter  into 
any  refutation  of  those  wild,  absurd,  and  disorganizing 
heresies  which  have  recently  been  embodied  and  yclept 
"  the  doctrine  of  Nullification. "  Their  best  refutation 
is  a  clear  head,  an  unprejudiced  mind,  and  an  honest 
heart.  But  I  cannot  forbear  to  remark  that,  in  the 
development  of  this  doctrine,  we  have  seen  what  the 
world  never  before  witnessed — a  mighty  and  powerful 
effort  to  change  the  fundamental  principles  of  a  Govern 
ment  by  mere  sophistry  and  metaphysical  reasoning!— 
The  history  of  South  Carolina  for  the  last  five  years 
will  show  to  posterity  genius  and  talents,  industry  and 
assiduity — worthy  of  a  better  cause — laboring  to  restore 
those  very  evils  which,  under  the  Articles  of  Confeder 
ation  had  well-nigh  proved  the  destruction  of  liberty 
and  the  utter  futility  of  all  our  revolutionary  toils  and 
suffering.  Wonderful  indeed  have  been  the  exertions 
recently  made  to  overturn  this  FAIR  POLITICAL  FABRIC  ! 
But  more  wonderful  still  has  been  the  infatuated 
success  of  this  unholy  work  ! 

Not  long  since  we  saw  our  own  South  Carolina — 
foiled  in  her  new  sophistry  and  metaphysics — boldly 
arraying  herself  against  the  U.  S.,  then  wreaking  her 
disappointed  vengeance  on  a  minority  of  her  own  citizens ! 
By  the  magic  of  this  same  spirit  of  Nullification  we 
have  had  invented  new  Oaths  of  Allegiance,  and  new 
Bills  of  Treason,  for  the  purpose  of  entrapping  the  con 
sciences  and  crushing  the  spirit  of  FREEMEN  !  Although 
we  have  lived  happily  and  prospered  for  the  last  fifty 
years  under  the  old  constitutional  Oath,  a  new  one  is 
now  to  be  required,  in  order  to  prevent  our  patriotism 
extending  itself  beyond  the  Savannah  river  on  the  one 


£0  ANNIVERSARY    ADDRESS 

« 

side,  and  the  western  mountains  and  eastern  swamps  of 
-Carolina  on  the  other.  For  what  was  this  Oath  of 
Allegiance  intended,  if  it  was  not  for  the  purpose  of 
weakening  the  bonds  of  this  Union,  and  confining  to  a 
single  spot  that  patriotism  which  should  be  as  broad  as 
our  country  ?  I  ask  if  this  amendment  of  the  Constitu 
tion  was  not  made  avowedly  to  teach  us — yea,  swear  us 
—that  our  first  and  highest  duty  is  to  South  Carolina? 
This  principle  established,  the  Sovereignty  of  the  State 
must  follow,  and  a  rapid  stride  has  been  made  towards 
the  dissolution  of  the  Union. 

I  cannot  perceive,  fellow-citizens,  that  the  objection 
able  features  of  this  Oath  have  been  removed  by  the  late 
"  Compromise  "  between  the  two  parties  in  the  Legisla 
ture.  The  Union  party  were  opposed  to  the  Oath 
because  the  word  "  Allegiance "  was  construed  to  mean 
an  undivided  and  exclusive  allegiance.  They  contended 
that  they  owed  allegiance  to  both  Governments,  but  that 
their  highest  allegiance  was  due  the  United  States.  The 
Nullifiers,  on  the  other  hand,  asserted  that  allegiance  was 
indivisible,  and  due  only  the  State.  With  this  construc 
tion  of  allegiance  it  was  impossible  for  the  Union  party 
to  take  the  Oath.  And  instead  of  this  construction  being 
abandoned  by  the  Nullifiers,  they  still  assert  and  contend 
for  it.  In  the  Compromise,  they  have  only  said  that 
the  allegiance  mentioned  in  the  Oath  does  not  interfere 
with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  This  is 
acknowledging  nothing  more  than  what  they  have  hith 
erto  contended  for.  According  to  their  views,  we  owe 
no  allegiance  whatever  to  the  United  States ;  and  conse 
quently,  by  swearing  exclusive  allegiance  to  the  State,  we 
cannot  be  acting  in  violation  of  any  duty  or  obligation 
under  the  Federal  Constitution.  But  the  Union  party, 
believing  that  their  highest  allegiance  is  due  the  United 
States,  cannot  take  an  Oath  of  exclusive  allegiance  to  South 
Carolina  without  violating  their  paramount  duty  under 
the  Federal  Constitution. 

It  must  appear  from  this  view  of  the  subject,  that  the 


BATTLE   OF   THE   COWPENS.  81 

"  Compromise "  has  not  touched  the  true  point  at  issue 
between  the  two  parties — the  nature  of  allegiance,  and 
whether  exclusive  or  divisible.  If  the  Union  party  had 
been  allowed  to  construe  the  Oath  for  themselves,  they 
never  could  have  objected  to  it.  With  their  understand 
ing  of  allegiance  as  being  due  both  Governments,  they 
could  not  hesitate  about  swearing  to  "  be  faithful  and 
true  allegiance  bear  the  State."  For  in  bearing  true 
allegiance  to  the  State,  they  were  not  prevented  bearing 
even  a  higher  allegiance  to  the  United  States.  But  the 
great  clanger  was,  that  after  taking  the  Oath  with  this 
meaning,  a  different  one  might  be  given  to  it  by  the 
Courts.  And  surely  we  may  yet  be  placed  in  this 
dilemma. 

If  it  had  been  admitted  in  the  Compromise  that  alle 
giance  was  due  the  United  States  or  that  allegiance 
and  obedience  were  synonymous,  no  objections  could 
have  been  urged  against  the  adjustment.  And  if  the 
Appeal  Court  will  now  decide  that  allegiance  is  divisi 
ble  and  due  both  Governments,  all  conscientious  scruples 
on  the  part  of  the  Union  party  will  be  removed.  This 
decision  that  Court  would  be  bound  to  make,  or  decide 
that  the  Oath  was  unconstitutional.  If  any  other 
decision  were  made,  it  would  be  reversed  by  the  Federal 
Courts. 

There  is  no  one  more  anxious  than  the  humble  indi 
vidual  who  now  has  the  honor  of  addressing  you,  to  see 
our  country  once  more  restored  to  peace  and  quietness. 
I  am  sure  no  one  has  greater  cause  to  wish  peace — for  no 
one  has  experienced  more  fully  the  effects  of  discord  and 
excitement.  But  I  must  confess  that  I  cannot  entertain 
any  strong  hopes  of  peace  whilst  I  see  the  SPIRIT  of 
DISUNION  still  stalking  abroad  in  our  country.  Wher 
ever  my  eyes  turn,  from  the  late  Inaugural  of  the  Exec 
utive  down  to  the  humblest  newspaper  paragraph,  I 
can  see  an  effort  to  establish  those  very  principles  against 
which  we  have  all  along  been  contending.  The  inde 
pendence,  sovereignty  and  equality  of  the  States  is 


82  ANNIVERSARY    ADDRESS 

claimed.  The  right  of  State  interposition  is  asserted. 
Allegiance  of  a  primary,  paramount  and  exclusive  nature 
is  maintained  to  be  due  the  State.  Sectional  jealousies 
and  sectional  prejudices  are  most  assiduously  fostered  and 
cherished.  The  General  Government  is  denounced  in  a 
spirit  of  bitterness  and  sarcasm,  at  war  with  every  feeling 
of  respect  or  regard  for  it.  These  "signs  of  the  times" 
are  surely  no  harbinger  of  peace  to  the  lovers  of  the 
Union,  or  the  Union  itself. 

I  know  that  the  charge  of  disunion  is  indignantly 
denied  by  those  who  have  espoused  the  doctrine  of  Nul 
lification.  But  it  is  in  vain  for  men  to  tell  me  that  they 
love  this  Union  when  I  see  them  raising  their  parri 
cidal  hands  against  it.  It  is  folly  for  men  to  talk  thus, 
and  at  the  same  time  declare  that  if  the  Union  were 
dissolved  it  would  pour  an  unprecedented  flood  of  wealth 
and  prosperity  into  the  Southern  country.  Can  those 
who  supported  the  Ordinance  of  Nullification,  providing 
for  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  have  any  love  for  that 
Union  ?  As  well  might  we  be  told  that  the  PARRICIDE 
loves  his  father  when  he  is  plunging  a  DAGGER  into  his 
BOSOM  ! 

It  has  been  said,  fellow-citizens,  that  athe  price  of 
LIBERTY  is  ETERNAL  VIGILANCE."  I  would  ever 
have  you  bear  in  mind  its  sacred  truth.  Let  the  maxim 
be  engraved  on  your  hearts,  and  handed  down  to  your 
posterity.  Be  vigilant,  not  only  of  those  in  power,  but 
doubly  watchful  of  those  who  are  ambitious  of  power. 
There  never  will  be  wanting,  in  any  age  or  country, 
those  who  would  grasp  the  sceptre  in  the  name  of 
LIBERTY.  It  is  a  trite  maxim,  that  tyrants  always 
start  demagogues,  and  that  demagogues  end  in  becoming 
tyrants.  The  advance  towards  power  is  never  open  and 
direct,  but  always  convert  and  insidious. 

If  any  people  on  earth  ought  to  be  vigilant  of  their 
rights,  surely  the  American  people  ought  to  be,  for  no 
other  people  in  the  world  are  so  free,  so  happy,  and  so 
prosperous.  But  none  are  more  exposed  to  internal 


BATTLE   OF   THE   COWPENS.  83 

discord  and  commotion.  There  is  not  in  any  other 
country  the  same  latitude  to  ambition,  or  the  same 
scope  for  faction.  We  have  twenty-four  Governments 
in  one,  extending  over  a  vast  territory,  and  in  some 
measure  diversified  in  interest.  Hence  it  is  possible  for 
faction  to  assume  the  form  of  a  regular  government,  and 
for  disappointed  ambition  in  one  sphere  to  have  an  op 
portunity  of  wreaking  its  vengeance  in  another.  If  the 
people  of  this  country  be  destined  to  lose  their  Liberties, 
it  must  be  effected  by  the  State  Governments  through  a 
dissolution  of  the  Union.  The  National  Government 
is  too  foreign  in  its  operations,  and  has  too  weak  a  hold 
upon  the  affections  of  the  people  ever  to  prove  danger 
ous  to  FKEEDOM. 

In  conclusion,  I  would  exhort  you,  fellow-citizens, 
in  the  name  of  YOUR  COUNTRY,  in  the  name  of  LIBERTY, 
and  in  the  name  of  ALMIGHTY  GOD,  to  look  to  this 
SACRED  UNION — reared  by  the  wisdom  and  cemented 
with  the  blood  of  your  fathers — as  the  BULWARK  of 
your  FREEDOM — as  the  PALLADIUM  of  your  LIBERTY — 
as  the  very  existence  of  your  NATIONAL  INDEPENDENCE 
and  your  PROSPERITY  and  HAPPINESS  as  a  PEOPLE. 
Let  your  last  and  dying  words  be  those  of  the  venerable 
sage  and  patriot  of  Quincy — "  THE  UNION — LIBERTY 
— AND  INDEPENDENCE — ONE  AND  INSEPARABLE — 


ADDRESS 

Delivered  before  the  Literary  Societies  of  ERSKINE  COLLEGE,  Abbeville 
District,  S.  C.,  on  the  Fifth  Anniversary,  Sept.  18,  1844. 


An  illustrious  poet  has  said,  more  in  the  spirit  of 
philosophy  than  of  song,  that  "the  proper  study  of 
mankind  is  man."  The  wisdom  of  this  remark  can  but 
strike  the  mind  of  every  one.  It  is  not  only  the  proper 
study  of  man  to  know  his  own  faults  and  imperfections, 
to  find  out  his  own  intellectual  powers  and  ability,  so 
that  he  may  govern  his  passions  and  evil  propensities, 
and  cultivate  judiciously  those  gifts  of  mind  and  body 
which  God  has  bestowed  upon  him,  but  it  is  proper  that 
he  should  study  the  lives  and  characters  of  his  fellow- 
men,  see  their  faults,  and  learn  to  imitate  their  virtues. 

Nothing  can  conduce  more  to  the  improvement  of  the 
young  mind,  than  the  reading  and  contemplation  of  the 
lives  of  great  men — men  who  have  borne  an  illustrious 
part  in  the  aifairs  of  this  world.  It  is  by  knowing  and 
studying  their  virtues,  their  noble  deeds  and  heroic 
daring,  that  we  are  inspired  with  emulation  and  encour 
aged  to  imitate  their  noble  examples.  In  the  history  of 
such  men,  we  are  taught  by  example  to  turn  from  vice, 
and  to  admire  and  love  virtue.  We  see  how  great  and 
happy  they  have  become,  how  much  they  have  been 
honored,  and  what  noble  rewards  they  met  for  their  well 
doing  in  this  life.  And  although  in  many  instances 
their  cotemporaries  may  have  been  ungrateful,  yet  suc 
ceeding  generations  have  never  failed  to  do  them  justice. 

It  is  said  that  men  are  known  and  to  be  judged  by 
the  company  they  keep.  That  there  is  something  in 
human  nature  which  has  a  tendency  to  adapt  itself  to 
the  circumstances  which  surround  us,  must  be  obvious  to 


86  ERSKINE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS. 

every  one.  And  it  is  perhaps  fortunate  that  we  are  so 
constituted — otherwise  our  unhappiness  and  discontent 
would  be  greatly  augmented  in  this  life.  Is  it  not  some 
thing,  then,  to  be  in  company  with  the  wise  and  great 
who  have  gone  before  us  ?  In  the  study  of  biography 
we  are  in  such  company.  We  are  made  familiar  with 
their  lives,  actions  and  thoughts,  and  they  leave  their 
impress  upon  our  own  characters  and  feelings. 

No  man  ever  read  the  autobiography  of  Franklin, 
and  studied  his  character,  without  feeling  himself  a 
wiser  and  better  man.  The  young,  entering  upon  the 
trying  and  busy  scenes  of  this  world,  feel  themselves 
stimulated  and  encouraged  by  the  trials  and  difficulties 
which  beset  the  early  path  of  that  sage  benefactor  of 
mankind.  In  the  character  of  Franklin  there  was  a 
rare  combination  of  wisdom,  simplicity  and  greatness, 
without  one  feeling  of  envy  or  unkindness  towards  his 
fellow-men.  His  sole  object  in  this  life  seems  to  have 
been  to  do  good  to  others,  and  to  prepare  himself  for 
doing  the  greatest  good.  There  is  no  one  whose  life  is 
more  worthy  of  being  read,  or  whose  character  can  be 
studied  to  greater  advantage. 

He  rose  from  the  humblest  walks  of  life,  without 
education,  and  without  the  aid  or  assistance  of  any  one, 
to  be,  in  the  language  of  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  "an 
ornament  to  human  nature,  and  the  admiration  of  all 
Europe."  The  secret  of  his  rise  and  greatness  was  his 
industry  and  integrity  of  purpose.  They  naturally  and 
necessarily  lead  to  the  cultivation  of  those  other  virtues, 
which  so  beautifully  adorn  his  character.  And  there  is 
scarcely  one  in  which  he  did  not  excel.  He  knew  well 
that  no  one  could  be  great  or  useful  without  industry, 
no  matter  what  may  be  his  talents  or  genius. 

Let  me  here  remark,  that  this  principle  cannot  be  too 
strongly  impressed  upon  the  minds  of  young  men.  In 
every  pursuit  of  life,  industry  and  application  are  every 
thing.  The  human  mind  is  so  constituted  that  we 
cannot  be  altogether  inactive.  Employment  of  some 


ERSKIXE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS.  87 

kind  we  must  have.  If  not  usefully  and  wisely 
employed,  we  shall  certainly  be  engaged  unwisely  or 
viciously.  Hence  the  absolute  necessity  of  selecting 
some  useful  pursuit  in  life,  and  early  learning  habits  of 
industry  and  study. 

The  industry  of  Franklin  was  as  remarkable  as  his 
success  in  life  was  wonderful.  Whilst  an  apprentice 
boy  he  lived  on  bread  and  water,  in  order  to  have  time 
to  read  whilst  his  companions  were  gone  to  their  meals. 
He  was  equally  industrious  in  after  life,  wherever  we 
see  him,  whether  as  an  editor  of  a  newspaper,  the  col 
onel  of  a  regiment,  a  member  of  congress,  the  embas- 
sador  at  foreign  courts,  or  the  sage  and  philosopher 
amidst  the  learned  societies  of  Europe.  He  was  a  man 
of  great  observation  as  well  as  industry,  and  no 
opportunity  escaped  him,  either  at  home  or  abroad,  in 
noticing  and  treasuring  up  the  remembrance  of  every 
thing  which  came  before  him.  In  this  way  he  made 
many  of  his  most  important  discoveries  in  natural  phil 
osophy.  He  tells  us  that  he  reaped  the  truth  of  a 
proverb  which  he  was  early  taught  by  his  father : 
"  Seest  thou  a  man  diligent  in  his  calling  he  will  stand 
before  kings  and  princes."  He  had  the  honor  not  only 
of  standing  before  many  kings  and  princes,  but  even 
that  of  sitting  down  at  the  same  table  and  dining  with 
some  of  them. 

Franklin's  benevolence  and  justice  were  equal  to  his 
industry  and  economy.  No  one  had  the  good  of  man 
kind  more  at  heart  than  he  had ;  no  one  ever  labored 
more  assiduously  to  improve  the  condition  of  his  fellow- 
men.  He  practised  what  few  seem  to  know,  that  the 
most  acceptable  service  we  can  render  our  God  is  that  of 
doing  good  to  one  another.  He  refused  to  take  out 
patents  for  his  important  discoveries  in  the  useful  arts 
because  they  were  discoveries  which  would  lead  to  the 
comfort  and  benefit  of  mankind,  and  to  the  free  enjoy 
ment  of  them  he  would  lay  no  restrictions.  So  high 
was  his  sense  of  justice  that  he  gave  to  charitable  and 


88  ERSKIXE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS. 

public  purposes  all  that  he  had  saved  from  his  salary 
whilst  in  the  employment  of  his  country. 

Franklin  united  in  his  character  the  simplicity  of  a 
child  with  the  wisdom  of  the  sage.  His  boldest  and 
most  brilliant  experiments  in  natural  philosophy  were 
conducted  with  a  simplicity  truly  amazing.  A  silk  cord, 
a  key,  and  a  piece  of  brown  paper,  were  the  only  appa 
ratus  used  by  him  in  drawing  down  the  lightnings  from 
heaven. 

The  character  of  Washington  is  a  noble  and  proud 
model  for  the  study  of  the  patriot  and  hero.  History 
can  give  us  no  other  example  at  once  so  perfect  and  so 
illustrious.  He  was  an  utter  stranger  to  that  feeling 
which  has  darkened  the  character  of  so  many  who  have 
rendered  great  services  to  their  country.  He  possessed 
a  proud  purity  of  purpose  and  magnanimity  of  spirit 
which  never  permitted  him  to  entertain  one  selfish  feel 
ing — all  that  he  did  was  for  the  good  of  his  country, 
wholly  and  solely.  He  lost  sight  of  himself  altogether 
whilst  in  the  service  of  his  country.  His  greatness 
sprang  from  and  rested  on  a  pure  heart  and  unerring 
judgment.  He  made  no  pretensions  to  the  brilliancy  of 
genius  or  the  wisdom  of  learning.  His  only  ambition 
was  to  be  useful  to  his  country.  He  cared  not  for  power, 
and  looked  with  indifference  on  mere  honors.  He 
accepted  office  only  to  render  service  to  his  country. 

In  the  character  of  this  great  man  there  is  one  feature 
which  we  cannot  study  too  much.  Like  Franklin,  his 
aim  through  life  was  to  master  himself  and  have  the 
control  of  his  own  feelings  and  passions.  He  was  by 
nature  a  man  of  violent  temper,  strong  feelings  and  pas 
sions.  They  would  have  often  led  him  astray  but  for 
his  command  of  himself.  And  his  self-control  was  as 
perfect  as  his  ambition  was  spotless. 

How  few  are  there  in  this  world  who  make  it  their 
study  to  control  and  master  their  own  passions  and  bad 
feelings !  And  yet  how  important  is  this  study  in  the 
life  of  every  one.  How  much  of  evil,  how  much  of  dan- 


ERSKINE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS.  89 

ger,  and  how  much  of  misery  and  ruin  should  we  avoid, 
if  we  were  to  do  so.  Franklin's  self-scrutiny  carried 
him  so  far  as  to  make  him  keep  a  diary  of  his  faults 
and  errors.  He  not  only  rose  in  the  morning  with  a 
determination  to  do  well,  and  restrain  all  of  his  evil 
passions  and  propensities,  but  at  night  he  enquired  of 
himself  whether  he  had  done  so,  and  wrote  down  every 
omission. 

In  the  lives  and  characters  of  most  great  men,  we  shall 
find  that  their  greatness  is  too  often  sullied  by  some 
weakness  or  glaring  faults  of  character.  Few  men  are 
perfect.  But  we  may  profit  as  much  by  the  faults  of 
great  men,  as  by  their  virtues.  Like  dark  spots  on  a 
bright  picture,  we  see  them  the  more  readily,  and  more 
deeply  regret  them  on  account  of  the  brightness  of  the 
picture. 

Such  must  be  the  feelings  of  every  one  in  contemplating 
the  character  of  Lord  Bacon,  who  has  been  justly  styled 
•"  the  wisest,  greatest,  basest  of  mankind."  He  was 
endowed  by  nature  with  a  mighty  intellect,  a  genius 
which  seemed  to  encompass  the  whole  circle  of  human 
science.  He  had  amassed  treasures  of  learning  which 
no  one  man  ever  before  possessed.  And  yet,  with  all 
his  genius  and  learning,  he  possessed  weaknesses  and 
faults  which  would  have  sullied  the  character  of  the 
humblest  man  who  lived  in  his  day  and  time.  One 
would  naturally  suppose,  too,  that  such  a  man,  possess 
ing  a  mind  imbued  with  so  much  wisdom  and  philoso 
phy,  would  soar  above  the  ordinary  vices  and  frailties 
of  our  nature.  But  not  so.  Lord  Bacon  has  been 
•charged  with  base  ingratitude  to  his  friend  and  patron, 
the  Earl  of  Essex.  He  not  only  forgot  all  the  magnifi 
cent  presents  which  the  noble  Earl  had  ever  made  him, 
and  all  the  generous  acts  of  kindness  which  he  had 
received  at  his  hands  when  poor  and  humble,  but  he 
sought  the  blood  and  life  of  his  patron  with  all  the 
insolence  and  vengeance  of  a  malignant  and  unprinci 
pled  persecutor.  He  has  likewise  been  charged  with 


90  ERSKINE   COLLEGE  ADDRESS. 

bribery  and  corruption  whilst  discharging  the  high 
duties  of  Lord  Chancellor  of  England. 

That  these  charges  are  true,  to  the  extent  to  which 
they  have  been  made,  may  admit  of  some  doubt.  For 
his  conduct  towards  the  Earl  of  Essex,  there  are  some 
excuses  offered  by  his  biographer.  But  no  excuse  can 
palliate  the  crime  of  ingratitude  so  wanton  and  so  foul. 
That  he  received  money  from  suitors  whilst  Lord  Chan 
cellor  is  very  certain  ;  but  it  was  then  the  custom  and 
habit  of  that  court.  And  although  Lord  Bacon  never 
refused  money  which  was  offered  him  as  a  bribe,  he 
nevertheless  decided  all  of  his  cases  according  to  law 
and  equity,  without  being  influenced  by  the  bribe  which 
he  had  pocketed. 

The  great  faults  in  the  character  of  Lord  Bacon 
grew  out  of  his  want  of  firmness — a  natural  defect  in  his- 
character,  which  no  genius  nor  learning  could  supply. 
But  for  this  infirmity,  terrible  as  it  proved  in  its  conse 
quences,  his  character  would  in  all  probability  have 
been  as  bright  as  his  genius  was  illustrious.  He  wanted 
firmness  to  resist  the  overtures  and  commands  of  his 
sovereign.  Owing  to  this,  he  engaged  in  the  prosecu 
tion  of  his  early  friend  and  patron,  instead  of  boldly 
resigning  his  office,  and  giving  up  all  future  honors  at 
the  Court  of  Elizabeth.  Owing  to  this  want  of  firm 
ness,  he  was  induced,  by  the  threats  and  persuasions  of 
King  James  and  his  infamous  minister,  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham,  to  plead  guilty  to  all  the  charges  of  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors  which  had  been  preferred 
against  him.  Had  he  possessed  the  high,  indomitable 
courage  which  should  have  belonged  to  his  genius,  he 
could  have  defended  himself  with  great  plausibility,  if 
not  with  entire  success.  But  then  the  odium  which 
fell  on  his  head  would  have  had  to  be  borne  by  the  king 
and  his  favorite  minion. 

Without  firmness  and  high  moral  courage  no  man  can 
act  correctly  no  matter  how  pure  his  principles  may  be. 
Without  firmness  no  man  is  to  be  depended  on  in  any 


ERSKINE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS.  ui 

great  emergency.  He  may  know  the  proper  course  to 
pursue,  and  resolve  to  pursue  it,  but  he  will  not  be  able 
to  resist  the  importunities  and  threats  of  those  who 
would  mislead  him. 

In  his  philosophy,  Lord  Bacon  manifested  as  much 
boldneas  and  originality  as  he  did  meanness  and  sub 
serviency  in  politics  and  law.  This  was  because  he  had 
not  to  contend  with  his  fellow-man.  He  was  left  in 
the  field  of  philosophy  to  his  own  genius.  And  it  is 
strange  that  one  should  have  the  boldness  to  explore  the 
mysteries  of  nature,  and  to  pry  into  the  highest  works 
of  his  God,  and  yet  want,  firmness  enough  to  resist  the 
importunities  of  an  unprincipled  courtier.  However 
corrupt  Lord  Bacon  may  have  been  in  law  and  politics, 
or  friendship  and  morals,  he  was  perfectly  pure  and 
correct  in  his  philosophy.  In  other  matters,  he  may 
have  sought  honors,  or  been  mercenary  in  his  feelings, 
but  in  this  his  great  system  of  philosophy,  he  sought 
only  truth. 

Lord  Bacon  lived  in  the  most  illustrious  age  of  Eng 
lish  history,  and  was  surrounded  by  many  of  the  greatest 
and  most  remarkable  men  the  world  ever  produced. 
Shakespeare  and  Ben  Jonson  were  his  cotemporaries. 
Lord  Coke  was  his  great  rival  at  the  bar  and  his  victor 
at  the  shrine  of  beauty.  The  learned,  brilliant  and 
accomplished  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  flourished  at  the  same 
court,  as  did  the  equally  unfortunate  Essex.  But  the 
genius  of  Bacon  was  towering  invisibly  high  above  them 
all — no  one  approached  him,  and  no  one  was  to  be  com 
pared  to  him.  He  stood  alone  in  the  greatness  of  his 
learning  and  the  splendor  of  his  mighty  genius. 

To  pass  from  the  character  of  Lord  Bacon,  the  great 
statesman,  lawyer  and  philosopher,  to  that  of  Napoleon 
Bonaparte,  the  hero  and  conqueror,  is  easy  and  natural, 
although  they  differ  so  widely  in  many  of  their  essentials 
of  greatness.  Bonaparte,  without  any  learning,  to  be 
called  by  that  name,  possessed  a  genius  more  gigantic, 
an  intellect  more  mighty,  than  ever  before  fell  to  the  lot 


92  ERSKIXE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS. 

of  human  nature.  No  one  can  read  his  life  and  study 
his  character  without  being  struck  with  awe  as  to  the 
extent  of  his  genius  and  ability.  What  others  learned 
by  hard  study  and  laborious  research,  he  seemed  to  have 
by  intuition.  He  had  scarcely  ever  read  a  legal  princi 
ple  in  his  life,  and  yet  in  the  formation  of  the  Napoleon 
Code,  he  showed  himself  more  familiar  with  the  prin 
ciples  of  law  than  the  wisest  and  most  learned  lawyers 
of  France.  As  a  civil  ruler  he  never  had  an  equal.  It 
is  doubtful  whether  all  the  sovereigns  of  the  earth,  from 
the  creation  of  the  world  to  the  present  time,  could  fur 
nish,  if  their  rarest  and  highest  gifts  were  selected,  the 
materials  to  compose  so  great  a  governor  of  mankind 
and  ruler  of  nations  as  Napoleon  Bonaparte. 

As  an  orator  few  men  ever  equaled  him,  if  we  are  to 
judge  of  eloquence  by  the  effects  which  it  produces  on 
the  audience.  Bonaparte  would  say  more  striking  things 
in  a  speech  of  ten  minutes  than  was  ever  said  in  an  hour 
by  Cicero  or  Demosthenes.  He  could  accomplish  the 
intended  effect  of  a  speech  before  the  polished  Roman 
or  Athenian  would  be  able  to  get  through  the  exordium. 
As  a  writer  his  style  is  worthy  of  being  taken  as  a 
model  by  every  one  .who  wishes  to  express  his  ideas  in 
the  fewest  words  and  in  the  most  forcible  manner.  He 
is  also  the  most  voluminous  writer  the  world  has  ever 
produced.  It  is  said  by  Allison  in  his  charming  history 
of  Europe,  that  Napoleon  wrote  more  than  Voltaire, 
Bolingbroke  and  Sir  Walter  Scott  all  put  together. 
This  he  did  in  the  midst  of  his  army  on  the  field  of 
battle,  and  whilst  governing,  with  the  minutest  particu 
larity,  the  varied  interests  of  the  millions  who  were 
subject  to  his  sway. 

As  a  general  he  surpassed  all  the  conquerors  who  had 
ever  preceded  him.  It  is  true  that  Alexander  was  a 
younger  man  than  Napoleon  when  he  made  his  Eastern 
conquests,  and  the  countries  subdued  may  have  equaled 
those  conquered  by  Napoleon  in  population  and  extent 
of  territory,  but  the  Persians,  Egyptians  and  Indians 


ERSKINE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS.  93 

were  an  effeminate  and  luxurious  people,  and  never  have 
been  able  to  withstand  a  hardy,  disciplined  and  organ 
ized  force.  The  conquests  of  Great  Britain  at  this  time 
in  a  portion  of  that  country,  show  the  facility  with 
which  an  army  may  pass  through  these  Eastern  nations. 
There  seems  to  be  something  in  the  climate  of  a  South 
ern  people  which  enervates  and  enfeebles  them. 

Hannibal  may,  with  more  propriety,  be  compared  to 
Napoleon  as  a  general.  There  is  some  analogy  between 
them  and  their  fortunes.  They  both  had  to  contend 
with  the  same  difficulties  in  many  instances,  and  they 
both  fought  against  disciplined  forces,  experienced  gene 
rals  and  a  highly  civilized  people.  They  were  both 
highly  successful  for  a  time,  and  were  both  ultimately 
conquered ;  but  Napoleon  knew  how  to  improve  on  a 
victory  and  secure  a  country  when  once  conquered. 
This  the  Carthagenian  seems  not  so  well  to  have  under 
stood. 

Julius  Caesar  and  Napoleon  Bonaparte  were  very 
much  alike  in  their  characters  and  conduct  as  generals — 
attending  to  the  comforts  of  their  soldiers,  enduring 
fatigue,  exposing  themselves  to  danger,  robbing  the  con 
quered  countries  to  maintain  their  own  armies  and  cor 
rupt  their  own  citizens.  They  were  alike  in  the  rapidity 
of  their  movements  and  the  secrecy  of  their  attack. 
But  Caesar's  conquests  were  all  made  over  a  barbarous 
and  half-civilized  people,  except  the  conquest  of  his  own 
country.  In  point  of  intellect  there  may  also  be  insti 
tuted  some  sort  of  comparison.  Julius  Caesar  was  one 
of  the  first  orators  of  Rome — perhaps  next  to  Cicero 
himself.  He  was  also  a  beautiful  writer,  as  may  be  seen 
by  his  Commentaries.  That  he  was  a  wise  and  success 
ful  governor  of  mankind  cannot  admit  of  a  doubt. 

The  great  fault  in  Bonaparte's  character  was  his 
selfishness.  This  led  to  all  the  errors  of  his  life.  He 
was  by  nature  kind-hearted  and  affectionate.  There 
was  nothing  of  cruelty  in  his  temper  or  disposition, 
except  when  it  become  necessary  to  promote  his  own 


94  ERSKINE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS. 

selfish  views.  He  loved  Josephine  ardently  and  pas 
sionately  ;  she  had  shared  with  him  his  humbler  fortunes, 
and  had  patiently  endured  with  him  the  fatigues  of 
some  of  his  campaigns ;  but  he  put  her  away  and  mar 
ried  a  woman  whom  he  had  never  seen,  because  she  was 
the  Arch  Duchess  of  Austria  and  he  was  anxious  to  have 
an  heir  to  his  throne.  He  loved  his  brothers,  and  made 
them  kings  and  princes ;  and  yet  he  treated  them  like 
slaves  for  the  gratification  of  his  own  ambition.  He 
loved  his  officers  and  crowned  them  with  honors,  wealth 
and  distinction;  he  was  as  kind  as  a  father  to  his 
soldiers,  and  has  been  seen  administering  with  his  own 
hand  to  their  humblest  wants  on  the  field  of  battle ;  he 
studied  the  comforts  of  his  army  with  a  philanthropy 
which  would  do  credit  to  a  Howard  ;  he  has  been  known 
to  yield  his  own  horse  to  his  sick  soldiery,  and  expose 
his  life  in  the  hospitals  of  Egypt  attending  to  their 
comforts.  But  in  order  to  gratify  his  unhallowed  ambi 
tion  to  gain  a  battle  or  conquer  a  nation,  or  add  a  new 
laurel  to  his  brow,  he  would  sacrifice  officers  and  men 
by  thousands  and  hundreds  of  thousands. 

In  one  respect  he  was  certainly  the  opposite  of  Lord 
Bacon.  There  was  no  want  of  firmness  in  his  character. 
His  courage  was  indomitable.  Nothing  could  shake  it. 
To  his  mind  there  were  no  terrors.  He  cared  not  for 
the  combined  forces  of  Europe.  With  an  army  of  fifty 
thousand  men  he  would  undertake  to  conquer  one  of 
three  hundred  thousand.  We  see  him,  almost  solitary 
and  alone,  escaping  from  Elba,  and  throwing  himself 
into  the  midst  of  an  army  of  ten  thousand,  sent  to 
capture  him.  Without  an  army,  and  without  a  dollar 
in  his  treasury,  we  see  him  putting  himself  in  hostile 
array  to  the  combined  forces  of  England,  Austria, 
Prussia  and  Russia.  Neither  power  nor  wealth,  nor  the 
smiles  of  the  beauty,  nor  the  fascinations  of  glory  and 
fame  could  make  him  yield  or  falter  in  his  resolution. 

But  for  his  selfishness,  Napoleon  would  have  been 
one  of  the  best,  as  well  as  one  of  the  greatest  of  men. 


ERSKINE   COLLEGE    ADDHEvSS.  95 

His  fame  would  have  been  sullied  by  no  crime,  though 
it  might  have  been  far  different  from  what  it  is  in 
splendor  and  brilliancy.  But  in  how  many  characters, 
great  and  small,  do  we  see  this  same  fault  blazing  forth 
conspicuously  and  marring  and  destroying  all  that  is 
beautiful  or  useful  in  their  lives.  How  common  a 
fault  is  it  in  the  character  of  mankind.  We  find  it  more 
or  less  in  the  heart  of  every  one.  How  hard,  therefore, 
should  we  endeavor  to  guard  against  it.  In  the  char 
acter  of  Bonaparte,  how  fatal  was  it.  With  what 
crimes  did  it  cover  him  all  over.  For  twenty  years  it 
destroyed  the  peace  of  Europe,  over-turned  Empires, 
subdued  nations,  and  destroyed  the  fairest  and  richest 
cities  of  the  earth. 

There  is  much  to  study  in  the  character  of  Dr.  John 
son,  the  great  moralist — many  traits  to  admire  and  some 
to  condemn.  His  life,  as  written  by  Boswell,  is, 
perhaps,  the  most  admirable  specimen  of  biography  to 
be  found  in  the  English  language.  It  makes  us 
thoroughly  and  minutely  acquainted  with  the  man. 
And  how  different  does  Dr.  Johnson  appear  in  the  pages 
of  Boswell  from  any  character  which  we  may  form  of 
him  from  his  own  writings.  In  fact  this  great  leviathan 
of  literature  had  two  characters — the  character  in  which 
he  wrote,  calm,  dignified  and  philosophical — and  the  one 
in  which  he  spoke,  which  was  impatient,  violent  and 
rude,  approaching  vulgarity.  He  was  overbearing  and 
insulting  in  his  conversation  and  intercourse  with  his 
fellow-men.  But  in  his  writings  he  acts  and  speaks  the 
moralist  and  philosopher  in  every  line.  His  style  of 
writing  is  stiff  and  formal,  showing  great  labor  of 
thought  in  the  formation  of  his  sentences.  But  he  con 
versed  in  a  free,  easy  and  natural  style. 

Dr.  Johnson  was  a  man  of  great  learning  and  ability, 
great  labor  and  industry,  but  not  regular  in  his  studies 
or  mental  efforts.  He  was  a  most  kind-hearted  and 
charitable  man,  but  he  had  no  respect  for  the  feelings  of 
others.  No  man  would  relieve  physical  want  or  suffer- 


96  ERSKINE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS. 

ing  more  cheerfully  than  Dr.  Johnson,  or  make  great 
er  sacrifices  to  do  so ;  but  he  would  inflict  the  greatest 
mental  anguish  without  being  moved,  and  do  it  with  a 
deliberation  truly  savage.  He  was  a  man  of  great  and 
sincere  piety,  but  his  religion  was  not  free  from  the 
blindest  superstition.  With  all  of  his  strength  of  intel 
lect  he  was  possessed  of  weaknesses  which  would  be 
laughed  at  in  a  child.  He  believed  in  ghosts  and  would 
always  enter  the  house  with  a  particular  foot  first,  never 
being  known  to  enter  with  the  other  foremost.  He  was  a 
very  patriotic  man,  but  he  most  cordially  despised  those 
who  differed  with  him  in  politics,  although  they  were 
equally  patriotic  with  himself.  Such  were  some  of  the 
inconsistencies  in  the  character  of  this  great  man,  and  they 
are  found  in  some  measure,  in  the  character  of  every  one. 

Dr.  Johnson  had  great  confidence,  as  well  he  might 
have,  in  his  virtue,  morality  and  piety.  He  was  a 
philosopher,  and  could  advise  others  to  look  with 
indifference  on  this  life  and  all  its  charms  and  pleasures. 
He  was  wedded  to  no  absorbing  pleasure,  and  had  no 
strong  ties  or  attachments  to  bind  him  to  this  world. 
And  yet  he  could  never  contemplate  death  without  the 
greatest  horror.  The  idea  of  dying  would  always  fill 
his  mind  with  terrors  unspeakable. 

But  the  great  fault  in  his  character  was  his  want  of 
manners,  his  violence,  his  rudeness  and  his  coarseness. 
If  he  had  tried  as  hard  to  improve  his  temper  and 
manners  as  he  did  to  treasure  up  learning,  he  might 
have  left  behind  him  a  more  enviable  character;  one 
which  we  could  study  and  imitate  to  much  greater  ad 
vantage.  The  scholar  and  learned  man  is  too  apt  to 
disregard  the  study  and  practice  of  those  courtesies  and 
amenities  of  life  which  make  our  intercourse  with  each 
other  pleasant  and  agreeable.  Manners  are  to  be  ac 
quired  as  well  as  science  and  literature,  and  they  are  just 
as  important  to  us  through  life. 

One  of  the  proudest  and  noblest  characters  in  English 
history  is  that  of  John  Hampden.  He  was  a  gentleman 


ERSKINE    COLLEGE   ADDRESS.  97 

by  birth  and  education.  He  was  a  gentleman  in 
manners,  feelings  and  intercourse  with  his  fellow-men ; 
a  country  gentleman  of  learning,  talents,  high  honor  and 
noble  patriotism.  He  was  a  bold  and  disinterested  man, 
modest  and  unassuming;  he  never  thrust  himself 
forward  in  the  world.  When  a  great  and  terrible  crisis 
came  in  the  affairs  of  his  country,  he  cheerfully  took  the 
position  of  danger  and  responsibility ;  he  placed  himself 
at  the  head  of  those  who  were  contending  for  the  consti 
tutional  rights  and  liberties  of  England,  and  nobly  did 
he  sustain  his  position.  His  character  may  well  be 
studied.  ]  t  is  a  model  for  the  gentleman,  the  scholar, 
the  statesman,  the  patriot  and  the  noble  and  disinter 
ested  man.  His  firm  spirit  and  high  sense  of  justice 
could  not  see  the  laws  and  chartered  rights  of  his  country 
trampled  upon  by  a  tyrannical  and  perfidious  sovereign 
without  nobly  exposing  his  person,  his  fortune  and  his 
life  in  their  defence.  He  was  the  more  moderate  of  his 
party,  and  the  most  disinterested  of  all  who  thought  of 
opposition  to  Charles  the  First.  But  no  sooner  did  he  hear 
that  the  great  privilege  of  an  English  Commoner,  that 
of  granting  supplies,  was  to  be  taken  from  him,  and 
taxes  levied  in  the  shape  of  ship  money,  than  he  deter 
mined  not  to  pay  those  taxes,  however  trifling  his  share 
of  them  might  be.  Unfortunately  for  his  country,  un 
fortunately  for  English  liberty  and  the  cause  of 
humanity,  he  fell  in  the  first  skirmish  which  took  place 
between  the  King  and  his  Parliament.  For  purity  of 
purpose,  devotion  to  the  principles  of  constitutional 
liberty,  high  and  unflinching  firmness  in  defence  of  those 
principles,  he  has  had  but  one  equal ;  that  was  Wash 
ington;  and  like  Washington,  his  public  career  is  fault 
less.  Well  may  he  be  taken  as  the  patriot  model. 

The  character  of  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  the  great 
Commoner  of  England,  is  that  of  a  proud  patriot, 
possessed  of  all  the  greatness  of  a  bold  and  fearless 
statesman,  brilliant  and  overpowering  in  his  eloquence, 
but  with  none  of  the  simplicity  of  true  greatness.  Every 


98  ERSKIXE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS. 

thing  which  he  did,  every  word  which  he  uttered,  was 
done  for  effect.  He  was,  indeed,  as  his  critics  have 
said  of  him,  a  stage  actor.  His  whole  life  was  a  piece 
of  acting,  but  it  was  noble,  brilliant  and  dazzling.  He 
was,  however,  a  pure  patriot,  incorruptible,  and  if  ambi 
tious  of  power,  it  was  only  for  the  purpose  of  serving 
his  country  more  effectually. 

The  eloquence  of  Chatham  was  of  the  highest  order. 
The  speaking  of  no  man  perhaps  ever  produced  a  more 
grand  effect  on  his  audience.  His  denunciations,  his 
sarcasm,  his  scorn,  were  terrible  and  overpowering. 
Much,  however,  of  the  effect  which  his  speeches  pro 
duced,  was  no  doubt  owing  to  his  manner.  He  spoke 
to  a  few  hundred  persons  and  not  to  the  English  nation. 
His  speeches  were  not  to  be  reported,  and  therefore  his 
only  care  was  about  their  immediate  effect.  He 
believed  with  the  great  Athenian  orator,  that  action 
was  everything  where  a  speech  was  only  to  be  heard. 
But  action  is  nothing  when  the  speech  is  to  be  read,  and 
all  speeches  are  now  made  with  that  view.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  this  fact  has  had  a  most  fatal 
effect  on  modern  eloquence.  No  longer  do  we  witness 
in  the  halls  of  legislation  the  fire  and  energy  of  Demos 
thenes  or  the  thunder  and  lightning  of  Chatham.  In 
their  places,  we  have  a  cold  and  verbose  eloquence 
which,  instead  of  firing  up  and  carrying  off  the  feelings 
of  the  audience,  only  tends  to  make  them  more  dull 
and  lethargic. 

The  difference  between  listening  to  a  speech  and  read 
ing  it  cannot  be  better  illustrated  than  by  reference  to 
the  speeches  of  Edmund  Burke  and  Patrick  Henry. 
The  English  language  does  not  afford  speeches  more 
profound,  more  philosophic,  more  brilliant  or  more 
eloquent  than  those  of  Burke.  His  style  is  indeed  rich 
and  magnificently  ornate,  but  the  statue  is  worthy  of 
the  drapery.  His  argument  and  illustrations  are  as 
able  and  as  beautiful  as  his  language  is  ornamental. 
Whilst  reading  his  speeches,  we  know  not  whether 


ERSKINE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS.  99 

most  to  admire,  his  profound  reasoning  or  his  rich  and 
gorgeous  style.  One  would  suppose  from  reading  these 
speeches  that  the  eloquence  of  such  an  orator  would 
have  been  irresistible  and  overpowering — that  the  still 
ness  of  death  would  have  prevailed  whilst  one  of  them 
was  being  delivered  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  that 
crowds  would  have  gathered  from  all  parts  of  the  great 
metropolis  of  England  to  hear  them.  But  how  different 
was  the  fact.  Burke  could  never  get  a  respectable 
audience  to  listen  to  one  of  his  speeches.  The  announce 
ment  of  his  intention  to  speak  was  literally  a  clearing  of 
the  House.  Even  friendship  and  respect  for  the 
speaker  could  not  induce  many  to  bear  the  infliction  of 
his  dullness.  One  of  his  speeches,  that  on  American 
taxation,  was  said  to  be  so  dull  that  an  intimate  friend 
could  not  endure  its  delivery,  but  sneaked  out  of  the 
House  of  Commons  under  tables  and  benches  to  pre 
vent  being  seen.  The  next  morning,  however,  when 
that  speech  was  reported  in  the  London  papers,  this 
friend  not  only  read  it,  but  wore  out  the  newspaper  in 
reading  it  over  and  over  again. 

How  different  are  the  speeches  of  Patrick  Henry. 
The  thrill  of  his  eloquence  has  become  traditionary  in 
Virginia,  and  yet  tradition  cannot  tell  us  what  he  said. 
The  effect  is  remembered,  and  has  been  repeated  from 
father  to  son,  but  the  words  were  forgotten  as  well  as 
the  sentiment  or  idea  expressed.  His  powers  as  an 
orator  were,  however,  irresistible.  No  one  ever  thought 
of  leaving  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses  whilst 
Patrick  Henry  was  speaking.  Nor  did  his  audience 
think  of  anything  else  whilst  he  was  speaking,  except 
what  fell  from  his  lips.  He  held  them  spell-bound, 
physically  and  mentally.  Their  thoughts,  their  reason, 
their  judgment,  and  their  feelings  were  all,  for  the  time 
being,  surrendered  to  him,  and  he  made  them  think,  feel 
and  act  as  he  pleased. 

Fortunately  for  the  fame  of  his  eloquence  few  of  his 
speeches  have  been  handed  down  to  us.  Those  that  we 


100  ERSKINE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS. 

have,  and  some  of  them  were  regarded  as  his  greatest 
efforts,  are  so  destitute  of  all  the  essentials  of  great 
speaking  and  eloquence,  that  they  would  do  no  credit  to 
a  school  boy.  Whilst  reading  them  we  naturally 
inquire  of  ourselves  whether  it  is  possible  such  speeches 
could  have  come  from  the  Virginia  Demosthenes;  and 
above  all,  whether  they  could  have  produced  the 
wonderful  effects  they  did  on  the  people  of  Virginia. 

In  the  Virginia  debates  on  the  adoption  of  the  Fed 
eral  Constitution,  we  have  the  speeches  of  Patrick 
Henry,  Chief  Justice  Marshall  and  James  Madison, 
thrown  side  by  side.  Henry  was  incomparably  the 
most  eloquent  of  the  three,  if  we  judge  from  the  repu 
tation  they  have  left  behind  them.  But  it  will  not  do 
to  compare  their  written  speeches.  We  had  as  well 
think  of  instituting  a  comparison  between  the  efforts  of  a 
young  Sophomore  and  those  of  a  profound  statesman 
and  orator. 

Wre  have  few  of  the  speeches  of  Lord  Chatham. 
Those  that  we  have  are  more  the  speeches  of  Johnson 
and  the  other  reporters  than  they  are  of  Chatham. 
None  of  his  speeches  were  written  out  by  himself,  or 
even  corrected  by  him.  They  must,  therefore,  be  badly 
reported ;  but  after  making  these  just  allowances  they 
fall  very  far  short  of  his  reputation  as  an  eloquent  and 
powerful  debater.  It  is  said  that  Lord  Chatham  was 
nothing  in  reply- — that  he  did  not  care  for  the  last  word 
in  debate,  which  was  always  a  matter  of  so  much  import 
ance  to  his  great  rival,  Lord  Holland.  Like  Demos 
thenes,  he  could  say  nothing  unless  he  had  thought 
beforehand  on  the  subject. 

This  trait  in  the  character  of  certain  great  orators 
deserves  our  serious  consideration.  It  is  said  that 
Demosthenes  never  could  be  induced  to  take  a  part  in 
any  discussion  without  previous  preparation.  When 
called  on  by  the  Athenians  to  reply  to  some  one  who 
had  spoken,  he  kept  his  seat,  and  could  not  be  induced 
to  speak.  But  Demosthenes  was  a  mere  orator.  He 


ERSKINE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS.  101 

was  not,  like  Cicero,  an  accomplished  scholar  and  pro 
found  statesman — a  man  of  great  learning  and  science. 
Hence  the  reluctance  which  he  had  to  speaking  without 
preparation.  It  is  idle  to  suppose  that  any  one  can 
speak  well  on  a  subject  which  he  has  not  thought  of 
and  studied  at  some  period  of  his  life.  And,  on  the 
contrary,  it  is  an  easy  matter  for  any  one  to  speak  on  a 
subject  familiar  to  his  mind,  and  which  he  thoroughly 
comprehends.  Nothing  can  be  more  erroneous  than  the 
idea  that  some  men  are  more  eloquent  without  any  pre 
paration  at  all.  If  they  have  been  eloquent  on  the  spur 
of  the  occasion,  it  is  always  owing  to  the  fact  that  the 
subject  has  long  occupied  their  thoughts  and  feelings. 
If  they  had  not  studied  the  subject  of  their  speech  the 
day  before,  they  had  the  year  before,  or  at  some  pre 
vious  time. 

It  was  thought  of  Sheridan,  that  many  of  his  most 
magnificent  bursts  of  eloquence  were  impromptus — that 
they  were  made  extempore,  and  without  previous  thought 
or  preparation.  But  instead  of  this  having  been  the 
case,  it  was  afterwards  discovered  that  he  had  written 
out  at  length  all  of  those  eloquent  speeches  which 
seemed  to  have  been  the  production  of  the  moment. 
He  had,  however,  studiously  concealed  his  labor  and 
preparation  from  his  associates.  Such,  too,  will  be  found 
to  be  the  case  with  all  ready  and  eloquent  speakers.  It 
is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  any  one  can  be  great  with 
out  an  effort — and  equally  mistaken  is  the  notion  that 
any  one  can  be  eloquent  without  study. 

Eloquence  and  liberty  are  congenial.  They  have 
always  flourished  together.  The  one  cannot  exist  with 
out  the  other.  And  the  world  knows  nothing  of  elo 
quence,  except  as  it  existed  in  Greece  and  Rome,  and 
still  exists  in  England  and  America.  The  French 
nation  never  produced  an  orator  until  the  spirit  of  lib 
erty  burst  asunder  the  chains  which  had  so  long  enslaved 
that  people.  The  first  germs  of  French  eloquence  are 
to  be  found  in  their  Revolutionary  assembly. 


102  ERSKINE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS. 

Mirabeau  is,  perhaps,  the  first  Frenchman  who 
deserves  the  name  of  an  orator,  and  he  was  by  far  the 
greatest,  as  well  as  the  first.  His  eloquence  was  of  the 
most  powerful  and  commanding  order.  He  governed 
the  National  Assembly  from  the  time  he  first  took  his 
seat  in  it  to  the  day  of  his  death,  with  absolute  power. 
He  was  a  man  of  great  talents,  great  boldness,  com 
manding  person  and  huge,  hideous,  though  intellectual 
head  and  face.  He  was  a  nobleman  by  birth,  but  had 
been  rejected  by  his  own  order  in  the  elections.  He 
then  became  the  representative  of  the  people,  and  swore 
vengeance  against  that  nobility  from  whose  confidence 
and  society  he  had  been  expelled.  During  this  stormy 
period  of  French  history  there  arose  many  orators  and 
eloquent  men.  They  disappeared,  however,  as  soon  as 
the  tyranny  of  Robespierre  had  gained  the  ascendancy. 

On  the  accession  of  Napoleon  to  power,  he  soon  sup 
pressed  what  little  of  eloquence  had  again  sprung  up  in 
the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies.  But  he  was  the  great 
and  munificent  patron  of  literature,  the  arts  and  sciences. 
And  how  different  is  the  spirit  of  literature  from  that  of 
eloquence.  The  one  seems  as  naturally  to  seek  the  quiet 
and  stillness  of  despotism  as  the  other  does  the  rough 
and  stormy  violence  of  liberty. 

In  the  existence  of  great  men  there  is  one  thing 
remarkable.  If  we  look  into  ancient  and  modern  his 
tory  we  shall  see  that  most  great  men  have  existed  in 
clusters.  They  have  seldom  appeared  solitary  and  alone, 
but  have  always  had  cotemporaries  and  associates  in 
their  greatness.  Homer  and  Hesiod,  the  most  ancient  of 
poets,  and  still  the  most  remarkable,  were  supposed  to 
have  lived  about  the  same  time.  Herodotus,  the  father 
of  Historious,  was  the  cotemporary  of  Thucydides  and 
Xenophon,  two  of  the  most  beautiful  of  ancient  histo 
rians.  Sophocles,  Euripides  and  JEschylus,  the  most 
distinguished  dramatic  poets  of  Greece,  flourished  about 
the  same  era.  In  philosophy,  there  were  living  at  the 
same  time,  Socrates  and  Plato — the  tutor  and  pupil 


ERSKINE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS.  103 

teaching  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  and  inculcating 
the  sublimest  principles  of  morality  and  virtue.  Demos 
thenes  flourished  with  many  orators,  Lysias,  Isocrates 
and  others,  who  would  have  been  more  conspicuous  but 
for  his  own  great  and  overshadowing  eloquence.  He 
was  also  the  cotemporary  of  Aristotle,  the  most  distin 
guished  of  ancient  philosophers.  And  Aristotle  was 
the  friend  and  tutor  of  Alexander,  the  greatest  captain 
and  conqueror  of  antiquity.  Themistocles,  Aristides 
and  Alcibiades,  the  most  eminent  of  Grecian  statesmen, 
were  all  cotemporaries  and  rivals. 

If  we  examine  Roman  and  English  history  we  shall 
find  the  coincidences  of  greatness  at  particular  eras 
equally  as  remarkable.  Cicero,  the  greatest  of 
Roman  orators,  was  the  cotemporary  of  Julius  Caesar, 
the  greatest  of  Roman  generals.  The  Augustan  age  of 
Rome  was  distinguished  by  a  galaxy  of  great  names- 
great  in  everything  but  eloquence.  The  capital  and 
mistress  of  the  world  had  then  lost  too  much  of  the 
spirit  of  liberty  for  eloquence  to  flourish  within  her 
walls.  But  she  was  great  in  literature,  science,  refine 
ment  and  civilization.  Horace  and  Virgil  at  this 
period  lived,  and  wrote  their  immortal  poems.  Many 
others  might  be  mentioned. 

In  England,  I  have  already  referred  to  the  age 
of  Queen  Elizabeth,  when  Lord  Bacon,  Sir  Edward 
Coke,  the  Cecils,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  Shakespeare,  Ben 
Jonson  and  others,  almost  equally  illustrious,  lived 
and  flourished.  I  have  also  spoken  of  another  period 
of  English  history  which  produced  the  Earl  of 
Chatham,  Dr.  Samuel  Johnson,  Edmund  Burke  and 
Lord  Holland.  Charles  James  Fox,  who  has  been 
called  the  Demosthenes  of  England,  and  William  Pitt, 
the  great  statesman,  who  became  Prime  Minister  of 
England  at  the  age  of  twenty-four,  were  the  sons 
of  Lord  Holland  and  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  and  may  be 
referred  to  the  same  age.  Dr.  Oliver  Goldsmith  was 
also  their  cotemporary,  than  whom  the  world  has  pro- 


104  ERSKIXE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS. 

duced  few  poets  more  beautiful,  or  prose  writers  more 
elegantly  simple  and  natural.  About  the  same  era 
there  lived  Burns,  the  immortal  ploughman  of  Ayrshire 
and  poet  of  Scotland.  The  age  of  Queen  Anne  is 
another  period  in  English  history,  bright  with  a  galaxy 
of  illustrious  names.  Addison,  Pope,  Swift  and  Steele 
were  amongst  those  who  adorned  and  elevated  the 
literature  of  England  at  that  time. 

If  we  were  to  examine  the  histories  of  France,  Ger 
many,  Italy  and  Spain,  we  should  find  coincidences 
equally  as  remarkable.  The  history  of  America,  too, 
would  afford  many  instances.  I  will  mention  one.  It 
is  near  us.  The  District  of  Abbeville  has  produced 
four  men,  who  are  now  living,  and  one  of  whom  would 
be  enough  to  have  immortalized  an  age  or  a  nation. 
The  proudest  period  of  Roman  greatness  would  have 
been  adorned  by  such  a  man  as  Langdon  Cheves.  For 
greatness  of  intellect,  profound  wisdom,  boldness  and 
purity  of  purpose,  he  has  no  superior.  He  has  dis 
charged  the  duties  of  every  station  which  he  has  filled 
with  an  ability  which  has  never  been  surpassed.  As  a 
Judge,  he  was  learned  and  profound ;  as  a  member  of 
Congress  he  displayed  great  wisdom,  and  an  industiy 
and  ability  which  have  been  seldom  equalled;  as  a 
financier,  at  the  head  of  the  great  banking  institution  of 
the  country,  he  evinced  a  boldness,  a  sagacity  and  wis 
dom  which  have  never  been  surpassed.  The  honor  of 
his  birth  is  due  to  Abbeville  District— the  city  of 
Charleston,  however,  claims  the  double  honor  of  having 
distinguished,  and  been  distinguished  by  him. 

John  C.  Calhoun,  as  every  one  knows,  owes  his  birth 
to  this  District.  Had  he  been  born  in  England,  instead 
of  the  United  States,  he  would  have  graced  the  bright 
est  period  of  her  history.  As  an  orator  and  parliamen 
tary  debater,  he  would  have  ranked  with  the  Foxes  and 
Pitts.  As  a  man  of  genius  and  a  brilliant  statesman, 
he  would  not  have  been  surpassed  by  the  proudest 
names  of  which  England  can  boast.  In  private  life  he 


ERSKIKE  COLLEGE  ADDRESS.         105 

has  always  sustained  a  character  pure  and  spotless. 
His  career  in  Congress  was  a  most  brilliant  one.  He 
entered  the  House  of  Representatives  a  very  young 
man,  immediately  preceding  the  declaration  of  war,  and 
his  devotion  to  business,  united  with  his  genius  and 
ability,  soon  placed  him  at  the  head  of  that  body,  filled, 
as  it  was,  by  the  greatest  men  the  country  afforded. 

General  McDuffie,  though  not  a  native  of  Abbeville 
District,  was  educated  and  brought  up  in  it,  and  now 
resides  here,  after  having  long  represented  the  District 
in  Congress  with  distinguished  honor  to  himself  and 
country.  As  an  orator,  his  bold  and  fearless  eloquence 
at  the  bar,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  has  placed  him  amongst 
the  most  distinguished  speakers  of  this  or  any  other 
age.  For  many  years  he  had  no  equal,  no  rival  in  the 
halls  of  Congress.  He  stood,  as  it  were,  alone,  the 
master  spirit  of  that  great  assembly,  towering  far  above 
his  compeers  and  associates. 

James  L.  Petigru  is  a  native  of  Abbeville  District. 
He  is  known  only  as  a  lawyer,  and  an  upright,  pure 
and  noble-hearted  man.  Like  Sir  Samuel  Romily,  he 
has  devoted  himself  to  his  profession,  and  in  learning 
and  ability  he  is  surpassed  by  no  one,  either  in  the 
United  States  or  England.  The  resemblance  between 
him  and  Romily  is  not  altogether  professional.  There 
are  many  traits  in  their  characters  strikingly  similar. 
They  were  both  of  French  descent,  and  rose  from  the 
humbler  walks  of  life.  There  is  a  simplicity,  a  benev 
olence  and  a  pureness  in  the  character  of  both  which 
we  seldom  meet  with.  They  were  both  devoted  to  their 
profession,  and  cared  not  to  mingle  in  public  affairs. 
Like  the  great  English  lawyer,  Mr.  Petigru  is  the 
admiration  of  his  friends  and  associates. 

There  are  many  others,  natives  of  Abbeville  District, 
who  might  be  named,  filling  high  places  in  this  and 
other  States.  When  we  see  such  a  cluster  of  great  men, 
all  springing  from  one  District,  at  one  and  the  same 


106  ERSKINE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS. 

time,  well  may  that  District  claim  to  be  the  Athens  of 
South  Carolina.  Well  may  she,  like  the  Roman 
matron,  when  asked  for  her  jewels,  point  to  her  sons. 

But  Abbeville  has  now  given  another  claim  to  this 
distinction.  She  has  not  only  sent  forth  her  sons,  like 
the  proud  city  of  Greece,  to  fill  the  highest  offices 
within  her  own  and  the  neighboring  States  and  the 
Confederation,  and  to  receive  the  highest  and  noblest 
honors  which  their  country  can  bestow,  but  she  has  now 
erected  a  College,  where  her  sons,  and  the  sons  of  her 
neighboring  Districts,  and  the  adjoining  States,  may 
reap  the  advantages  of  a  thorough  and  complete  educa 
tion.  No  higher  evidence  can  be  given  of  the  virtue, 
intelligence  and  intellectual  attainments  of  any  people, 
than  the  establishment  of  schools  and  colleges.  Nor 
can  any  stronger  guarantee  be  offered  that  a  people  will 
remain  wise  and  virtuous. 

The  founders  and  patrons  of  Erskine  College  will 
long  receive  the  gratitude  and  thanks  of  the  country. 
Their  sagacity  and  wisdom  were  shown  in  the  location 
of  this  institution.  It  too  frequently  happens  that  where 
schools  and  colleges  are  founded  in  towns  and  cities,  the 
temptations  to  dissipation  and  extravagance  are  so  great 
that  it  may  well  be  questioned  whether  the  students 
derive  more  of  benefit  or  injury  from  their  collegiate 
course.  Here  they  are  removed  from  all  such  tempta 
tions,  and  their  only  pride  and  ambition  must  be  to 
excel  each  other  in  their  studies.  The  foppery  and  frip 
pery  of  dress  cannot  excite  their  jealousy  or  rivalry. 

The  students  of  this  institution  will  go  hence,  with 
their  minds  imbued  with  the  great  principles  of  science 
and  literature,  virtue  and  religion.  These  are  the 
foundation  on  which  their  future  happiness,  fame  and 
prosperity  must  depend.  From  other  similar  institu 
tions,  surrounded  with  all  the  fascinations  of  vice  and 
extravagance,  it  too  often  happens  that  the  student  car 
ries  with  him  into  the  wrorld,  feelings,  principles  and 
.  habits,  there  contracted,  which  prove  his  ruin  and 


ERSKINE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS.  107 

destruction.  The  fond  parent,  instead  of  being  proud 
of  him,  for  his  virtues  and  attainments,  will  have  to 
repent  in  pain  and  sorrow,  the  disgrace  and  misery 
which  their  love  and  kindness  have  brought  upon  one 
of  their  own  offspring. 

GENTLEMEN  or  THE  "  PHILOMATHEAN  SOCIETY  :" 
I  have  the  pleasure  of  distributing  amongst  you  the 
honors  which  your  talents,  industry  and  good  behavior 
have  won  for  you.  Here  they  are — take  them,  as  the 
just  rewards  of  your  merit — but  do  not  look  upon  them 
as  filling  the  measure  of  your  fame  and  usefulness. 
Instead  of  having  passed  through  the  labors  of  your 
life,  you  are  now  only  on  the  verge  of  them.  Your 
education,  instead  of  being  finished  has  only  commenced. 
The  foundation  is  laid,  nothing  more.  You  are  to  build 
hereafter  the  superstructure.  If  you  have  been  hereto 
fore  industrious,  you  must  still  be  more  so,  as  you 
advance  in  life,  and  your  cares  and  responsibilities 
increase.  Do  not  flatter  yourselves  with  the  belief  that 
this  life  is  one  of  ease  and  pleasure.  We  were  placed 
here  by  an  all-wise  Being  for  higher  and  nobler  pur 
poses  than  the  mere  enjoyment  of  idle  pleasures. 

Let  me  entreat  you,  gentlemen,  by  all  that  can  endear 
you  to  life,  to  apply  yourselves  at  once  to  your  different 
professions  and  pursuits.  Enter  on  the  study  of  them 
immediately,  and  steadily  persevere  in  them,  as  long  as 
you  live.  Never  permit  yourselves  to  be  disheartened, 
or  to  hesitate  in  your  onward  course.  Industry  and 
prudence,  honor  and  integrity,  will  never  fail  to  crown 
your  exertions  with  success. 

You  were  told  by  the  learned,  eloquent  and  pious 
Judge  who  addressed  you  on  your  last  anniversary,  that 
the  end  and  aim  of  all  our  exertions  was  happiness.  Let 
me  tell  you  that  idleness  and  happiness  can  never  exist 
together — I  care  not  how  much  of  wealth,  luxury  and 
splendor  may  surround  you,  if  you  wish  to  be  happy, 
you  must  not  be  idle.  It  was  intended  by  the  Creator 


108  ERSKINE   COLLEGE   ADDRESS. 

of  all  things  that  we  should  all  labor.  By  the  sweat  of 
his  brow  man  is  to  gain  his  livelihood. 

If  you  select  one  of  the  learned  professions  for  a  pur 
suit  in  life,  you  must  not  do  so  under  the  impression 
that  it  will  not  be  necessary  for  you  to  labor.  Your 
life,  on  the  contrary,  if  you  aspire  to  any  of  the  honors 
and  distinctions  of  your  profession,  will  be  one  of  end 
less  labor.  And  whilst  you  are  pursuing  your  studies 
or  profession,  let  me  beseech  you  to  avoid  all  tempta 
tions  which  may  be  thrown  in  your  way.  Avoid  all 
bad  company,  all  evil  or  idle  associates  as  you  would 
shun  vice  itself.  You  will  very  often  meet  with  persons 
high  in  life,  surrounded  by  wealth  and  fame,  who  are  idle 
and  vicious.  Shun  them  and  their  society  as  you  would 
a  pestilence.  By  your  associates  are  you  known,  and 
every  one  of  you  must  rise  or  fall  to  the  level  of  the 
company  you  keep. 

The  next  danger  I  would  caution  you  against,  is  that 
of  giving  way  to  your  passions  of  anger  and  resentment. 
Be  slow  unto  wrath,  is  the  command  of  our  holy  and 
blessed  religion.  Never  cease  to  bear  in  mind  that  it  is 
more  magnanimous  to  forgive  than  to  resent  an  injury. 
True  courage  is  more  often  tested  by  the  one  than  the 
other.  A  coward  is  very  often  tempted  to  resent  some 
insult  or  imaginary  grievance,  whilst  a  brave  man  only, 
has  courage  to  forgive  or  pass  it  by  unnoticed.  Be  sure 
that  you  are  always  right,  and  no  circumstance  can  then 
force  you  into  any  personal  altercation  with  your 
fellow-man. 

The  painful  and  agonizing  event  which  has  so  recently 
cast  a  melancholy  gloom  over  the  walls  of  this  institu 
tion,  and  filled  your  hearts  with  the  bitterest  pangs  of 
sorrow  and  mourning,  should  be  an  awful  warning  to  you 
through  life,  to  restrain  your  feelings  and  govern  your 
passions.  In  a  moment  of  thoughtless  excitement  and 
passion,  caused  by  some  trivial  and  unimportant  consid 
eration,  a  fellow-student,  filled  with  high  hopes  and 
expectations,  has  fallen  by  the  hand  of  his  College  com- 


ERSKINE    COLLEGE   ADDRESS.  109 

pan  ion,  who,  perhaps,  had  never  entertained  towards 
him  any  other  than  feelings  of  kindness  and  love.  How 
forcibly  does  this  sad  and  painful  catastrophe  illustrate 
to  us  the  truth  of  the  remark,  that  when  passion  rules, 
reason  is  dethroned  —  we  are  no  longer  masters  of 
ourselves. 

In  conclusion,  gentlemen,  let  me  impress  on  you,  as 
you  are  about  to  leave  this  institution,  to  carry  with  you 
and  treasure  up  in  perpetual  remembrance,  those  great 
principles  of  virtue,  morality  and  religion,  which  have 
been  taught  you  by  your  learned  President  and  Pro 
fessors.  If  you  are  disposed  to  regard  your  happiness 
and  prosperity  in  this  life,  and  your  future  welfare  in  a 
world  to  come,  these  are  the  lessons  to  which  your  minds 
will  most  often  revert,  and  which  will  be  the  last  to 
depart  from  your  memories.  You  have^been  long  asso 
ciated  as  companions  and  friends.  Let  me  assure  you 
that  early  friendships,  like  early  lessons  of  piety  and 
religion,  are  the  most  permanent.  You  are  now  going 
to  separate,  perhaps  forever.  In  all  human  probability, 
your  destinies  may  be  cast  in  different  and  distant  coun 
tries.  You  may  never  meet  again  in  this  world — but 
let  this  be  your  bond  of  union  and  sympathy :  At 
night,  when  you  have  offered  up  your  prayers  to  God, 
and  in  the  morning,  when  you  have  returned  your 
thanks  for  your  preservation  during  the  past  night,  let 
your  thoughts  revert  to  your  Alma  Mater,  and  her 
lessons  of  wisdom  and  religion,  which  were  taught  you 
all  in  common.  Go,  prosper  and  be  happy.  My  earnest 
and  fervent  prayers  go  with  you. 


SPEECH 

Delivered  in  the  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENT ATIVES  ot  South  Carolina,  Decem 
ber  ii,  1850,  on  a  number  of  Propositions  referred  to  the  Committee  of 
the  Whole  on  the  State  and  Federal  Affairs. 


[This  Speech  GOVERNOR  PERRY  said  he  left  "as a  legacy  to  his  country 
and  his  children."] 


MR.  CHAIRMAN: — I  desire  to  say  a  few  words  in 
explanation  of  the  Resolutions  which  I  had  the  honor 
to  submit  to  the  House,  and  which  are  now  before  the 
Committee. 

We  have  been  told,  Mr.  Chairman,  by  every  member 
who  has  addressed  the  Committee,  that  South  Carolina 
is  on  the  eve  of  a  revolution,  that  her  grievances  and 
oppressions,  at  the  hands  of  the  Federal  Government,  are 
such  that  a  free  people  can  no  longer  submit  to  them ; 
and  that  she  is  bound  in  honor,  and  by  every  considera 
tion  of  duty  and  interest,  to  herself  and  the  other  South 
ern  States,  to  dissolve  the  Union,  and  resume  her  sover 
eignty  as  an  independent  State.  These,  sir,  are  grave 
and  momentous  questions,  and  should  be  coolly,  calmly, 
and  dispassionately  considered.  No  one,  I  am  sure, 
desires  the  hasty  or  precipitate  action  of  the  State,  on 
matters  of  such  vast  importance,  involving  her  existence 
as  a  member  of  the  Confederacy,  and  perhaps  the  princi 
ples  of  liberty  throughout  the  world. 

On  these  questions,  Mr.  Chairman,  every  true  son  of 
Carolina  should  speak  forth  his  feelings — the  convic 
tions  of  his  judgment.  He  should  do  so  honestly  and 
boldly,  without  regard  to  motives  of  selfishness  or  ambi 
tion.  If  he  differs  from  the  majority  he  may  suggest 
difficulties  which  will  prompt  to  greater  caution  and 
prudence  on  the  part  of  those  who  are  steering  the  ship 
in 


112  SPEECH    BEFORE   THE 

of  State  through  this  terrible  storm.  We  must  consider 
on  the  one  hand  that  the  oppressions  and  unjust  exac 
tions  of  a  government  should  be  resisted,  or  they  will 
end  in  despotism ;  and  on  the  other  hand,  we  must  re 
member  that  the  ball  of  revolution,  when  once  put  in 
motion,  seldom  stops  at  the  bidding  of  those  who  start  it. 

Whilst  I  differ,  sir,  with  those  around  me  in  regard 
to  the  true  policy  of  South  Carolina,  I  yield  to  none  of 
her  sons  in  my  readiness  and  willingness  to  defend  her 
interests  and  her  honor.  There  is  no  tie  which  binds 
a  man  to  his  native  State  that  I  do  not  feel  for  Carolina. 
Here,  sir,  I  was  born  and  brought  up.  Here  I  have 
lived,  and  here  I  expect  to  die.  Here,  too,  repose  the 
remains  of  my  ancestors,  and  here  I  desire  my  children 
to  take  root  and  grow.  Never  have  I  entertained  for 
one  moment  the  thought  or  purpose  of  leaving  this  my 
native  land.  There  are  a  thousand  associations  in  my 
mind,  connected  with  her  mountains  and  hills,  her  sea 
board  and  her  plains,  which  I  never  can  abandon.  I 
live  in  her  bosom,  and  have  been  cherished  by  her 
kindness,  and  with  her,  sir,  I  prosper  or  perish. 

If  I  aspired  to  office  or  honor,  it  should  be  in  South 
Carolina.  I  desire  nothing  and  could  get  nothing  frcm 
the  Federal  Government.  And  I  know,  sir,  full  well, 
that  I  cut  off  all  hope  of  promotion  in  this  State  by  the 
course  I  am  now  pursuing.  Still,  sir,  I  shall  pursue  it 
"for  my  country's  good."  I  should  lose  my  own  self- 
respect  if  I  were  to  yield  to  a  popular  current,  no  matter 
how  strong,  which  I  believed  to  be  as  fatal  to  my  coun 
try  as  the  one  now  sweeping  over  South  Carolina.  I 
will  resist  it  as  long  as  I  can,  though  I  may  stand  alone 
in  the  State. 

I  am  not  ignorant  of,  or  insensible  to,  the  wrongs 
and  injuries  inflicted  by  the  Federal  Government  on  the 
Southern  States.  They  commenced  many  years  since 
with  a  high  and  onerous  tariff  of  protection,  for  the 
express  benefit  of  one  section  of  the  country  at  the 
expense  of  another.  Then  came  a  grand  and  stupeu- 


HOUSE  OF  KEPEESENTATTVES.  113 

dous  system  of  internal  improvements,  to  spend  the 
money  raised  by  these  high  duties,  and  enrich  the  North 
and  West.  A  National  Bank  was  a  part  of  the  same 
scheme  for  making  the  South  dependent,  in  all  her  com 
mercial  arrangements,  on  the  North.  But  this  whole 
American  system  has  been  broken  down.  The  Bank 
went  overboard  under  the  administration  of  General 
Jackson,  and  so  did  internal  improvements.  The 
downfall  of  the  tariff  and  the  triumph  of  free  trade  were 
the  crowning  glory  of  Mr.  Folk's  brilliant  administra 
tion.  The  prodigal  distribution  of  the  public  lands, 
and  the  odious  and  revolting  principles  of  the  Wilmot 
Proviso  were  next  attempted. 

Nor  am  I  unmindful,  Mr.  Chairman,  of  the  indig 
nities  and  insults  of  the  Northern  people,  and  their 
utter  disregard  of  constitutional  guarantees.  And  I 
am  ready,  sir,  and  ever  have  been,  to  defend,  at  any  and 
every  hazard,  the  rights  of  the  South.  But  I  am  dis 
posed  to  defend  them  prudently,  wisely,  and  successfully. 
I  am  unwilling  to  see  South  Carolina  pursue  a  course 
which  must  inevitably  prove  disastrous  to  her,  and 
ruinous  to  the  cause  of  the  South.  Whilst  I  shall 
defend,  at  any  and  every  hazard,  the  rights  of  the  South 
and  the  honor  of  Carolina,  I  am  also  disposed,  if  possi 
ble,  to  preserve  the  Union  of  the  States. 

Whilst  I  feel  conscious  of  the  sincerity  of  my  own 
heart,  far  be  it  from  me  to  impugn  the  motives  or  con 
duct  of  others.  They  are  doubtless  as  honest  and  as 
patriotic  as  myself.  We  differ  as  widely  as  the  poles 
are  asunder ;  but  it  is  a  difference  of  judgment,  in  pur 
suit  of  the  same  object — the  honor,  happiness,  and  pros 
perity  of  our  State.  They  are  for  disunion,  per  se,  inde 
pendent  of  the  late  legislation  on  the  part  of  Congress. 
They  believe  that  the  honor,  happiness,  and  prosperity 
of  the  South  would  be  promoted  by  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union.  I  do  not.  I  may,  however,  be  in  error.  So 
may  they.  We  are  all  liable  to  go  wrong.  I  have  been 
taught,  sir,  from  my  infancy,  by  the  writings  of  one 


114  SPEECH   BEFORE   THE 

whose  purity  was  never  doubted,  and  whose  judgment 
never  failed,  that  the  Union  was  the  great  palladium  of 
our  liberty,  independence,  safety  and  prosperity,  and 
that  we  should  cherish  a  constant,  cordial  and  immov 
able  attachment  to  it. 

I  do,  Mr.  Chairman,  venerate  this  Union,  and  am 
disposed  to  hold  on  to  it  until  dishonor  or  oppression 
force  me,  as  a  Southern  man,  to  break  it  asunder.  I 
look  with  feelings  of  horror  on  the  happening  of  that 
event  which  no  language  can  describe.  But  when  it 
does  come  I  shall  be  disposed  to  do  my  duty.  As  much 
as  I  love  the  Union,  I  love  the  South  and  her  institu 
tions  still  more,  and  I  will  defend  them  more  cheerfully, 
more  readily.  I  am  not,  however,  disposed  to  be  laughed 
out  of  my  admiration  of  the  Union  by  those  who  affect 
to  despise  and  spurn  its  glories.  Let  me  ask  if  there  is 
nothing  glorious  in  its  formation  and  history — in  the 
battles  which  achieved  it,  and  the  heroes  who  fought 
them  ?  Who  can  contemplate  a  few  thousand  men 
scattered  over  a  vast  continent,  rising  up  in  the  majesty 
of  strength  and  power,  to  defend  themselves  against 
the  most  powerful  monarchy  of  Europe,  and  say  there 
ist nothing  of  glory  in  this  Union?  Who  can  look  at 
the  battle-fields  of  the  Revolution,  drenched  as  they 
were  with  the  blood  of  Northern  and  Southern  men, 
and  say  there  is  nothing  glorious  in  them  ?  Who  can 
read  in  history  the  characters  and  achievements  of  Wash 
ington,  Franklin,  Hancock  and  Rutledge,  and  deny  that 
they  filled  this  Union  with  glory?  Who  will  look  at 
the  progress  these  United  States  have  made  in  human 
happiness  and  prosperity,  and  in  all  the  moral  grandeur 
of  a  great  nation,  without  admitting  that  this  has  been 
a  glorious  Union?  Where  are  the  battles  fought  and 
the  conquests  made  by  our  officers  in  Mexico  ?  Is  there 
nothing  of  glory  in  all  these  ?  And  when  the  Union  is 
dissolved,  how  shall  all  this  glory  be  portioned  out 
between  the  North  and  the  South  ?  Franklin  and  War- 


HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES.  115 

ren,  Hancock  and  Adams,  will  no  longer  be  countrymen 
of  ours ! 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  sun  has  never  shone  on  a  people, 
in  ancient  or  modern  times,  who  have  prospered  and 
flourished  and  grown  great  as  the  American  people  have 
since  the  formation  of  this  Union.  From  three  mil 
lions  they  have  increased  to  twenty-five  millions  in  lit 
tle  more  than  half  of  a  century.  From  thirteen  States 
they  have  grown  to  thirty-one.  In  extent  of  territory  they 
have  spread  from  five  hundred  thousand  square  miles  to 
two  millions  of  square  miles.  The  forests  have  disap 
peared  before  their  footsteps,  and  towns  and  villages 
have  sprung  up  as  if  by  magic.  In  all  the  arts  and  sci 
ences  and  literature  of  the  world  they  are  behind  no 
people  of  their  age.  No  country  on  earth  enjoys  the 
same  civil  and  religious  liberty.  Instead  of  making 
war  on  their  fellow-men,  they  have  made  war,  as  has 
been  said  by  a  distinguished  Frenchman,  against  the  for 
ests  and  wild  beasts. 

It  will  not  do,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  break  up  a  govern 
ment  every  time  it  goes  wrong.  No  government  could 
last  five  years  on  any  such  principle.  Nor  will  it  answer 
for  a  people  to  separate  from  each  other  whenever  an 
opposing  interest  springs  up  between  them.  Such  a 
course  would  produce  division  after  division,  until  every 
neighborhood  and  every  family  would  stand  forth  an 
independent  and  separate  nation. 

It  has  been  said,  sir,  that  the  South  knows  the  Fed 
eral  Government  *only  by  its  exactions  and  oppressions, 
and  that  she  has  never  received  benefits  or  advantages 
from  its  power  and  influence.  This,  sir,  is  a  great  error, 
and  a  total  error.  The  whole  history  of  our  country 
proves  it.  In  many  instances  of  the  highest  importance 
and  greatest  moment,  the  policy  of  the  United  States 
has  been  in  favor  of  the  South.  There  is  the  purchase 
of  Louisiana,  a  country  larger  than  one-half  of  the 
kingdoms  of  Europe.  This  immense  country  was  added 
to  the  United  States  as  a  slave  territory.  It  was  pur- 


116  SPEECH    BEFORE   THE 

chased  for  the  benefit  of  the  South  and  Southwest.  The 
purchase  was  made  by  the  Union  and  paid  for  by  the 
Union.  In  consequence  of  this  purchase,  slavery  has 
been  extended  over  several  new  States.  Was  there  no 
concession  to  the  Southern  States,  no  benefit  conferred 
on  them  by  this  vast  accession  of  territory?  Where 
has  there  ever  been  such  a  boon  conferred  by  the  Fed 
eral  Government  on  the  Northern  States  ? 

There,  too,  is  the  purchase  of  the  Floridas,  a  slave- 
holding  country,  with  climate  and  soil  admirably  adapted 
to  the  institution  of  slavery.  This  beautiful  country, 
large  enough  to  make  a  half-dozen  New  England  States, 
was  purchased  and  paid  for  like  Louisiana,  with  the 
money  of  the  Federal  Government,  raised  at  the  North 
as  well  as  the  South.  In  the  possession  of  Spain  it  was 
a  thorn  in  the  side  of  the  Southern  States,  a  refuge  for 
runaway  slaves,  a  home  for  hostile  Indians,  and  inhab 
ited  by  unprincipled  traders  from  all  parts  of  the  world, 
who  were  constantly  furnishing  the  Seminole  and  Creek 
Indians  with  arms  and  ammunition  to  make  war  on  the 
people  of  Georgia  and  other  Southern  States.  Can  any 
one  say  that  this  was  not  a  boon  to  the  South.  But  for 
the  Union,  neither  Louisiana  nor  the  Floridas  could 
have  been  obtained  from  the  French  and  Spanish  Gov 
ernments. 

There  are  the  Indian  wars  on  the  Southern  frontier 
for  the  protection  of  the  Southern  people,  at  a  cost  to  the 
Federal  Government  of  near  two  hundred  millions  of 
dollars.  This  is  surely  feeling  the  power  and  influence 
of  the  Union,  not  by  its  exactions  and  oppressions,  but 
by  its  care,  protection  and  liberality.  These  Indian 
wars  were  not  only  waged  for  the  protection  of  the  South, 
but  have  resulted  in  the  entire  removal  of  the  Indians 
from  the  Southern  States  at  a  very  heavy  expense  to  the 
Federal  Government. 

The  last  war  with  Great  Britain  was  a  great  Southern 
measure,  carried  through  Congress  by  as  noble  a  band  of 
Southern  men  as  ever  united  in  sustaining  the  honor  and 


HOUSE    OF   REPRESENTATIVES.  117 

glory  of  their  country.  It  was  opposed,  and  shamefully 
opposed,  by  a  portion  of  the  Northern  States,  because  it 
prostrated  their  commerce,  and  destroyed  their  shipping 
interest.  All  the  expenses  of  this  war,  and  they  were 
not  light,  were  borne  by  the  Government  at  the  instance 
of  the  South,  and  to  the  gratification  and  glory  of  the 
South. 

Then  came,  sir,  in  this  enumeration  of  important  ad 
vantages  and  accessions  to  the  South,  the  annexation  of 
the  Republic  of  Texas,  a  country  much  larger  than  all 
New  England  put  together.  This  vast  and  fertile  region, 
with  a  climate  unsurpassed,  and  wonderfully  adapted  to 
the  supply  of  all  the  wants  of  man,  and  all  the  luxuries 
of  life,  was  admitted  into  the  Union  as  a  slaveholding 
territory  not  more  than  six  or  seven  years  since.  It 
was  provided,  too,  in  the  act  of  annexation,  that  three  or 
four  additional  slave  States  should  be  carved  out  of  it. 
Does  this  look  like  a  fixed  and  settled  purpose  on  the 
part  of  the  Federal  Government  to  abolish  and  destroy 
the  institution  of  slavery?  Was  it  not  a  boon  to  the 
South  of  inestimable  value,  so  far  as  slavery  is  concerned? 

With  the  annexation  of  Texas  came  as  a  necessary 
consequence,  the  Mexican  war.  This  war,  as  well  as  the 
annexation,  was  a  Southern  measure,  and  bitterly  opposed 
by  a  portion  of  the  Northern  people.  It  has  crowned 
the  American  arms  with  imperishable  glory,  and  illus 
trated  our  history  with  a  series  of  brilliant  victories,  not 
surpassed  in  ancient  or  modern  conquests.  A  peace  with 
Mexico  was  ultimately  conquered,  and  another  vast  acces 
sion  of  territory  added  to  the  Union.  The  immense  ter 
ritories  of  Utah  and  New  Mexico,  broad  enough  to  make 
a  dozen  States,  are  thrown  open  to  slavery,  as  I  shall 
hereafter  show.  California  alone,  of  all  our  conquests, 
purchases  and  annexations,  has  become  a  non-slavehold- 
ing  country ;  and  this  was  done  by  people  inhabiting  that 
country,  and  not  by  the  North  or  Congress.  ,  Whether 
California  would  have  become  a  slaveholding  State  if 
she  had  remained,  as  she  ought  to  have  done,  some  years 


118  SPEECH    BEFORE   THE 

longer  as  a  territory,  is  a  matter  of  doubt.  Both  of  the 
Senators,  and  one  of  the  two  Representatives  from  Cali 
fornia,  are  Southern  men.  A  large  number  of  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Convention  which  formed  the  State  Consti 
tution  of  California  were  emigrants  from  slaveholdiug 
States.  The  probability  is,  that  if  California  had  con 
tinued  a  territory  twenty-five  years  longer,  the  influx  of 
population  from  the  Northern  States  and  Europe  would 
have  been  in  a  still  greater  disproportion  to  that  from 
the  Southern  States.  The  admission  or  exclusion  of 
slavery  would,  at  least,  have  depended  on  the  interests 
and  adaptation  of  the  country. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  does  all  this  acquisition  of  terri 
tory  manifest  that  illiberal  and  vindictive  spirit  on  the 
part  of  the  North  and  the  Federal  Government,  towards 
the  South  and  the  institution  of  slavery,  which  we  are 
constantly  told  exists  in  the  Northern  States  and  in  Con 
gress  ?  Or  does  it  prove  the  reverse  to  be  true,  and  that 
the  Northern  people  have  had  sagacity  enough  to  perceive 
that  whilst  they  are  liberal  to  the  South  in  the  purchases 
and  acquisitions,  they  were  pursuing  their  own  interests 
as  Americans — New  Englanders — as  manufacturers  and 
merchants  ?  They  were  opening  a  wider  field  and  a  richer 
market  for  their  commerce  and  manufactures.  That 
opposing  interest  between  the  North  and  South  which 
has  been  alluded  to  as  containing  the  germ  of  disunion, 
I  have  always  looked  upon  as  a  bond  of  Union.  It 
necessarily  creates  a  mutual  dependence  between  the  two 
sections. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  all  these  accessions  of  territory 
for  the  benefit  of  the  South,  and  all  these  wars  waged  for 
the  protection  and  to  the  glory  of  the  South,  the  slave- 
holding  States  were  united.  By  their  union,  with  the 
assistance  of  the  democracy  of  the  North,  they  have 
always  been  able  to  control  the  Federal  Government.  I 
remember  to  have  heard  Mr.  Calhoun  say,  not  many 
years  before  his  death,  that  the  South  always  had  and 
always  would  control  the  government  when  united. 


HOUSE    OF   REPRESENTATIVES.  119 

This  is  abundantly  shown  in  our  past  history.  When 
the  Federal  Government  went  into  operation  under  the 
administration  of  General  Washington,  the  South  was 
united.  Under  the  administration  of  the  elder  Adams, 
the  South  was  divided,  and  the  power  and  influence  of 
the  government  were  wielded  by  the  North.  The  South 
became  united  again  and  took  the  control  of  the  Govern 
ment  under  the  administrations  of  Jefferson,  Madison 
and  Monroe.  By  the  union  of  the  North  and  the  West 
under  the  administration  of  John  Q.  Adams,  and  the 
division  of  the  South,  the  control  of  the  Government 
once  more  departed  from  the  slaveholding  States.  It 
was  restored  to  you  by  the  election  of  General  Jackson, 
but  again  the  South  divided,  and  a  portion  of  the  South 
ern  States  was  arrayed  in  opposition  to  his  administration. 
The  power  of  the  Government  went  over  now  to  the 
North,  and  from  that  day  to  this  we  have  been  divided 
into  whigs  and  democrats  throughout  the  Southern 
States.  This  division  has  encouraged  and  caused  all  the 
encroachments  which  have  been  made  on  our  constitu 
tional  rights  and  the  equality  of  the  States. 

Since  the  formation  of  the  Federal  Government  the 
Southern  States  have  given  to  the  Union  nine  Presi 
dents  out  of  thirteen,  and  have  had  a  very  large  propor 
tion  of  all  the  important  Federal  offices.  Three- fourths  of 
this  time  the  South  has  been  in  power,  and  had  the  con 
trol  of  the  Government.  Does  this  look  like  knowing 
the  Government  by  its  exactions  and  oppressions  only  ? 
It  is  true  that  whilst  the  high  offices  have  been  filled  by 
Southern  men,  and  the  Federal  power  and  patronage 
under  the  control  of  the  South,  the  expenditures  of 
money  have  been  mostly  in  the  Northern  States.  This 
is  owing  to  a  variety  of  causes,  and  no  doubt  a  most 
powerful  one  is  the  eagerness  of  the  Northern  people  to 
get  money,  whilst  the  Southern  people  are  thinking  of 
office  and  distinction.  But  the  situation  and  different 
pursuits  of  the  two  sections  of  country  have  influenced 
these  appropriations  in  a  great  measure.  They  have  at  the 


120  SPEECH    BEFORE   THE 

North  a  more  dense  population;  they  are  a  commercial 
and  manufacturing  people,  and  have  better  and  more 
extensive  ports  and  harbors  than  we  have  in  the  South 
ern  States.  They  are  a  mechanical  people,  and  build  all 
our  shipping.  The  Southern  people  are  planters  and 
farmers,  and  have  not  directed  their  attention  and  wealth 
to  these  Northern  pursuits. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  shall  we  dissolve  this  Union 
because  we  cannot  always  control  the  Federal  Govern 
ment,  and  the  appropriation  and  expenditure  of  its  rev 
enues  ?  Shall  we  dissolve  the  Union  because  we  are 
not  a  commercial  and  manufacturing  people,  and  have 
to  call  to  our  aid  the  skill,  energy,  and  enterprise  of 
Northern  men  to  build  our  ships  and  man  them,  to 
import  our  goods  and  furnish  all  the  machinery  and 
manufactures  which  we,  or  the  Federal  Government 
may  need  in  peace  and  in  war  ?  Shall  we  dissolve  the 
Union  because  by  divisions  amongst  ourselves  we  per 
mit  the  power  and  patronage  of  the  Government  to 
depart  from  the  South  ?  Had  we  not  better  change  our 
policy,  and  manufacture  our  own  supplies,  import  our 
own  goods,  and  build  our  own  ships,  and  man  them 
with  Southern  men?  Had  we  not  better  be  united 
amongst  ourselves,  and  devote  more  of  our  energy  and 
talents  to  the  improvement  and  developing  the  vast 
resources  and  hidden  wealth  of  the  Southern  States  ? 

Shall  we  dissolve  the  Union,  Mr.  Chairman,  on  account 
of  the  present  depressed  condition  of  the  Southern  States, 
or  of  the  United  States  ?  Was  there  ever  a  country  more 
prosperous  and  flourishing  than  the  United  States  are  at 
this  time— South,  North,  East,  and  West  ?  Shall  we 
dissolve  the  Union  on  account  of  those  Federal  meas 
ures  :  the  tariff,  internal  improvements,  and  the  bank, 
of  which  we  complained  so  bitterly  some  years  since. 
They  have  been  broken  down  and  abandoned  by  the 
Government.  You  thought  then,  as  you  think  now, 
that  nothing  but  disunion  was  a  remedy  for  our  evils 
and  the  exactions  of  the  Federal  Government.  But 


HOUSE    OF   REPRESENTATIVES.  121 

truth  and  justice  and  the  constitution  prevailed,  and 
they  will  prevail  again,  and  must  always  prevail.  Our 
wrongs  will  be  and  must  be  redressed,  and  our  rights 
secured  and  maintained. 

Shall  we  dissolve  this  Union  on  account  of  slavery  ? 
Is  that  institution  in  danger,  and  can  it  be  saved  or 
placed  on  a  better  footing  by  a  separation  between  the 
North  and  the  South  ?  Never  since  the  formation  of 
the  Union  has  slavery  been  safer,  stronger,  more  valua 
ble,  more  extensive,  or  more  numerous.  When  the 
Union  was  formed,  slavery  existed  in  twelve  States,  and 
now  there  are  fifteen  slave  States.  These  fifteen  States 
cover  an  area  of  country  twice  or  three  times  as  large 
as  the  twelve  did.  At  the  formation  of  the  Union,  there 
were  perhaps  not  more  than  half  a  million  of  slaves  in 
the  United  States.  Now  there  are  three  millions  and 
a  half.  When  this  Union  was  formed  slaves  were 
worth  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  not  more. 
But  now  they  sell  for  eight  hundred  and  a  thousand 
dollars.  I  saw  an  account  of  the  sale  of  some  slaves  in 
Charleston  the  other  day,  which  ranged  from  one  thous 
and  to  twenty-five  hundred  dollars  per  head.  Thirty 
years  since  the  Southern  people  looked  upon  slavery  as 
an  evil,  which  the  country  would  some  day  remove. 
Now  we  have  looked  more  into  our  title,  we  are  better 
satisfied  with  it,  and  regard  slavery  as  a  blessing  to  both 
master  and  slave,  and  are  resolved  that  the  institution 
shall  remain  amongst  us. 

The  very  aggressions  of  the  North,  Mr.  Chairman, 
have  tended  to  strengthen  the  institution  of  slavery  in 
the  Southern  States.  But  for  these  aggressions,  the 
fanatical  spirit  of  emancipation  might  have  gone  on  in 
Kentucky,  Maryland  and  Virginia.  Forty  years  since 
Mr.  Clay  introduced  a  bill  in  the  Kentucky  Legislature 
to  effect  gradually  the  emancipation  of  the  slave.  It 
received  great  favor,  and  met  no  very  decided  opposi 
tion.  But  the  Convention  of  Kentucky  have  recently 
declared  unanimously  that  slavery  should  be  continued. 


122  SPEECH    BEFORE   THE 

Twenty   years   ago   the   subject   of  emancipation    was 

gravely  debated  in  the  Virginia  Legislature  and  in  the 
onvention  of  that  great  Southern  State.  The  debate 
which  took  place  then,  the  speeches  made,  and  the  argu 
ments  used,  would  not  now  be  tolerated  in  a  slavehold- 
ing  community.  I  can,  therefore,  see  no  just  cause  for 
apprehension. 

It  is  said,  however,  that  in  the  course  of  a  few  years 
there  will  be  free  States  enough  to  alter  the  Federal 
Constitution,  and  give  Congress  the  power  to  abolish 
slavery  in  the  States !  This  apprehension  is  far-fetched, 
and  I  am  surprised  that  any  one  should  seriously  enter 
tain  such  an  idea.  For  the  last  sixty  years,  ever  since 
the  Union  was  formed,  Congress  has  had  the  power, 
the  Constitutional  power,  according  to  the  construction 
of  all  the  Northern  States,  and  according  to  the  read 
ing  of  Mr.  Clay  and  many  other  slaveholders,  to  abol 
ish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  In  that  district 
there  are  forty  or  fifty  thousand  inhabitants,  and  only 
two  thousand  slaves.  And  yet  no  serious  efforts  have 
ever  been  made  to  exercise  this  power,  and  abolish  slavery 
in  the  Federal  District.  A  bill  was  introduced  in  the 
Senate  last  session,  and  received  seven  or  eight  votes. 

Let  us  suppose  the  Constitution  altered,  and  that 
Congress  should  be  so  mad  as  to  attempt  to  abolish  sla 
very  in  the  States,  how  could  such  a  scheme  be  carried 
out?  Would  the  act  of  Congress  setting  our  slaves 
free  be  obeyed?  Could  it  be  enforced?  We  had  as 
well  suppose  that  Congress  would  send  an  army  here  to 
take  from  us  our  lands  and  houses.  The  one  would  be 
as  easily  accomplished  as  the  other.  But  it  would  be 
exceedingly  unwise  to  dissolve  the  Union  under  an 
apprehension  of  danger  which  is  not  likely  to  occur. 
The  folly  would  be  almost  as  great  as  for  a  man  to  cut 
his  throat  in  order  to  keep  from  being  killed  in  battle. 
We  should  not  be  constantly  alarming  ourselves  as  to 
imaginary  dangers.  It  is  enough  that  we  are  prepared 
to  meet  them  when  they  do  come. 


HOUSE   OF    REPRESENTATIVES.  123 

I  regard  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  as  the  most  fatal 
blow  which  slavery  could  receive.  Nothing  could  grat 
ify  the  abolitionists  more,  or  tend  more  to  the  accomplish 
ment  of  their  wicked  purposes.  We  now  have  the  pro 
tection  of  a  great  and  powerful  nation  at  home  and 
abroad.  We  should  then  have  a  weak  and  petty  gov 
ernment,  incapable  of  defending  our  rights  against  for 
eign  aggressions,  and  the  sympathies  of  the  whole  civil 
ized  world  against  us.  Our  slaves,  instead  of  stealing 
off  separate  and  alone,  as  they  now  do,  would  go  off  in 
gangs  to  the  North,  and  the  frontier  States  would  in  a 
short  time  be  without  slaves !  Restoration  then  would 
be  out  of  the  question.  Now  the  guarantees  of  the 
Federal  Constitution  afford  some  protection. 

But  does  any  one  suppose  that  so  great  a  political 
event  as  the  separation  of  these  States  can  take  place 
without  some  bloody  wars  ensuing?  Can  any  one  sup 
pose  that  with  so  many  incentives  to  war  as  there  will 
be  between  the  North  and  the  South,  the  two  republics 
can  continue  at  peace  ?  It  is  impossible,  in  the  nature 
of  things.  The  history  of  men  and  the  history  of 
nations  contradict  such  a  supposition.  If  war  follows 
a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  the  abolitionists  will  have 
an  army  on  our  borders,  or  in  our  midst,  enticing  our 
slaves  to  leave  us,  and  to  arm  against  us !  That  they 
will  leave  is  abundantly  proven  by  the  success  of  the 
British  army  in  that  way  during  our  Revolutionary 
war.  It  may  be  that  whilst  we  are  drawn  from  our 
homes  to  defend  our  country,  the  incendiaries  of  the 
enemy  will  be  stirring  up  a  servile  war  in  our  midst ! 
We  may  return  from  battle  crowned  with  victory,  only 
to  witness  the  death  and  desolation  of  our  homes  and 
families  !  The  scenes  of  the  Southampton  insurrection 
might  be  acted  over  again  !  The  most  terrible  wars  of 
Greece  and  Rome  were  their  servile  wars.  It  is  said 
that  England  did  once  threaten  us  with  black  troops 
from  her  West  India  Islands  in  case  a  war  should  break 
out  between  her  and  the  United  States.  The  Northern 


124:  SPEECH    BEFORE   THE 

fanatics  would  not  be  less  inclined  to  arm  the  blacks- 
against  us. 

It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose,  as  some  have  asserted, 
that  slavery  increases  the  strength  of  a  nation  in  time  of 
war.  On  the  contrary,  it  weakens  the  resources  very 
much.  Our  slaves  compose  the  very  class  of  persons 
from  whom  the  armies  of  Europe  and  the  Northern 
States  are  drawn.  Instead  of  constituting  the  material 
of  our  army,  we  have  to  leave  in  the  lower  country 
a  body  of  forces  to  keep  them  in  subjection.  And 
we  remember,  too,  that  a  revolutionary  spirit  always 
descends.  In  time  of  war  everything  is  unsettled.  The 
great  object  of  our  State,  and  of  all  the  Southern  States, 
should  be  PEACE.  The  blessings  of  peace  have  made  us 
what  we  are,  protected  our  institutions,  and  elevated  us 
to  a  rank  amongst  the  nations  of  the  earth  which 
attracts  their  envy  and  commands  their  respect  and 
admiration.  If  any  one  doubts  that  peace  at  home 
and  abroad  is  our  policy,  let  him  read  the  great  speech 
of  Mr.  Calhoun  on  the  probability  of  a  war  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  about  the  Oregon 
territory. 

I  know  that  the  South  has  suifered  wrongs,  grievous 
and  insulting  wrongs,  from  the  North,  and  most  unjust 
legislation  at  the  hands  of  the  Federal  Government ; 
and  I  am  disposed  to  do  all  that  man  can  do  to  redress 
those  wrongs,  insults  and  injuries.  But  I  am  not  dis 
posed  to  see  South  Carolina,  or  the  Southern  States, 
revenge  themselves  by  their  own  self-immolation  !  It 
will  not  answer,  as  I  have  always  said,  to  break  up  a 
government  every  time  it  goes  wrong.  We  should  be 
in  a  constant  revolution,  like  the  people  of  Mexico— a 
prey  to  foreign  nations,  and  internal  murderous  strifes 
and  commotions !  Nor  do  I  think  that  patriotism 
requires,  like  the  honor  of  the  duellist,  that  every  wrong 
or  insult  should  be  wiped  out  with  blood.  \Ve  are  a 
Christian  people,  possessing  the  principles  of  peace  and 
forbearance,  and  I  do  not  think  it  becomes  such  a  people 


HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES.  125 

to  hastily  involve  their  country  in  all  the  horrors  of  a 
civil  war  and  a  bloody  revolution.  Circumstances  may 
occur,  however,  which  will  render  such  a  war  necessary 
and  proper,  even  for  a  Christian  people.  Let  us  inquire 
if  such  be  the  present  state  and  condition  of  our 
country. 

The  admission  of  California  was  a  gross  fraud  on  the 
rights  of  the  South.  Instead  of  permitting  the  people 
to  go  through  the  ordinary  pupilage  of  a  Territorial 
Government,  preparatory  for  their  reception  into  the 
Union  as  a  State,  they  were  ushered  in  as  a  sovereign 
at  once,  and  for  the  purpose,  it  was  supposed,  of  avoid 
ing  the  direct  application  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso  to  that 
vast  territory.  This  wrong  has  been  perpetrated  under 
the  Constitution,  and  not  in  violation  of  its  principles. 
Although  the  South  has  been  wronged  and  injured  by 
this  proceeding,  I  do  not  feel  that  she  has  been  dishon 
ored.  We  have  always  contended  that  a  people  inhabit 
ing  a  Territory  had  a  right  to  form  such  a  constitution 
as  they  pleased,  and  that  Congress  had  no  right  to 
refuse  them  admission,  provided  their  constitution  was 
republican  in  its  principles. 

But  in  what  way  should  we  be  benefited  in  this 
respect  by  dissolving  the  Union  ?  Would  it  carry 
slavery  into  that  golden  region  ?  California  is  now  a 
sovereign  State  of  the  Confederacy,  and  she  cannot  be 
excluded  by  an  act  of  Congress ;  nor  can  any  power  on 
earth,  save  that  of  her  own  people,  change  or  alter  the 
principles  of  her  constitution.  Her  boundary,  too,  is 
fixed,  and  cannot  be  modified  or  altered  except  with  her 
own  consent.  The  Missouri  compromise  line  which 
was  adopted  by  the  Nashville  Convention  as  a  peace- 
offering,  gives  to  the  North  all  the  gold  region  of 
California  !  If  we  sanction  that  line  there  is  very  little 
south  of  it  worth  contending  for ;  it  is  said  to  be  a 
country  adapted  only  to  grazing  and  the  vine,  and 
never  can  become  a  slave  country.  The  gold 
region  of  California  north  of  the  Missouri  line  will, 


126  SPEECH   BEFORE   THE 

in  all  human  probability,  yet  become  a  slave  country. 
It  is  difficult  to  perceive  on  what  principle  slavery 
will  be  kept  out,  if  a  hand  can  make  ten  and  fifteen 
dollars  per  day  by  his  labor  in  the  mines.  Every  peo 
ple  will  seek  their  own  interest,  and  most  persons 
generally  have  sagacity  enough  to  perceive  it.  If  it 
should  hereafter  appear  to  be  the  interest  of  California 
to  introduce  slavery,  her  constitution  will  be  altered  for 
that  purpose.  This  may  be  done  by  a  bare  majority 
of  the  Legislature,  sanctioned  by  the  people ;  but  a  dis 
solution  of  the  Union  would,  of  course,  prevent  any  such 
change  or  result. 

It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  because  California 
started  wrong,  and  excluded  slavery,  she  can  never 
change  her  policy.  As  soon  as  the  gold  mines  of  the 
mountains,  which  are  said  to  be  the  most  valuable,  are 
opened,  there  will  be  a  demand  for  capital  which  is  not 
necessary  to  work  the  deposite  mines.  Men  of  large 
capital  will  then  have  to  engage  in  mining.  The 
machinery  and  preparation  will  require  capital.  These 
capitalists  will  soon  perceive  the  propriety  of  purchas 
ing  slaves  to  work  their  mines,  instead  of  hiring  free 
men  at  fifteen  dollars  per  day.  A  negro  would  pay  for 
himself  in  a  few  weeks.  The  State  of  Illinois  started 
as  California  did — a  free  State,  the  price  of  grain  alone 
induced  the  people  there  to  attempt  to  change  their 
constitution  and  admit  slavery.  This  change  came  very 
near  being  carried  by  popular  vote  a  few  years  since. 
If  the  price  of  grain  had  continued  as  high  as  it  was, 
the  change  would,  perhaps,  have  been  made.  So  it  is 
possible  for  a  people  to  change  from  a  free  to  a  slave 
State. 

But  California  was  admitted  into  the  Union  by 
twenty-six  Southern  votes,  and  only  fifty-seven  voting 
against  it.  These  twenty-six  Southern  men  were  slave 
holders  and  representing  slave-owners  in  Maryland, 
Kentucky,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  and  perhaps  other 
States.  Is  it  likely  that,  if  this  measure  be  so  dishonor- 


HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATT 


ing  to  the  slave  States,  one-third  of  their  Representa 
tives  would  have  voted  for  it  ?  It  is  impossible.  There 
is  a  difference,  aud  a  very  strong  and  striking  one,  between 
the  exclusion  of  slavery  from  a  country  by  the  people 
inhabiting  the  country,  and  by  the  action  or  legislation  of 
Congress.  The  one  is  only  providing  for  the  wants 
and  wishes  of  the  community,  by  the  people  themselves, 
and  the  other  is  a  dishonoring  distinction  by  the 
General  Government  in  favor  of  one  portion  of  the 
people,  at  the  expense  of  the  other.  The  one  is  a 
usurpation  of  power,  and  the  other  is  a  legitimate 
exercise  of  it.  The  time  only  is  objectionable. 

The  people  of  Massachusetts  and  all  the  Northern 
States  have  excluded  slavery ;  and  no  Southern  man 
feels  dishonored  because  he  cannot  carry  his  slaves  to  the 
North,  and  there  live  with  them.  Nor  would  any  man 
have  resented  the  exclusion  of  slavery  in  California,  if 
the  people  had  waited  a  proper  time  before  they  organ 
ized  as  a  State.  But  we  must  remember  that  no  such 
country  as  California  ever  before  existed.  She  contained 
wealth  and  treasures  in  her  mountains  and  rivers  which 
gave  her  an  importance  in  the  eyes  of  the  world  that  no 
other  country  could  or  ever  did  have,  and  which  attracted 
to  her  bosom  a  population  outnumbering,  for  the  same 
space  of  time,  that  of  any  other  new  country  ever  men 
tioned  in  history.  This  may  well  be  regarded  as  some 
excuse  for  the  haste  in  clothing  California  with  the  sov 
ereignty  of  a  State. 

Shall  we  dissolve  the  Union  on  account  of  the  adjust 
ment  of  the  Texan  boundary  ?  This  bill  was  voted  for 
by  two-thirds  of  the  Southern  members  of  Congress. 
The  vote  was  fifty-two  to  twenty-six  from  the  slave- 
holding  States.  The  State  of  Texas  voted  for  the  adjust 
ment  in  both  Houses,  and  her  citizens  have  voted  for 
the  acceptance  of  this  bill  with  great  unanimity.  The 
people  of  Texas  had  no  use  for  the  land,  and  were  in 
want  of  the  money.  But  there  is  a  better  reason  than 
this  for  their  acceptance.  They  had  no  valid  title  to 


128  SPEECH   BEFORE  THE 

the  territory  of  New  Mexico.  It  was  a  claim  only, 
resting  on  nothing  more  than  the  continued  assertion  of 
a  right.  Texas  had  never  conquered  New  Mexico,  never 
extended  her  laws  over  the  people,  nor  had  she  ever  a 
soldier  on  the  soil  unless  he  was  in  chains!  When 
Texas  was  admitted  into  the  Union,  the  question  as  to 
her  boundary  was  expressly  reserved  for  settlement 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico.  It  is  a  mistake 
to  say  that  her  boundary  as  claimed,  and  including  New 
Mexico,  was  ever  recognized  by  the  General  Govern 
ment. 

The  history  of  this  claim  on  the  part  of  Texas  is  sim 
ply  this :  The  people  of  New  Mexico  had  been  living 
there  in  little  villages  on  the  Rio  del  Norte,  for  perhaps 
a  hundred  years,  as  a  province  of  Mexico.  They  were 
settled  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  Texas,  which  lay 
five  or  six  hundred  miles  below,  and  extended  from  the 
Sabine  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  was  a  wil 
derness,  uninhabited,  except  by  a  Spanish  settlement  at 
San  Antonio.  The  people  of  the  United  States  went 
over  into  Texas  and  took  out  Spanish  grants  for  this 
country,  declared  their  independence,  and  asserted  the 
boundary  of  their  republic  to  the  Rio  del  Norte,  from 
its  source  to  its  mouth.  If  they  had  conquered  the 
people  living  in  New  Mexico,  five  hundred  miles  above 
them,  as  they  did  those  living  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio 
del  Norte,  their  title  would  have  been  a  good  one, 
derived  from  the  sword.  But  they  did  no  such  thing, 
nor  did  they  attempt  any  such  thing. 

The  people  of  New  Mexico  were  conquered  by  the 
American  army  as  a  province  of  Mexico,  and  held  as  a 
conquest  until  peace  was  ratified  between  the  United 
States  and  Mexico.  By  that  treaty  New  Mexico,  Utah 
and  California  were  all  ceded  to  the  United  States  as 
an  indemnity  for  the  war.  The  rights  of  the  people 
inhabiting  the  country  were  secured  by  this  treaty.  They 
are  separated  from  Texas,  not  only  by  the  space  of  five 
hundred  miles,  but  by  a  desert,  over  which  it  is  difficult 


HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES.  129 

to  pass.  It  seems  to  me  that  there  would  be  gross  injus 
tice  in  separating  a  people  who  had  lived  together  so 
long  as  one  province,  speaking  one  language,  guided  by 
the  same  laws,  and  uniting  those  living  on  one  bank  of 
the  Rio  del  Norte  to  a  foreign  people, five  hundred  miles 
off,  speaking  a  different  language,  having  different  man 
ners  and  customs,  and  separated  by  an  almost  impass 
able  desert. 

By  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States, 
slavery  was  excluded  from  all  the  country  north  of  the 
Missouri  compromise  line.  Now  the  whole  of  that 
country  is  thrown  open  to  slavery  by  this  very  act  of 
Congress,  of  which  so  much  complaint  is  made.  It  is 
expressly  stipulated,  too,  that  the  people  of  New  Mexico 
and  Utah  may  come  into  the  Union  with  or  without 
slavery,  as  they  shall  deem  most  expedient,  when  they 
apply  for  admission  as  a  State.  But  it  is  said  that  slav 
ery  is  excluded  from  that  country  by  the  Mexican  laws, 
which  will  remain  of  force  in  defiance  of  the  Federal 
Constitution  until  repealed.  This  is  certainly  new  doc 
trine  for  the  South  to  advance.  It  was  certainly  not 
the  doctrine  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  who  showed  most  trium 
phantly  that  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
States  were  paramount  to  the  Mexican  laws.  It  seems 
to  me  a  species  of  absurdity  to  suppose  that  the  laws  of 
the  people  conquered  shall  be  superior  to  those  of  the 
conquerors !  Such  was  not  the  opinion  of  Southern 
men  when  the  Clayton  compromise  was  acceded  to  on 
behalf  of  the  South.  If  this  doctrine  be  correct,  then 
the  Catholic  religion,  which  is  the  established  religion 
of  the  Mexicans,  will  exclude  all  Protestants  from  the 
whole  of  that  country  ! 

If  Texas  had  no  right  to  this  territory  of  New  Mex 
ico,  why,  then,  did  the  United  States  pay  her  ten  mil 
lions  of  dollars?  This  question  is  frequently  asked, 
and  with  some  reason.  In  the  first  place,  the>  custom 
house  taken  by  the  United  States  from  Texas  was 
pledged  to  pay  five  millions  of  the  Texas  debt.  This 


130  SPEECH    BEFORE   THE 

is  a  part  of  the  ten  millions  above  mentioned.  The 
other  five  millions  were  paid  to  extinguish  a  claim  which 
had  in  some  measure  been  countenanced  by  the  course 
pursued  on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  It  is  no 
uncommon  occurrence  for  a  nation  or  an  individual  to 
compromise  a  claim,  instead  of  fighting  over  it. 

The  Wilmot  Proviso  has  been  abandoned  in  New 
Mexico  and  Utah.  This  is  a  concession  to  the  South — 
a  most  important  one.  The  whole  of  that  vast  region 
of  country,  enough  to  make  a  half-dozen  States,  is  opened 
to  slavery.  Congress  has  guaranteed,  likewise,  that 
these  Territories  may  come  into  the  Union  with  slavery, 
if  the  people  prefer  it.  This  concession  on  the  part  of 
Congress  was  brought  about  by  the  united  action  of  the 
South ;  and  whenever  the  South  is  united,  as  she  was  in 
her  opposition  to  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  she  will  be  suc 
cessful  ;  and  we  never  can  be  successful  unless  we  are 
united.  It  is  said,  however,  that  this  is  no  concession, 
because  slavery  will  never  go  into  these  territories.  In 
reply,  I  can  only  say  that  slavery  does  now  exist  in  Utah, 
and  that  the  Mormons  living  there  do  own  slaves,  and 
will  probably  continue  to  own  them.  But  the  principle 
has  been  conceded,  and  it  was,  for  the  principle,  made  a 
point  of  honor  by  the  South,  that  we  contended.  The 
great  battle  between  the  North  and  the  South  com 
menced  on  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  The  North  declared 
that  no  more  slave  territory  should  be  admitted  into  the 
Union — the  South  resolved  that  Congress  should  pass  no 
law  excluding  them  from  the  Mexican  territory.  None 
such  has  been  passed.  If  we  are  excluded  by  nature, 
and  the  country  is  not  adapted  to  slavery,  we  have  no 
cause  to  complain  of  the  action  of  the  North,  or,  on  that 
account,  to  dissolve  the  Union. 

The  Fugitive  Slave  bill  was  likewise  a  concession  to 
the  South,  drawn  by  a  Southern  man,  and  made  as  strin 
gent  as  the  most  devoted  Southern  man  could  require. 
This  is  certainly  some  manifestation  on  the  part  of  Con 
gress  and  the  North  to  carry  out  the  guarantees  of  the 


HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES.  131 

Federal  Constitution.  It  is  said,  however,  that  this  law 
will  never  be  enforced,  and  that  it  will  be  repealed. 
Let  me  say  that  "sufficient  unto  the  day  is  the  evil 
thereof."  When  that  law  is  repealed,  the  death-knell 
of  the  Union  will  be  sounded.  There  will  be  no  divi 
sion  then  of  the  South.  All  the  slaveholding  States 
will  be  united.  This  union  of  the  slave  States  will 
prevent  its  repeal.  I  have  not  the  slightest  apprehen 
sion  on  this  subject.  It  is  said,  too,  that  this  law  will 
not  be  enforced  in  the  Northern  States.  I  have  no 
doubt  that  it  will  be  evaded  in  many  instances.  All 
laws  are.  But  it  has  already  been  enforced,  in  good 
faith,  in  several  instances,  and  promptly  enforced.  The 
President  of  the  United  States  has  declared  his  purpose 
of  enforcing  the  law. 

The  bill  abolishing  the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  I  once  pronounced  the  worst  and  best  feature 
of  the  compromise.  A  distinguished  Carolinian,  then 
present,  high  in  the  confidence  of  his  State,  assented  to 
my  judgment.  We  both  thought  it  was  a  trade  which 
ought  not  to  be  carried  on  in  the  Federal  city ;  and  that 
its  revolting  features,  as  seen  there,  by  Northern  men, 
foreigners  and  foreign  ministers,  were  prejudicial  to  the 
institution  of  slavery.  Laws  similar  in  many  respects 
to  that  bill  have  been  passed  in  almost  every  slave  State 
in  the  Union.  South  Carolina  has  two  or  three  times 
passed  laws  making  it  highly  penal  to  bring  slaves  into 
this  State  to  sell.  Georgia  made  it  a  penitentiary  offence. 
In  Mississippi  it  is  a  part  of  the  Constitution  that  the 
Legislature  shall  exclude  this  traffic.  President  Tyler, 
when  a  member  of  the  Senate,  from  Virginia,  intro 
duced  a  similar  bill,  as  he  says  in  his  letter  to  General 
Foote.  The  law  does  not  prevent  a  man  moving  into 
the  District  of  Columbia  with  his  slaves ;  nor  does  it 
prevent  a  citizen  of  the  District  from  going  out  of  the 
District  and  purchasing  slaves.  He  may  likewise  sell 
his  slaves.  The  only  prohibition  is  that  slaves  shall  not 
be  brought  into  the  District  of  Columbia  for  sale.  At 


132  SPEECH    BEFORE   THE 

present  they  have  prison  pens,  where  negroes  are  s  ent 
from  all  parts  of  Maryland  to  sell  to  the  Mississippi  and 
Louisiana  traders. 

But  the  objections  to  the  bill  are  that  it  is  an  enter 
ing  wedge  for  future  legislation  on  the  subject  of  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  that  the  penalty  im 
posed  is  the  freedom  of  the  slave  brought  for  sale. 
These  are,  and  more  especially  the  first,  serious  objec 
tions  to  the  law,  and  induced  me  to  regard  it  as  one  of 
the  worst  features  of  the  compromise  bill.  It  met, 
however,  the  approbation  of  many  Southern  senators 
and  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

In  regard  to  the  enforcement  of  the  Fugitive  Slave 
bill,  it  may  be  a  question,  and  a  grave  question  of  policy, 
whether  these  runaway  negroes  ought  to  be  brought 
back  into  the  Southern  States.  They  are  bold,  daring, 
and  intelligent  fellows,  or  they  could  not  have  made 
their  escape.  They  may  prove  terrible  nuisances  when 
brought  back  and  permitted  to  associate  with  the  other 
slaves.  I  have  always  regarded  their  escape  as  a  sort 
of  safety  valve  for  the  institution  of  slavery.  It  is  a 
misfortune  on  the  owner,  but  it  may  be  a  blessing  to  the 
community.  By  the  laws  of  South  Carolina  no  slave 
carried  to  the  North  can  be  brought  back  by  his  master. 

If  the  Union  should  be  dissolved,  how  many  States 
would  unite  in  a  Southern  Confederacy  ?  It  is  impos 
sible  for  Louisiana  to  separate  herself  from  the  valley  of 
the  Mississippi.  She  is  the  outlet  for  all  that  vast 
region  of  country,  including  one-half  of  the  States  of 
this  Union.  If  Louisiana  desired  to  go  with  the  South 
ern  States,  she  would  not  be  permitted  to  do  so.  She 
is  part  and  parcel  of  the  great  valley  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  must  ever  remain  so,  politically  as  well  as  physi 
cally.  There  is  certainly  very  little  prospect,  either 
from  present  appearances  or  past  history,  of  Kentucky 
and  Tennessee  uniting  with  us.  This  separates  us  from 
Missouri  and  Arkansas  and  Texas,  and  renders  utterly 
hopeless  all  union  with  those  States.  The  political  leth- 


HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES.  133 

argy  at  all  times  manifested  by  North  Carolina  proves 
that  she  will  not  unite  in  a  Southern  Confederacy  unless 
forced  by  the  accession  of  Virginia.  But  one-half  of 
Virginia  is  now  almost  as  alien  to  us  as  Pennsylvania. 
She  would  be  a  border  State — certainly  not  an  enviable 
position  for  any  member  of  the  Confederacy.  Mary 
land  is  hopeless.  We  then  have  South  Carolina,  Geor 
gia,  Alabama,  Mississippi  and  Florida,  by  necessity  of 
her  position,  being  cut  off  from  all  geographical  connec 
tion  with  the  old  republic.  The  position  of  Mississippi 
renders  her  adhesion  very  questionable.  In  feeling  she 
seems  to  be  more  with  South  Carolina  at  this  time  than 
any  other  State  in  the  Union.  But  her  geographical 
position  as  a  member  of  the  great  valley  of  the  Missis 
sippi  must  change  her  allegiance  as  soon  as  the  Union  is 
severed.  This  will  leave  four  States.  But  is  it  possible 
for  these  four  to  agree  on  all  the  articles  necessary  to  a 
Southern  Confederacy?  I  doubt  very  much  whether 
Georgia  and  South  Carolina  can  ever  agree  on  anything, 
much  less  on  the  formation  of  an  independent  Eepublic. 
But  if  they  were  to  agree  and  unite  with  Alabama  and 
Florida,  and  even  Mississippi,  what  sort  of  a  nation 
would  we  be  in  the  eyes  of  Europe  and  the  rest  of  the 
world  ? 

But  it  is  said  that  South  Carolina  must  put  the  ball 
in  motion,  and  secede  from  the  Federal  Union,  and 
that  the  other  cotton  States  will  rally  to  her  rescue. 
Did  she  not  try  this  same  project  in  1832  of  putting 
the  ball  in  motion,  and  which  one  of  the  States  came  to 
her  assistance  ?  None  expressed  even  a  sympathy  for 
her,  but  all  gave  her  the  cold  shoulder.  Two-thirds  of 
Georgia  at  this  time  are  opposed  to  the  action  of  South 
Carolina.  So  is  unquestionably  a  majority  of  Alabama 
and  Florida.  But  it  is  said  that  although  these  States 
may  not  assist  us  as  States,  yet  a  large  minority  of  their 
citizens  will  rally  to  the  rescue  of  South  Carolina. 
But  is  that  the  sort  of  material  that  we  want  to  carry  on 
a  war  with  the  Federal  Government?  These  patriotic 


134  SPEECH    BEFORE   THE 

and  spirited  citizens  would  be  an  incumbrance  and 
nothing  more — unless  they  brought  with  them  money, 
arms,  ammunition  and  all  the  material  of  war.  I  sup 
pose  South  Carolina  could  raise  a  much  larger  force 
than  she  could  support  three  months  in  the  service. 
Every  man  in  the  State  would  have  to  give  up  a  large 
portion  of  his  property  to  support  the  war  five  years,  or 
three  years.  We  should,  in  our  present  condition,  have 
to  send  to  the  enemy,  that  is,  the  Northern  States,  for 
the  material  necessary  to  a  war. 

If  any  one  supposes  the  Federal  Government  will 
stand  aloof  and  permit  South  Carolina  peaceably  to  secede 
from  the  Union,  he  is  certainly  a  most  sanguine  and 
hopeful  patriot,  and  must  think  that  a  great  change  has 
come  over  the  nation  since  the  days  of  Andrew  Jackson. 
Not  three  months  since  President  Fillmore,  in  pretty 
plain  terms,  announced  his  purpose  to  whip  Texas  into 
what  he  supposed  to  be  her  duty.  In  regard  to  South 
Carolina,  she  would  be  checked-mated  before  there  was 
a  possibility  of  her  making  the  second  move.  One 
ship  would  blockade  the  whole  port  of  Charleston,  and 
enforce  the  payment  of  duties  on  board  the  vessel 
under  what  is  known  as  the  Force  Bill.  The  mail 
arrangements  all  broken  up,  the  commerce  of  Charles 
ton  all  thrown  to  Savannah  and  Wilmington,  the  State 
paying  duties  to  a  foreign  government  to  support  that 
government  in  carrying  on  a  war  against  herself,  her 
trade  prostrate,  and  all  her  industrial  pursuits  inter 
rupted,  what  would  she  do,  or  what  could  she  do,  but 
go  back  into  the  Federal  Union  ! 

It  has  been  nearly  twenty  years  since  South  Carolina 
solemnly  determined  in  Convention,  that  no  more 
duties  should  be  paid,  and  that  any  attempt  to  force  her 
was  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  I  opposed  that  move 
ment  as  an  impracticable  one,  and  I  now  oppose  this  as 
equally  unwise  and  perhaps  more  disastrous.  I  be 
sought  my  State  then  to  have  a  little  patience,  and  all 
things  would  come  right.  The  tariff  was  repealed,  and 


HOUSE   OF    REPRESENTATIVES.  135 

the  principles  of  free  trade  have  become  triumphant  in 
England  as  well  as  America.  I  now  implore  South 
Carolina,  as  a  child  would  beseech  the  parent  who  gave 
him  birth,  to  pause  and  reflect  on  what  she  is  about  to 
do.  I  entreat  her  to  abandon  all  idea  of  separate  State 
action.  It  must  be  disastrous  to  her.  It  is  not  respect 
ful  to  her  Southern  sister  States.  They  are  as  deeply 
interested  in  this  matter  as  she  is.  We  ought  to 
suppose,  too,  that  they  are  as  intelligent,  as  spirited, 
and  as  patriotic  as  we  are.  If  we  rush  ahead  of  them 
without  concert  of  action,  it  will  excite  their  jealousy 
and  their  resentment. 

The  course  for  South  Carolina  to  pursue  is  plain  and 
obvious  to  my  mind.  She  should  propose  a  Southern 
Congress  and  invite  all  the  slaveholding  States  to  meet 
her  in  consultation.  Let  the  delegates  to  such  a  Con 
gress  be  elected  by  the  people,  and  go  with  the  authority 
of  the  State.  If  any  Southern  State  refuses  to  be 
represented  in  this  Congress,  the  other  States  should 
send  to  her  some  of  their  able  and  distinguished  sons 
to  induce  her  to  act  in  concert  with  the  other  Southern 
States.  In  this  way  a  full  representation  of  all  the 
States  aggrieved  might  be  obtained.  The  South  would 
then  be  united,  and  united,  she  would  secure  her  rights 
and  preserve  the  Union.  If,  however,  disunion  come, 
we  should  have  a  confederacy  of  States  capable  of 
defending  themselves  and  maintaining  their  existence 
as  a  nation. 

It  is  the  imperative  duty  of  all  the  Southern  States 
to  meet  in  a  Congress,  truly  representing  the  wishes  and 
feelings  of  the  people.  This  they  should  do  as  well  for 
their  protection  for  the  future  as  for  indemnity  for  the 
past.  They  should  declare  -a  bill  of  rights  for  the 
slaveholding  States.  This  would  let  the  North  and 
the  Federal  Government  know  what  the  consequences 
of  their  aggressions  would  be.  Being  forewarned  by 
the  united  South,  it  would  put  a  stop  to  this  aggressive 
policy.  The  Northern  people  are  too  deeply  interested 


136  SPEECH    BEFORE   THE 

in  their  connection  with  the  South  to  think  of  separat 
ing  from  us.  They  are  dependent  on  the  South  for 
their  prosperity,  unrivalled  as  it  has  been,  as  a  com 
mercial  and  manufacturing  people.  They  have  a  deep 
interest  in  the  preservation  of  our  institutions.  The 
cotton  which  they  manufacture  is  the  product  of  slave 
labor.  A  large  portion  of  their  manufactures  is  pur 
chased  for  the  use  of  our  slaves.  The  whole  amount 
purchased  by  the  South  is  paid  for  by  the  profits  of 
slavery. 

Nothing  can  be  more  mistaken  than  the  policy 
pursued  by  the  South  in  regard  to  their  dependence  on 
the  North  for  almost  everything  consumed  in  the 
Southern  States.  It  should  be  our  pride  and  our 
ambition  to  be  independent  of  the  North  in  every 
respect.  We  should  import  our  own  goods  and  manu 
facture  for  ourselves.  We  should  live  at  home,  and 
spend  our  money  at  home,  encourage  our  own  mechan 
ics,  and  refuse  to  trade  with  the  North.  In  this  way 
we  can  show  our  resentment  and  self-denial,  and 
retaliate  most  effectually,  without  dissolving  the  Union 
or  incurring  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war  and  revolution. 

It  is  doubtful  which  would  be  most  injured  by  eman 
cipation,  the  slave  himself,  the  Southern  master,  or  the 
Northern  abolitionists,  engaged  in  commerce  or  manu 
facturing.  No  change  could  better  the  condition  of  the 
slave.  He  is  happier  and  better  provided  for  than  he 
ever  would  be  in  a  state  of  freedom  and  self-reliance. 
There  are  not  in  the  world  the  same  number  of  Afri 
cans  so  happy  and  so  civilized  as  our  slaves  are  in  the 
Southern  States.  Freedom  to  them  would  be  a  great 
evil. 

It  is  now  almost  universally  admitted  in  England 
that  emancipation  in  the  West  India  Islands  has  been  a 
curse  to  the  slave,  as  well  as  an  act  of  gross  injustice  to 
the  master.  This  spirit  of  fanaticism,  which  first  made 
its  appearance  in  England,  has  pretty  well  run  out.  It 
must  do  so  in  the  United  States.  It  is  not  in  the  nature 


HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES.  137 

of  fanaticism  to  continue.  It  must  die  away  and  burn 
out.  Truth  alone  continues,  and  not  madness.  This 
abolition  question  has  doubtless  had  its  best  days  in  the 
North.  The  equal  division  of  the  Northern  people 
into  Whigs  and  Democrats  gave  the  abolition  party  the 
balance  of  power,  and  an  importance  which  they  never 
otherwise  could  have  obtained. 

But  the  Southern  people  have  had  great  exaggerations 
made  to  them  on  this  subject.  Everything  has  been 
told  them  by  our  members  of  Congress  and  by  the  press 
and  public  speakers,  calculated  to  excite  their  feelings 
and  rouse  up  their  bitterest  indignation  and  revenge. 
For  instance,  the  name,  the  actings  and  doings  of 
Seward,  the  abolition  senator  from  New  York,  are  famil 
iar  to  every  one  ;  but  the  noble,  bold,  and  disinterested 
conduct  of  Dickinson,  his  colleague  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  is  scarcely  spoken  of  or  known  to  the  people  of 
the  South.  If  the  runaway  negroes  in  the  North  have 
a  meeting  and  adopt  the  most  fiendish  resolutions,  they 
are  published  in  the  Southern  Press,  and  read  at  our 
public  meetings  to  excite  and  fan  the  flame  of  disunion. 
If  an  attempt  is  made  to  catch  a  runaway  slave  and 
there  is  a  failure,  it  is  published  all  over  the  South. 
But  we  hear  very  little  of  those  cases  in  which  the  slaves 
were  recaptured. 

If  a  Northern  man  comes  forward  and  defends  the 
South,  and  stands  up  boldly  for  our  rights,  we  seem 
hardly  to  notice  him,  and  much  less  to  thank  him  and 
honor  him.  If  he  does  not  go  as  far  on  the  subject  of 
slavery  as  we  do,  we  denounce  him  and  discredit  him. 
The  consequence  is  that  we  drive  off  our  friends  at  the 
North,  and  act  as  if  we  wished  to  produce  the  impres 
sion  that  we  had  none  there.  But  a  short  time  since 
there  were  meetings  of  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands 
in  New  York,  Boston  and  Philadelphia,  in  favor  of  the 
rights  of  the  South,  the  guarantees  of  the  federal  consti 
tution  and  the  Union  of  the  States.  At  these  meetings 
the  most  eloquent  and  patriotic  speeches  were  made,  but 


138  SPEECH    BEFORE   THE 

neither  the  meetings,  the  speeches,  nor  the  resolutions 
have  been  noticed  by  the  Southern  papers,  except  with  a 
sneer  of  indifference  and  contempt.  Can  it  be  true,  sir, 
that  the  whole  North  are  united  against  us,  when  we 
see  such  men  as  Webster,  Cass,  Douglass,  Buchanan, 
Dickinson,  Woodbury,  and  many  others  of  the  most 
popular  and  distinguished  men  there,  defending  our 
Constitutional  rights  and  the  Union  of  the  States  ? 

I  was  very  much  surprised,  Mr.  Chairman,  at  the 
honorable  member's  speech  from  Charleston  (Col. 
Memuiinger),  who  said  he  had  rather  South  Carolina 
was  attached  to  the  government  of  Great  Britain  as  she 
was  previous  to  the  Revolutionary  War,  than  to  remain 
a  member  of  this  Union  !  Such  an  expression,  neither 
becomes  an  American  nor  a  Carolinian,  and  must  have 
been  uttered  in  the  heat  of  argument  and  declamation 
without  due  consideration.  Does  the  gentleman  remem 
ber  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain  towards  all  of  her 
possessions  ?  Has  he  forgotten  her  magnificent  scheme 
of  plunder,  robbery,  murder  and  devastation  in  India? 
Are  all  the  'atrocious  wrongs  and  wholesale  murders  in 
Ireland  by  British  authority  wiped  out  of  the  honorable 
member's  remembrance  ?  Has  he  forgotten  the  recent 
oppressions  and  iron  rule  of  England  in  the  Canadas  ? 
Surely  he  remembers  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  in 
the  West  India  colonies  of  Great  Britain  by  act  of  Par 
liament,  in  which  body  the  owners  were  not  at  all  rep 
resented!  And  this  is  the  government,  the  kingly 
crown,  to  which  he  prefers  seeing  South  Carolina  bow 
down  in  subjection,  rather  than  remain  a  member  of  this 
great  and  glorious  confederacy  of  States ! 

How  can  any  one  utter  such  a  sentiment  with  the 
Revolutionary  history  of  South  Carolina  fresh  in  his 
reading?  The  capture  of  that  proud  city,  which  the 
gentleman  in  part  represents,  the  plundering  of  her  gal 
lant  citizens,  their  cruel  imprisonment,  their  foul  murder 
and  butchery,  should  rise  up  in  judgment  against  so 
unpatriotic  a  sentiment.  The  subjection  of  South 


HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES.  139 

olina  to  the  military  despotism  of  a  ruthless  soldiery, 
ravaged  and  desolated  from  the  seaboard  to  the  moun 
tains,  dishonored,  and  her  soil  drenched  with  the  best 
blood  of  her  patriot  sons,  should  rebuke  such  a  feeling 
uttered  in  the  Capitol  of  the  State.  So  entire  was  the 
subjugation  of  South  Carolina  during  the  Revolution, 
and  so  hopeless  all  prospect  of  regaining  her  liberty, 
that  it  was  proposed  in  Congress  by  Mr.  Madison,  to 
treat  with  Great  Britain  and  leave  under  her  subjec 
tion  the  colonies  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia.  This 
fact  was  mentioned  to  me  many  years  since  by  Governor 
Middleton,  who  found  amongst  his  father's  manuscripts 
the  notes  of  Mr.  Madison's  speech  on  his  resolution.  I 
have  since  seen  the  fact  stated,  I  think,  in  the  Madison 
papers.  But  there  came  a  Northern  man,  a  Northern 
General,  who  re-conquered  South  Carolina,  and  restored 
her  to  the  confederacy  of  States.  But  now,  a  native- 
born  Carolinian  desired  to  restore  her  to  the  British 
crown,  and  thereby  abolish  her  republican  system  of 
Government. 

It  is  said,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  our  situation  in  the 
Union  is  precisely  similar,  in  principle,  to  that  of  our 
ancestors  as  a  colony  of  Great  Britain.  But,  sir,  there 
is,  in  truth,  no  analogy  whatever.  The  colonies  were 
without  representation  in  the  British  Parliament,  and 
their  governors  and  judges  were  appointed  by  the 
crown.  The  right  to  tax  them  was  claimed  also. 
The  people  of  South  Carolina  are  represented  in  Con 
gress,  and  their  negroes  are  also  represented.  They  elect 
their  own  rulers  and  judges,  and  levy  their  own  taxes. 
Three- fourths  of  the  time,  since  the  formation  of  the 
Union,  they  have  belonged  to  that  majority  which  has 
controlled  and  governed  the  whole  Republic.  And 
now  it  has  been  decreed  to  be  their  time  to  be  in  a 
minority.  But  the  wheel  of  fortune  which  is  constantly 
revolving  will,  in  all  probability,  in  due  time  place 
them  again  in  the  ascendency. 


140  SPEECH   BEFORE   THE 

In  glowing  language  the  honorable  member  from 
Charleston  has  compared  the  Northern  States  and  Eng 
land  ;  and  with  proud  scorn  at  the  comparison,  he  tells 
us  that  England  is  the  land  of  Fox  and  Pitt,  Burke 
and  Chatham,  Shakespeare  and  Milton.  But  in  the 
Northern  States,  says  the  gentleman,  where  is  their 
Chatham  ?  They  have  a  Seward  and  Hale,  and  a  Gid- 
dings,  says  the  honorable  member,  but  no  Fox,  Burke, 
or  Pitt.  The  Northern  States,  sir,  are  in  their  infancy 
compared  to  Great  Britain !  But  they  have  produced 
statesmen  and  orators,  poets,  heroes  and  philosophers 
who  would  not  disgrace  the  proud  fame  of  England 
herself.  Where  is  there  a  name  more  illustrious  in  wis 
dom,  usefulness  and  philosophy  than  that  of  Franklin  ? 
Where  did  there  ever  exist  an  intellect  more  able,  more 
powerful  than  Alexander  Hamilton  ?  In  Eng 
lish  history  there  is  not  a  more  gallant  patriot  than 
Warren.  John  Hampden  was  not  more  devoted  to  lib 
erty  than  Hancock  and  Adams.  Everett  and  Story 
and  Kent  will  compare  with  the  best  of  England's  hon 
ored  names.  Bancroft  and  Prescot  are  not  surpassed  as 
historians.  In  intellect  and  ability  the  proud  Earl  of 
Chatham  was  not  superior  to  Daniel  Webster. 

I  think,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  we  do  South  Carolina 
great  injustice  when  we  attempt  to  derive  from  the 
Constitution  her  right  to  secede  from  the  Union.  It  is, 
sir,  a  higher,  nobler  and  more  sacred  right  than  any  to 
be  derived  from  paper.  It  is  the  right  of  revolution 
which  belongs  to  every  oppressed  people.  When  she 
arrays  herself  in  battle  against  the  Federal  Government, 
and  her  right  to  do  so  is  demanded,  I  should  blush  to 
see  her  refer  to  the  Constitution  for  the  right.  Far 
better  would  it  be  for  her  to  answer,  as  the  English 
nobleman  did,  when  ordered  by  his  sovereign  to  pro 
duce  the  title  to  his  land.  Instead  of  referring  to  his 
papers,  he  drew  his  sword  and  said,  "  this  is  my  title." 
The  absurdity  of  secession  as  a  constitutional  right  may 
be  shown  by  one  illustration.  Louisiana  was  purchased 


HOUSE   OF    REPEESEXTATIVES.  141 

of  France,  and  paid  for  by  the  United  States.  The 
possession  of  that  territory  lying  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi  was  absolutely  necessary  to  the  trade  and 
commerce  of  the  Western  States.  But  by  the  right  of 
secession  the  State  of  Louisiana  could  go  out  of  the 
Union  the  next  day  after  she  had  been  purchased  for 
the  express  benefit  of  the  Union.  She  could  establish 
an  independent  government,  and  tax  all  the  produce  of 
the  United  States  passing  down  the  Mississippi  river. 
The  Federal  Government  would  have  for  their  twelve 
millions  of  dollars  the  consolation  of  knowing  that  they 
had  revolutionized  and  set  her  free. 

It  is  said  by  the  honorable  member  from  Charleston, 
that  we  must  assert  this  right  of  secession  to  keep  from 
being  dealt  with  as  traitors.  I  think,  sir,  with  Judge 
Cheves,  that  where  a  whole  people  rebel,  there  are  no 
traitors.  No  one  was  dealt  with  as  a  traitor  during  the 
revolutionary  war.  When  an  American,  with  arms  in 
his  hands,  was  captured  or  taken  prisoner  by  the  British 
army,  he  was  not  hung  for  treason,  but  exchanged  as  a 
prisoner  of  war.  The  example  referred  to  by  the  gen 
tleman  to  prove  his  position,  is  an  unfortunate  one. 

The  Mon mouth  rebellion  was  confined  to  one  or  two 
counties  in  England.  The  Duke  of  Monmouth,a  vain, 
foolish  and  mean-spirited  illegitimate  son  of  Charles 
the  Second,  raised  his  standard,  and  asserted  his  right 
to  the  throne  of  James  the  Second.  He  was  jmmedi- 
ately  put  down  and  his  followers  dispersed.  The  whole 
affair  was  nothing  more  than  an  insurrection.  James 
himself  was  immediately  afterwards  hurled  from  his 
throne  by  the  indignation  of  the  British  people. 

If  South  Carolina  should  secede  from  the  Union,  I 
have  no  idea  that  the  Federal  Government  would  march 
an  army  here  to  coerce  her.  A  more  mild  and  more 
effectual  way  of  treating  her  would  be  pursued  by  the 
President.  The  custom  house  would  be  removed  on 
board  a  vessel,  as  designated  by  General  Hamilton, 
whose  counsel,  though  now  powerless,  was  once  all  pow- 


142  SPEECH    BEFORE   THE 

erful  in  South  Carolina.  I  have  no  idea  that  separate 
secession,  if  prudently  opposed  by  the  Federal  Govern 
ment,  would  cause  the  shedding  of  one  drop  of  blood. 

But,  sir,  we  are  bound  in  honor  to  co-operate  with  the 
Southern  States.  South  Carolina  went  into  the  Nash 
ville  Convention  and  should  abide  its  recommendations. 
It  was  proposed  by  that  body  to  call  a  Southern  Con 
gress.  Let  this  be  done  on  the  part  of  South  Carolina 
by  electing  four  delegates  to  represent  the  State,  and 
directing  each  Congressional  district  to  elect  two  more. 
In  the  meantime,  if  it  is  seen  that  any  of  the  slavehold- 
ing  States  have  neglected  or  omitted  to  elect  delegates, 
it  should  be  the  duty  of  the  Governor  to  send  to  those 
States  some  of  our  ablest  and  most  distinguished  men 
to  urge  on  them  the  appointment  of  delegates. 

I  am  willing,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  unite  in  any  constitu 
tional  mode  of  resenting  and  redressing  our  wrongs.  I 
am  in  favor  of  taxing  Northern  goods,  which  has  been 
proposed  in  North  Carolina  and  Virginia,  and  which 
may  be  done  constitutionally  in  the  hands  of  our  own 
merchants.  I  will  go  for  non-intercourse  with  those 
cities  where  this  abolition  agitation  is  kept  up,  and  I 
think  true  patriotism  would  dictate  such  a  course  on  the 
part  of  our  merchants.  I  am  willing  for  the  State  to 
give  proper  encouragement  to  manufacturing  and  the 
direct  importation  of  goods.  These  measures  if  steadily 
pursued,  and  enforced  with  proper  spirit  and  patriotism, 
may  bring  the  Northern  people  to  their  senses. 

I  have  thus  spoken,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  truth,  as  I 
conceive  it  to  be,  and  as  my  duty  prompted  me  to  speak. 
I  may  be  mistaken  in  my  views,  but  they  are  the  hon 
est  and  sincere  convictions  of  my  best  judgment,  the 
feelings  and  promptings  of  my  heart,  my  devotion  to  the 
principles  of  liberty  and  the  stability  of  government,  the 
rights  of  the  South,  the  honor,  prosperity  and  happiness 
of  South  Carolina.  I  regret  deeply,  painfully,  my  sep 
aration  from  those  with  whom  I  have  so  long  acted,  but 


HOUSE   OF  REPRESENTATIVES.  143 

I  cannot  exchange  an  honest  and  approving  conscience 
for  "  troops  of  friends."  I  never  have,  I  never  can 
advise  a  tame  submission  to  wrong ;  but  I  am  for  a 
rational  and  successful  defence  by  the  union  of  the 
South,  which  will  redress  our  wrongs,  secure  our  rights, 
and  preserve  the  Union  of  the  States. 


SPEECH   OF  B.   F.   PERRY, 

OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA, 
In  the  National  Democratic  Convention  at  Charleston,  S.C.,  May,  1860. 


ME.  PRESIDENT  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  CON 
VENTION  : — I  thank  you  for  this  opportunity  unani 
mously  awarded  me  by  the  Convention,  of  defining  my 
position  in  remaining  here  whilst  my  colleagues  have 
seen  proper  to  withdraw  from  the  Convention.  First, 
however,  I  have  a  word  to  say  to  the  distinguished 
gentleman  from  Illinois,  Governor  Richardson,  who 
has  just  taken  his  seat.  He  told  us  the  truth,  a  well- 
known  truth,  when  he  said  that  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill  was  a  compromise  between  the  Northern  and 
Southern  Democracy  on  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the 
Territories.  That  compromise  proposed  to  take  the 
question  of  slavery  from  Congress  and  refer  it  to  the 
people  of  the  Territories  under  the  Federal  Constitu 
tion.  All  questions  of  Territorial  legislation  on  the  sub 
ject  of  slavery  would  go  to  the  Supreme  Court,  and  the 
decision  of  that  tribunal  was  to  be  final  and  conclusive. 
This  was  the  compromise,  as  has  been  also  just  stated 
by  the  honorable  member  from  Georgia,  Mr.  Seward. 
At  the  time  this  compromise  was  made,  the  Southern 
Democracy  had  an  abiding  confidence  of  their  right  to 
carry  their  slaves  into  the  Territories,  which  were  the 
common  property  of  all  the  States,  and,  moreover,  they 
had  a  conviction  that  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  would  so  decide  whenever  the  question  was 
properly  made.  With  this  confidence  and  conviction 
on  their  minds,  they  were  willing  to,  and  did  assent 
to,  the  non-intervention  of  Congress  as  a  com 
promise.  By  that  compromise  I  am  willing  to  stand, 


146  SPEECH   IN   THE 

and  I  now  ask  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  to  carry  it 
out  in  good  faith,  by  endorsing  the  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court  in  the  Dred  Scott  case.  If  he  and  the 
Northern  Democracy  will  reaffirm  the  Cincinnati  plat 
form,  which  embodied  the  principles  of  this  compro 
mise,  and  endorse  the  principles  enunciated  in  the 
opinion  of  Chief  Justice  Taney  in  the  Dred  Scott  de 
cision,  it  will  be  acceptable  to  the  Southern  Democracy 
generally.  The  refusal  of  Judge  Douglas  to  do  this,  as 
leader  of  the  Northern  Democracy,  and  his  perseverance 
in  contending  for  a  different  construction  of  the  Nebras 
ka-Kansas  act  and  Cincinnati  platform,  has  produced 
all  the  confusion  and  discord  which  now  unhappily 
divide  and  distract  the  great  Democratic  party  of  the 
United  States. 

I  am  not  one  of  those  who  ask  for  Congressional  in 
terposition  on  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the  Territories. 
The  South  has  contended  for  years  past  against  Con 
gressional  legislation  on  this  subject.  They  have  de 
nied  the  right  of  Congress  either  to  prohibit  or  legislate 
slavery  into  the  Territories.  The  right  to  carry  our 
property  into  the  common  domain  of  the  Union  is  a 
constitutional  right  guaranteed  to  us  by  the  Federal 
Constitution,  and  which  neither  Congress  nor  the  Terri 
torial  government  can  deprive  us  of  in  any  way  what 
ever.  Why,  then,  do  Southern  Democrats  ask  a  slave 
code  or  Congressional  interposition  ?  It  is  suicidal,  and 
we  all  thought  so  ten  years  ago.  Then  we  were  appre 
hensive  that  Congress  would,  in  the  formation  of  a  Ter 
ritorial  government,  attempt  to  exclude  slavery  as  they 
had  done  on  previous  occasions.  We  felt  this  to  be  an 
outrage  on  the  rights  of  the  South.  We  contended 
that  a  Southern  planter  had  the  same  right  to  carry  his 
property  into  the  Territories  that  a  Northern  manufac 
turer  had  to  carry  his.  Whether  the  one  consisted  of 
slaves  and  the  other  of  machinery  made  no  difference. 
Slaves  are  recognized  as  property,  not  only  by  the  laws 
and  constitutions  of  the  Southern  States,  but  by  the 


NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  147 

Federal  Constitution  itself,  in  various  ways  and  in  dif 
ferent  sections  of  that  just  and  wise  system  of  govern 
ment.  With  great  deference  to  the  judgment  and 
opinions  of  distinguished  Southern  Democrats,  I  think 
it  is  unwise  and  dangerous  to  go  back  and  ask  for  Con 
gressional  intervention  which  we  have  been  warring 
against  for  so  many  years,  and  have  now  established  by 
compromises,  platforms,  the  action  of  Congress  and  the 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court.  For  one,  I  will  abide 
by  what  has  been  done,  and  what  has  been  agreed  to  be 
done,  by  the  Democratic  party,  and  I  here  call  on  my 
Northern  Democratic  friends  to  do  the  same.  It  will 
restore  harmony  and  good  feeling  to  the  Convention, 
and  once  more  unite  the  Democracy  against  the  common 
foe — the  Black  Republicans — and  insure  a  triumphant 
victory. 

For  the  Northern  wing  of  the  great  Democratic 
party  I  have  the  highest  regard  and  profoundest  respect. 
They  have  fought  the  battles  of  the  South  and  the  Con 
stitution  like  gallant  patriots,  and  have  sacrificed  them 
selves  in  our  cause.  We  owe  them  a  debt  of  gratitude, 
and  Southern  honor  and  Southern  magnanimity  should 
not  hesitate  to  pay  it  by  yielding  to  them  all  we  can 
consistently  with  our  faith  and  principles.  I  felt  deeply 
the  noble  and  manly  appeal  made  to  the  South,  the 
other  evening,  by  the  distinguished  gentleman  from 
Minnesota,  Mr.  Samuels.  There  is  neither  justice  nor 
wisdom  in  forcing  our  Northern  friends  to  assume  a 
position  unnecessarily,  which  will  crush  them  in  their 
contest  with  the  Black  Republicans,  and  defeat  our  own 
hopes  and  expectations.  We  ought  to  give  them  a 
platform  to  stand  on  which  they  can  defend  and  main 
tain  at  home,  when  by  so  doing  we  sacrifice  no  principle. 
We  have  construed  the  Cincinnati  platform  one  way, 
and  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  has  estab 
lished  our  construction  by  one  of  the  ablest  opinions 
ever  delivered  by  any  Court.  Why,  then,  should  we 
be  so  tenacious  of  guarding  against  a  different  construe- 


148  SPEECH    IN    THE 

tion  by  words  and  language,  which  render  it  odious  or 
unacceptable  to  the  North  ?  We  shall  gain  nothing  by 
it  but  a  Black  Republican  victory,  which  may  be  the 
death-knell  of  the  Republic. 

After  all,  Mr.  President,  this  question  of  slavery  in 
the  Territories  is  a  mere  abstraction.  If  climate  and 
soil  are  adapted  to  slavery,  it  will  go  there,  and  if  it  is 
not,  we  cannot  force  it  into  the  Territories.  Like 
water,  which  always  seeks  its  level,  will  go  slavery 
where  it  is  profitable,  and  nowhere  else.  If  it  is  known 
or  supposed  that  that  Territory  will  be  a  free  State  when 
admitted  into  the  Union,  no  Southern  man  will  carry 
his  slaves  into  the  Territory  to  remain  whilst  the  terri 
torial  government  continues.  If  the  soil  and  climate  of 
a  Territory  are  adapted  to  slavery,  the  institution  will 
go  there,  and  be  protected  there,  without  Congressional 
intervention,  and  in  spite  of  it.  Why,  then,  should  we 
insist  on  it,  at  the  hazard  of  breaking  up  the  Democratic 
party?  I  can  well  see  a  motive  on  the  part  of  disunion- 
ists,  who  indulge  the  delusive  hope  of  separating  the 
North  from  the  South.  But,  in  all  truth  and  sincerity, 
I  can  assure  such  that  they  are  under  a  delusion.  This 
Union  is  too  strong,  geographically,  politically  and 
socially,  ever  to  be  dismembered  whilst  the  Republic 
continues  in  its  present  advanced  state  of  civilization 
and  science.  And  I  can,  with  the  same  truth  and  sin 
cerity,  declare  to  my  Northern  and  Southern  friends, 
that  the  institution  of  African  slavery  is  also  too  strong 
in  the  Southern  States  ever  to  be  assailed  successfully 
by  any  power  on  earth.  I  have  no  alarms  for  the  safety 
of  slavery  or  the  Union. 

I  stand  before  you,  Mr.  President,  an  old-fashioned 
Union  Democrat,  born  and  bred  such,  and  such  I  have 
continued,  consistently,  without  faltering  or  wavering 
in  my  faith,  amidst  the  storms  of  secession  and  nullifica 
tion  which  have  swept  over  South  Carolina.  I  am  a 
Southern  man  in  heart  and  feeling,  and  identified  with 
the  South,  my  birth-place,  by  every  tie  that  is  sacred  on 


NATIONAL    CONVENTION.  149 

earth  and  every  interest  that  can  bind  a  man  to  his  own 
native  soil.  I  love  the  South,  and  it  is  because  I  love 
her,  and  would  guard  her  against  evils  which  no  one  can 
foresee  or  foretell,  that  I  am  a  Union  man  and  a  fol 
lower  of  Washington's  faith  and  creed.  It  was  as  a 
Democrat  and  a  Union  man  that  I  came  into  this  Con 
vention,  determined  to  do  all  that  I  could  to  pre 
serve  the  Democratic  party  and  the  Union  of  the  States. 
I  came  here  not  to  sow  the  seeds  of  dissension  in  our 
Democratic  ranks,  but  to  do  all  that  I  could  to  har 
monize  the  discordant  materials  of  the  party.  I  came 
in  good  faith,  as  a  Democrat,  to  remain  here,  and  repre 
sent  the  Democracy  of  South  Carolina,  and  abide  by 
the  actions  and  nomination  of  this  Convention.  In 
honor  I  feel  myself  so  bound,  and  if  I  had  entertained 
other  feelings  and  other  views,  I  should  not  have  taken 
my  seat  in  the  Convention.  I  had  confidence  in  the 
patriotism  and  justice  of  the  party  to  which  I  belong. 
If  I  had  not  I  would  not  have  made  a' common  cause 
with  them.  No  party  can  be  kept  together  unless  the 
members  are  disposed  to  yield  something.  Every  one 
cannot  carry  out  his  own  views  and  notions  of  propriety 
and  justice. 

The  Convention  which  sent  me  here  adjourned  but 
a  few  days  since.  In  that  Convention  resolutions  sim 
ilar  to  those  of  Alabama  were  offered  and  voted  down 
by  an  overwhelming  majority.  Another  resolution  was 
proposed  and  advocated  with  great  power  and  ability  to 
stand  by  Alabama,  and  it  too  was  voted  down  by  a 
large  majority.  I  heard  no  one  in  that  Convention 
speak  of  any  contingency  on  which  it  would  be  proper  for 
the  South  Carolina  Delegation  to  leave  this  Convention. 
I  feel  confident  in  saying,  that  I  do  not  believe  my  col 
leagues  contemplated  such  a  step  when  they  came  here. 
I  know  that  such  a  feeling  was  cherished  by  others  out 
side  of  the  South  Carolina  Convention.  It  was  cher 
ished  by  those  who  sneered  at  our  Convention  and 
scorned  to  come  into  it.  Somehow  or  other  their  feel- 


150  SPEECH    IN   THE 

ings  and  sentiments  have  been  imbibed  by  the  most  of 
my  colleagues,  and  they  have  gone  out  of  this  Conven 
tion  leaving  my  friend  Colonel  Boozer  and  myself  the 
only  delegates  from  South  Carolina.  It  is  true  that 
Colonel  Simpkins,  another  delegate,  concurs  with  us  in 
remaining  here,  and  would  act  with  us  if  he  were  here, 
but  he  has  been  called  home  by  the  sickness  of  his  family. 

In  remaining  here,  my  friend  Colonel  Boozer  and 
myself  do  not  regard  ourselves  as  disobeying  any  man 
date  of  those  who  sent  us,  or  of  compromising  any  prin 
ciple  which  we  or  they  have  professed.  When  the 
South  Carolina  Convention  assembled  in  Columbia  last 
week  to  send  delegates  here,  I  introduced  a  resolution 
reaffirming  the  Cincinnati  platform  with  the  principles 
enunciated  in  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  and  they  were 
adopted  as  the  platform  of  South  Carolina.  The  plat 
form  just  adopted  by  this  Convention  reaffirms  the  Cin 
cinnati  platform,  but  neither  affirms  nor  repudiates  the 
principles  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision.  It  is  well  known 
that  those  principles  are  maintained  in  the  Southern  con 
struction  of  the  Cincinnati  platform.  In  voting  for 
that  platform,  I  voted  for  it  with  this  well-known 
Southern  construction,  sustained  as  it  is  by  the  Supreme 
Court.  All  the  other  resolutions  adopted  by  this  Con 
vention  were  voted  for  by  South  Carolina,  as  the  record 
shows.  But  because  a  majority  of  this  Convention 
would  not  adopt  a  resolution  declaring  that  it  is  the 
duty  of  Congress  to  intervene  and  protect  slavery  in  the 
Territories,  my  colleagues  have  withdrawn  with  a  por 
tion  of  the  delegates  from  Georgia,  Alabama,  Arkansas, 
Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Texas  and  Florida.  The  dele 
gates  from  Virginia,  Maryland,  Kentucky,  Missouri 
and  Tennessee  have  seen  proper  to  remain  in  this  Con 
vention.  For  one,  sir,  I  am  more  inclined  to  stand  by 
Virginia  than  by  Alabama,  and  in  doing  so  I  think  I 
have  a  wiser  counsellor  in  danger  and  difficulty. 

I  know  full  well  that  the  Congressional  District 
which  I  represent  in  this  Convention  will  approve  and 


NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  151 

sanction  the  course  which  I  have  seen  proper  to  take, 
and  I  shall  remain  here  and  represent  that  District  as 
long  as  I  remain  in  Charleston.  With  this  explanation 
of  my  position,  I  conclude  by  tendering  my  thanks  to 
the  Convention  for  the  opportunity  offered  me  so  court 
eously,  by  them,  of  defining  my  position. 


ADDRESS 

To  the  Democracy  of  the  Fifth  Congressional  District  in  South  Carolina, 
May  28,  1860. 


Having  been  honored  by  your  delegates  in  the  Dem 
ocratic  Convention  of  South  Carolina,  at  Columbia,  with 
a  seat  in  the  National  Democratic  Convention  in  Charles 
ton,  and  having  differed  with  the  majority  of  my  col 
leagues  in  that  Convention,  I  deem  it  proper  to  address 
you  in  explanation  of  my  course.  This  is  more  impera 
tive  now,  since  District  meetings  have  been  held  at  all 
of  your  Court  Houses,  approving  the  course  of  my  col 
leagues  in  seceding  from  the  Charleston  Convention.  I 
thought  at  the  time  that  I  was  fairly  representing  the 
feelings  and  instructions  of  those  who  sent  me,  and  that 
my  course  would,  at  least,  be  approved  by  the  Conven 
tion  party  of  the  Fifth  Congressional  District.  Hear 
me,  and  judge  for  yourselves  with  candor  and  impar 
tiality. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  recent  Charleston  Conven 
tion  was  composed  of  delegates  representing  the"  National 
Democracy  of  South  Carolina,"  as  distinguished  from  the 
"  Secession  party  "  of  South  Carolina,  calling  themselves 
the  "States'  Rights  Democracy,"  who  repudiated  the 
Charleston  Convention,  and  would  have  no  representation 
in  it.  I  thought  the  object  of  the  party  which  assembled 
in  Columbia  was  three-fold — to  preserve  the  National 
Democratic  party  of  the  Union  ;  to  harmonize  and  agree 
on  a  platform  which  would  embody  the  general  political 
sentiments  of  that  party  ;  and  to  unite  on  suitable  candi 
dates  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency  of  the 
United  States.  I  knew  that  the  Secession  party  of  South 
Carolina,  or  anti-Convention  party,  were  anxious  to 
'53 


154  ADDRESS   TO   THE 

break  up  the  National  Democratic  party  and  sectionalize 
it,  as  they  had  no  confidence  in  it,  or  desire  to  see  per 
petuated  the  American  Union.  The  Convention  party 
have  always  avowed  different  sentiments. 

In  regard  to  the  platform  to  be  adopted  by  the  National 
Democracy  in  Charleston,  the  Columbia  Convention 
simply  re-affirmed  the  old  Cincinnati  resolutions  and 
the  principles  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision.  No  instruc 
tions  were  given  to  insist  on  the  adoption  of  this  platform, 
and  if  not  adopted,  to  leave  the  Convention.  It  was 
adopted  only  as  expressive  of  the  views  and  opinions  of 
the  Columbia  Convention.  Nothing  was  said  about 
leaving  or  withdrawing  from  the  Charleston  Convention 
on  any  contingency  whatever.  Nor  do  I  think  any  one, 
at  that  time,  thought  of  such  a  course  for  the  South  Car 
olina  delegates.  It  was  known  that  Alabama  had  in 
structed  her  delegates  to  leave  the  Charleston  Conven 
tion,  unless  the  intervention  of  Congress  to  protect  slavery 
in  the  Territories  was  distinctly  admitted  and  acknowl 
edged  by  the  National  Democratic  Convention.  If  the 
Columbia  Convention  had  at  that  time  entertained  any 
such  feeling  or  purpose,  surely  they  ought  to  have 
expressed  it,  as  Alabama  did.  But  so  far  from  doing 
this,  the  Alabama  resolutions,  offered  in  substance  by 
Mr.  Powell,  were  voted  down  by  the  Columbia  Conven 
tion  !  A  resolution  proposing  to  endorse  the  action  of 
Alabama  and  stand  by  that  State,  offered  by  Mr.  O'Con 
nor  and  eloquently  advocated,  was  likewise  ignored  by 
the  Convention !  What  right  had  I  then  to  suppose 
that  it  was  expected  of  me  to  withdraw  from  the  Charles 
ton  Convention,  unless  the  Alabama  or  similar  resolu 
tions  were  adopted  by  the  Convention  ? 

Under  these  circumstances  I  received  my  appointment 
as  a  delegate  to  the  Charleston  Convention,  and  in  good 
faith  I  went  there  to  act  in  concert  with  the  great  Demo 
cratic  party  of  the  United  States,  and  abide  their  action. 
The  idea  of  separating  from  them,  breaking  up  the  party 
and  sectionalizing  the  two  wings  of  it,  because  the 


DEMOCKACY.  155 

Northern  Democrats  would  not  endorse  and  subscribe  to 
the  Southern  construction  of  the  Cincinnati  platform, 
never  entered  my  mind.  I  knew  this  was  most  ardently 
desired  by  those  in  South  Carolina  who  refused  to  go 
into  the  Charleston  Convention.  Having  belonged  to 
the  National  Democracy  all  my  life,  and  having  always 
acted  with  them,  I  had  confidence  in  their  virtue,  patriot 
ism  and  honur.  I  went  to  Charleston  to  harmonize 
with  them  in  a  proper  course  as  to  the  ensuing  Presi 
dential  election.  No  individual,  no  section,  can  expect 
to  have  everything  its  own  way,  without  regard  to  the 
wishes  and  feelings  of  others.  When  different  views  are 
entertained,  some  must  yield  for  the  sake  of  harmony 
and  the  success  of  the  party,  unless  a  vital  principle  is 
at  stake  which  requires  the  severance  of  the  party.  Was 
this  the  case  in  the  Charleston  Convention?  Let  us 
consider  it. 

It  was  well  known  before  the  National  Democratic 
Convention  met  in  Charleston,  that  there  was  a  difference 
of  opinion  between  the  Northern  and  Southern  Democ 
racy  in  reference  to  the  slavery  question  in  the  Territo 
ries.  There  was  a  difference  of  opinion  between  the 
Southern  Democracy  themselves  on  the  same  subject. 
The  Northern  Democrats,  generally,  held  that  Congress 
had  no  power  to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories, 
nor  any  power  to  legislate  it  into  them ;  but  that  the 
whole  question  of  slavery  or  no  slavery  belonged  to  the 
people  of  the  Territories  to  decide  for  themselves  under 
the  Federal  Constitution.  Some  of  them  believed  that 
the  Territorial  Legislatures  could  exclude  slavery,  and 
others  believed  that  they  could  not,  under  the  Constitu 
tion.  All,  however,  admitted  that  this  was  a  judicial 
question  for  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  to 
decide,  and  when  decided,  was  final  and  conclusive  of  the 
question,  and  such  decision  must  be  obeyed.  This  was 
the  Northern  creed,  well  known  before  we  went  into  the 
Convention  with  them.  The  Southern  Democracy  con 
tended  that  neither  Congress  nor  the  Territorial  Legis- 


156  ADDRESS    TO    THE 

latures  could  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories,  or  by 
unfriendly  legislation  impair  or  destroy  it  when  there, 
under  the  Federal  Constitution.  There  were  other 
Southern  Democrats  who  insisted  that  it  was  the  duty  of 
Congress  to  intervene  and  protect  slavery  in  the  Terri 
tories  by  the  passage  of  a  slave  code.  These  were  the 
differences  of  opinion  and  views  between  the  North  and 
South,  and  between  Democrats  in  the  same  sections. 
They  were  not  regarded  of  such  vital  importance  as  to 
prevent  the  whole  National  Democracy  meeting  and 
agreeing  on  some  common  platform. 

In  the  Charleston  Convention  the  Northern  Demo 
crats  were  for  re-affirming  the  Cincinnati  platform 
Avhich  had  been  adopted  four  years  ago  by  the  National 
Democracy,  and  expressing  a  willingness  to  abide  by  the 
construction  or  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  as  to  the 
rights  of  the  people  of  a  Territory  to  exclude  slavery 
through  their  Legislatures.  The  Southern  Democrats 
wished  the  acknowledgment  of  the  right  of  Congress  to 
intervene  for  the  protection  of  slavery  in  the  Territories, 
and  a  denial  of  the  right  of  the  Territorial  Legislatures 
to  exclude  or  impair  slavery  in  the  Territories.  Here 
the  two  wings  of  the  Democracy  split  and  took  issue 
with  each  other. 

The  Northern  Democrats  insisted  that  the  South  ought 
to  be  satisfied  to  stand  where  they  did  four  years  ago  on 
the  Cincinnati  platform,  which  declares  that  the  sub 
ject  of  slavery  shall  be  taken  from  Congress  and  left  to 
the  people  of  the  Territories  to  regulate  in  their  own 
way  under  the  Federal  Constitution.  They  told  us  they 
were  fighting  the  battles  of  the  South  in  the  Northern 
States,  and  must  have  some  ground  to  stand  on  and 
maintain  themselves  against  the  Black  Republicans.  It 
would  be,  in  their  opinion,  as  dangerous  now,  on  the  eve 
of  the  Presidential  election,  to  change  their  platform,  as 
it  would  be  for  a  General,  going  into  battle,  to  change 
the  flank  of  his  army  !  Defeat  would  inevitably  follow. 
They  were  perfectly  willing  that  we  of  the  South  should 


DEMOCRACY.  157 

adhere  to  our  own  construction  of  the  Cincinnati  plat 
form,  and  leave  them  the  liberty  of  doing  the  same. 
We  were  not  asked  to  abandon  any  political  principle  in 
our  old  platform,  but  not  to  insert  into  it  what  they 
deemed  a  new  version  of  it.  They  do  not  ask  us  to 
endorse  their  construction,  and  begged  not  to  be  forced 
to  adopt  ours. 

On  the  part  of  the  Southern  Democrats  it  was  con 
tended  that  the  old  Cincinnati  platform  denied  and 
repudiated  Squatter  Sovereignty ;  that  they  had  always 
so  construed  it ;  that  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  had  decided  the  question  in  favor  of  the  South  ; 
but  still,  as  the  Northern  Democrats,  being  hard  pressed 
by  the  Black  Republicans,  had  contended  that  there 
was  a  squinting  at  this  terrible  heresy  in  the  Cincinnati 
platform,  they  must  now  give  it  up  and  abjure  it  for 
ever,  or  be  read  out  of  the  great  National  Democratic 
party. 

Two  sets  of  resolutions  were  reported  by  the  majority 
and  minority  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions.  The 
majority  resolutions,  which  claimed  Congressional  inter 
vention  on  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the  Territories,  had 
the  sanction  of  all  the  slave  States,  fifteen  in  number, 
and  the  two  Pacific  free  States,  California  and  Oregon. 
The  minority  resolutions,  the  old  Cincinnati  platform, 
embodied  the  sentiments  and  feelings  of  sixteen  free 
States,  claiming  that  slavery  should  be  taken  from  Con 
gress  and  left  to  the  people  of  the  Territories  to  regu 
late  in  their  own  way,  under  the  Federal  Constitution 
and  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States.  Four  years  ago  this  platform  was  unanimously 
adopted  by  the  South.  It  was  regarded  by  them  at 
that  time  as  sound.  No  objections  were  heard  to  it. 
Everywhere  the  South  contended  that  they  had  a  right, 
according  to  this  platform,  to  carry  their  slaves  into  the 
Territories  and  keep  them  in  defiance  of  all  Congress 
ional  or  Territorial  legislation  against  slavery.  This  was 
their  construction  of  the  Democratic  creed. 


158  ADDRESS   TO  THE 

Judge  Douglas  and  the  Northern  Democrats  gave  a 
different  construction  to  this  platform  whilst  waging 
war  against  the  Black  Republicans.  They  contended 
that  the  people  of  the  Territories  had  a  right  to  control 
slavery  as  they  saw  proper,  and  might  exclude  it  from 
the  Territories  altogether.  They  admitted  that  the 
Supreme  Court  was  the  proper  arbiter,  and  its  decisions 
must  be  final  and  conclusive.  They  denied,  however, 
that  this  question  had  been  properly  before  the  Court  in 
the  Dred  Scott  case,  or  decided  by  the  Court. 

This  is  a  fair  statement  of  the  two  sets  of  resolutions 
reported  by  the  Committee  and  their  different  construc 
tions  by  the  Northern  and  Southern  wings  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  In  adopting  the  minority  report,  which 
the  Convention  did,  and  on  account  of  which  the  South 
Carolina  delegation  left  the  Convention,  I  saw  no  com 
promise  of  principle  whatever,  or  any  abandonment 
of  doctrines  which  we  had  contended  for  in  the  last 
Presidential  canvass  which  had  carried  us  triumphantly 
through  to  victory.  We  still  gave  the  same  construc 
tion  to  the  same  platform,  and  were  further  strength 
ened  in  his  construction  by  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court.  If  we  could  stand  on  the  Cincinnati  platform 
four  years  ago,  before  it  had  received  the  construction  of 
the  Courts,  I  thought  that  we  might  do  so  now  with 
that  construction  in  our  favor.  It  is  true  the  Northern 
Democracy  ought  to  have  yielded  to  the  opinion  of  the 
Court  and  our  construction  of  the  Cincinnati  platform. 
They  would  have  done  so  but  for  the  consequences  at 
home  in  their  civil  war  with  the  Black  Republicans. 
But  surely  their  not  doing  so  did  not  change  the  princi 
ples  of  the  platform,  or  our  rights  under  the  Federal 
Constitution  to  carry  our  slaves  into  the  Territories 
and  keep  them  there  in  spite  of  Congressional  or  Terri 
torial  legislation.  Why,  then,  should  we  have  made  it 
a  matter  of  so  much  importance  as  to  break  up  the 
great  Democratic  party,  and  destroy  the  only  hope  left 


DEMOCRACY.  159 

us  of  electing  a  Democratic  President,  and  crushing  out 
the  Black  Republican  party? 

The  Northern  Democrats  did  not  offer  or  wish  to 
deprive  us,  by  any  resolution  or  expression  of  opinion, 
of  our  construction  of  the  platform  adopted.  We 
were  welcome  to  entertain  it  still,  and  they  desired  to 
have  the  same  liberty  of  urging  their  construction  in 
the  Presidential  contest.  They  said  inevitable  defeat 
would  follow  if  they  endorsed  our  construction,  and 
certain  victory  if  they  did  not.  If  they  had  urged  on 
us  the  adoption  of  their  construction,  as  we  did  on 
them  the  adoption  of  ours,  there  would  have  been  good 
grounds  for  the  Southern  members  leaving  the  Conven 
tion.  But  this  they  never  attempted. 

The  South  Carolina  Delegation  voted  for  every  reso 
lution  of  this  odious  minority  report,  except  the  first, 
reaffirming  the  Cincinnati  platform  which  they  had 
unanimously  adopted  four  years  ago  !  Yet,  her  delegates 
went  out  of  the  Convention  !  Not  because  there  was 
anything  in  the  platform  objectionable  to  them  or  the 
State,  but  because  the  Convention  refused  to  adopt  a 
resolution  construing  the  platform  as  we  say  it  should 
be  construed,  and  as  the  Supreme  Court  has  construed 
it!  Whether  the  Northern  Democracy  construed  this 
platform  one  way  or  the  other,  it  does  not  in  the  slightest 
affect  our  constitutional  rights  as  to  carrying  slaves  into 
the  Territories  and  keeping  them  there. 

It  is  said  in  all  the  newspapers  of  South  Carolina, 
and  proclaimed  in  all  the  public  meetings  in  the  State, 
that  the  seceding  delegates  were  forced  out  of  the 
Charleston  Convention  because  the  minority  report, 
adopted  by  the  Convention,  acknowledged  the  damna 
ble  heresy  of  Squatter  Sovereignty !  Now,  is  there  a 
word  of  truth  in  this  assertion  ?  Do  the  minority 
resolutions  contain  or  embody  anything  of  this  doctrine  ? 
Not  a  word.  In  proof  of  this,  I  suppose  the  authority 
of  Mr.  Yancey,  the  gallant  leader  of  the  seceding  mem 
bers,  ought  to  be  conclusive.  He  declares,  in  his  great 


160  ADDRESS   TO   THE 

speech  before  the  Charleston  Convention,  that  the  Cin 
cinnati  platform,  which  had  then  not  been  reaffirmed 
and  adopted  by  the  Convention,  did  not  countenance 
the  doctrine  of  Squatter  Sovereignty  in  any  way  what 
ever  !  This  is  his  language :  "  It  follows  that  this 
Squatter  Sovereignty  construction  has  no  foundation  in 
reason,  nor  in  the  letter  or  spirit  of  the  Cincinnati  plat 
form  !"  Can  language  be  more  explicit  than  this  ?  He 
had  already  proved  by  an  able  argument  the  above  con 
clusion,  which  may  be  read  in  pages  nine  and  ten  of  his 
printed  speech.  Again  Mr.  Yancey  says,  in  emphatic 
language :  "  No,  sir,  Mr.  Douglas's  doctrine  is  at  war 
with  the  rights  of  Southern  citizens,  both  under  the  Con 
stitution  and  under  the  Cincinnati  platform  !  "  This  is 
true,  and  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  has 
so  decided  in  one  of  the  ablest  opinions  ever  delivered 
by  any  court. 

Well,  then,  if  there  is  no  foundation  for  this  Squatter 
Sovereignty  "  in  the  letter  or  spirit  of  the  Cincinnati 
platform,"  why  should  we  have  broken  up  the  Charles 
ton  Convention  and  the  National  Democratic  party, 
because  that  platform  was  reaffirmed  by  the  Convention 
without  dotting  an  I  or  crossing  a  T?  It  is  strange — 
it  is  passing  strange  !  But  it  may  be  said  that  although 
there  is  nothing  "  in  the  letter  or  the  spirit  of  the 
Cincinnati  platform"  countenancing  Squatter  Sover 
eignty,  yet  Mr.  Douglas  and  his  friends  put  that  con 
struction  on  it.  If  we  were  bound  by  that  construc 
tion  and  not  by  the  construction  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  there  might  be  some  force  in  it.  Every  expres 
sion  of  the  human  intellect  may  be  differently  construed 
by  different  persons.  The  Word  of  God,  even,  has 
been  very  differently  construed  by  different  religious  sects. 
Is  this  any  reason  for  casting  aside  the  Bible  and  causing 
the  various  religious  sects  to  refuse  to  unite  in  fighting 
against  the  Devil  ?  The  Black  Republicans  are  the 
political  devils  against  whom  the  Northern  and  South 
ern  Democrats  must  unite  to  fight. 


DEMOCRACY.  161 

It  ought  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  Northern 
Democrats  have  no  interest  in  this  fight  against  the 
Black  Republicans  except  as  the  friends  and  allies  of 
the  South.  No  constitutional  right  of  theirs  is  invaded 
or  threatened.  They  have  no  pecuniary  interest  in  this 
question  of  slavery  in  the  Territories  except  it  be 
against  the  doctrine  they  are  contending  for.  Their 
honor  is  not  concerned,  like  that  of  the  South,  in  the 
exclusion  of  slavery  in  the  Territories.  They  are  in 
this  matter  disinterested  patriots,  rallying  under  the 
Constitution  of  their  country,  fighting  the  battles  of  the 
South  and  sacrificing  themselves!  And  yet,  we  treat 
them  as  enemies,  and  declare  to  them  that  we  will  not 
accept  them  as  allies  and  friends  in  this  war  unless  they 
adopt  all  the  minutiae  of  our  political  creed!  Is  not  this 
requiring  more  than  a  generous,  chivalric  ally  should 
ask? 

The  Black  Republicans  avow,  in  the  most  insulting 
terms,  that  there  shall  be  no  more  slave  territory,  or 
slave  States  in  the  Union  no  matter  how  well  adapted 
the  climate  and  soil  may  be  to  African  slavery.  They 
declare,  in  fiendish  terms,  that  slavery  must  be  abolished 
everywhere,  and  that  there  is  an  irrepressible  conflict 
between  slave  labor  and  free  labor.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Northern  Democracy  say  that  there  shall  be  no 
interference  with  slavery  on  the  part  of  Congress,  either 
in  the  States  or  Territories,  but  that  it  shall  be  left  to 
the  people  everywhere  to  decide  for  themselves,  whether 
they  will  or  will  not  have  slavery.  When  a  State  is 
admitted  into  the  Union,  it  matters  not  whether  she 
protects  or  excludes  slavery.  They  are  willing  for  the 
Southern  people  to  carry  their  slaves  into  all  the  Terri 
tories  belonging  to  the  United  States,  and  keep  them 
there.  But  if  the  majority  of  the  people  of  a  Territory 
are  opposed  to  slavery,  and  attempt  to  legislate  against 
it,  then  it  becomes  a  question  for  the  courts  to  decide 
whether  such  legislation  is  constitutional  or  not.  Is 
there  no  difference  in  these  respective  creeds? 


162  ADDRESS   TO   THE 

In  fact  and  in  truth,  is  this  right  of  carrying  slaves 
into  a  Territory  where  the  soil  and  climate  is  not 
adapted  to  them,  where  they  never  can  be  profitable  or 
exist,  and  where  a  majority  of  the  people  are  opposed 
to  slavery,  worth  contending  for?  Much  less  is  it 
worth  while  to  think  of  breaking  up  this  great  and 
glorious  confederacy  for  the  establishment  of  this  worth 
less  constitutional  right.  If  the  climate  and  soil  of  a 
Territory  are  suitable  for  slavery,  it  will  go  there,  and 
need  no  protection  from  Congress ;  and  if  they  are  not, 
all  the  protection  that  can  be  given  by  Congress  and 
the  Territorial  Legislature  will  not  carry  and  establish 
slavery  there.  Who  would  think  of  carrying  slaves 
into  a  Territory  to  keep  only  while  the  Territorial  gov 
ernment  existed,  and  have  to  remove  them  or  emanci 
pate  them  when  the  Territory  becomes  a  State  ?  It  is 
folly  to  think  that  any  slaveholder  will  do  so,  or  think 
of  doing  so  unwise  an  act.  Slavery  will  always  protect 
itself  everywhere  and  at  all  times,  where  it  is  the  interest 
of  the  people  to  have  it.  And  nothing  can  be  more 
contemptible  than  to  hear  men  who  have  no  slaves, 
trifling  politicians,  bankrupts  in  fortune,  weathercocks 
of  popular  opinion,  and  office-seekers,  declaiming  about 
their  constitutional  right  of  carrying  their  slaves  into  a 
Territory  where  they  know  slavery  never  can  exist. 
And  if  slavery  could  exist  there,  yet,  if  a  majority  of 
the  people  are  Abolitionists,  it  would  be  unsafe  with  all 
the  protection  which  could  possibly  be  given  it  by  legis 
lation.  The  slaves  would  be  seduced  and  carried  off  by 
the  Abolitionists  in  spite  of  all  laws. 

In  regard  to  Squatter  Sovereignty,  or  Popular  Sov 
ereignty,  as  it  should  be  termed,  an  odium  has  been 
recently  cast  upon  it  in  South  Carolina  which  did  not 
formerly  exist.  This  doctrine  was  first  announced  by 
General  Cass  in  his  famous  Nicholson  letter.  So  far 
from  being  offended  with  it,  South  Carolina  voted  for 
General  Cass  standing  on  this  platform,  for  President 
of  the  United  States.  Again,  when  General  Pierce 


DEMOCRACY.  163 

was  nominated  in  the  Baltimore  Convention,  he. was 
placed  on  this  same  platform,  and  received  the  hearty 
support  of  South  Carolina  as  the  Democratic  nominee 
for  President  of  the  United  States.  Again,  when  Mr. 
Buchanan  was  nominated  on  the  Cincinnati  platform, 
the  very  platform  reaffirmed  by  the  Charleston  Conven 
tion,  in  accepting  his  nomination,  which  was  before  the 
Dred  Scott  decision,  however,  he  gave  a  decided  Squat 
ter  Sovereignty  construction  to  that  platform.  The 
following  is  his  language:  "This  legislation  is  founded 
upon  principles  as  ancient  as  free  government  itself,  and 
in  no  accordance  with  them,  has  simply  declared  that  the 
people  of  a  Territory,  like  those  of  a  State,  shall  decide 
for  themselves  whether  slavery  shall  or  shall  not  exist  with 
in  their  limits"  If  this  be  not  pure,  undefiled  Squatter 
Sovereignty,  I  know  not  what  it  is.  And  yet  South 
Carolina  voted  for  Mr.  Buchanan  unanimously !  About 
the  time  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  inauguration  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  had  made  their  famous  deci 
sion  of  the  Dred  Scott  case.  In  that  decision  they 
declare  that  neither  Congress  nor  the  Territorial  Legis 
lature  has  power,  under  the  Federal  Constitution,  to 
exclude  slavery  from  a  Territory.  Mr.  Buchanan 
adopted  their  decision  in  his  inaugural  address.  That 
decision  has  made  the  Cincinnati  platform  all  that  the 
South  should  require  or  desire  in  reference  to  slavery  in 
the  Territories. 

I  will  say,  further,  that  this  doctrine  of  Popular  Sov 
ereignty  has  had  an  odium  cast  on  it  in  the  Southern 
States,  to  which  it  is  not  entitled,  according  to  the  theory 
and  practice  of  our  republican  institutions.  The  pop 
ular  will  must  and  has  always  prevailed  in  the  United 
States,  say  and  do  what  we  please  to  the  contrary.  We 
see  it  illustrated  every  day  in  the  practical  working  of 
our  Government.  At  the  South,  the  popular  will,  or 
Squatter  Sovereignty,  if  you  please,  is  opposed  to  declar 
ing  the  slave  trade  piracy  by  Congress,  and  hence  no 
convictions  can  be  had  under  that  law.  In  the  North- 


164  ADDRESS   TO   THE 

era  .States  the  popular  will  is  opposed  to  the  Fugitlve 
Slave  law,  and  hence  we  see  the  extreme  difficulty  °f 
enforcing  that  law,  backed  by  all  the  power  of  the  Fed" 
eral  Government.  Some  years  ago  the  popular  will  of 
South  Carolina  was  opposed  to  the  Tariff  laws  passed  by 
Congress,  and  they  were  nullified  by  a  State  Convention. 
So  it  is  in  regard  to  a  great  many  State  laws  passed. 
They  are  never  enforced  because  the  popular  will  of 
the  community  is  opposed  to  them.  There  are  hundreds 
of  statutes  in  South  Carolina  which  are  a  dead  letter 
because  the  voice  of  the  people  is  opposed  to  them. 
Vox  populi  est  Vox  Dei. 

This  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty  prevails  not 
only  in  republics,  but  in  monarchies  and  despotism. 
Kings  and  nobles,  thrones  and  temples,  are  hurled  into 
the  dust  by  its  breath!  Constitutions  and  laws  and 
ancient  customs  are  crushed  by  its  resistless  fiat !  In 
England  the  Queen  and  her  ministry  obey  it  implicitly ! 
As  soon  as  the  vote  of  the  House  of  Commons  shows 
the  government  to  be  in  a  minority,  the  ministry  resign, 
or  an  appeal  is  made  to  the  people.  The  French  nation 
have  had  memorable  instances  in  their  history  of  the 
strength  and  power  of  popular  sovereignty,  in  overturn 
ing  and  scattering  to  the  winds  the  strongest  powers  of 
the  empire!  So  terrible  is  popular  sovereignty,  and  all 
powerful,  that  courage  and  prowess  and  manhood,  which 
stands  undaunted  in  the  field  of  battle  amidst  a  hail 
storm  of  bullets  and  cannon  balls,  will  cower  and  shrink 
before  it! 

So  it  will  be  in  the  Territories.  If  the  soil  and  cli 
mate  are  in  favor  of  slavery,  popular  sovereignty  will 
carry  it  there,  cherish  it  and  keep  it  there,  in  defiance  of 
Congressional  or  Territorial  legislation  excluding  it. 
But  if  soil  and  climate  are  opposed  to  slavery,  popular 
sovereignty  will  exclude  it  in  spite  of  all  the  protection 
which  the  Federal  Government  or  the  Territorial  Legis 
lature  can  throw  around  it.  All  admit  that  when  a 
people  form  their  State  Constitution  they  may  adopt  or 


DEMOCRACY.  165 

exclude  slavery.  I  have  already  shown  that  no  one  is 
going  to  carry  slaves  into  a  Territory  when  he  knows 
it  will  be  a  free  State.  He  who  does  so  will  have  a 
hard  road  to  travel,  opposed  by  soil,  climate,  Squatter 
Sovereignty  and  the  Abolitionists.  It  is  a  road  no  one 
will  travel,  however  wide  and  open  it  may  be  made  by 
Congressional  intervention. 

This  bone  of  contention,  therefore,  between  the 
Northern  and  Southern  Democracy  is  a  mere  abstrac 
tion,  which  will  never  benefit  the  Southern  States  or 
injure  the  Northern  States  in  the  slightest  degree  what 
ever.  If  Congress  should  attempt  to  exclude  slavery 
from  the  Territories  where  it  never  will  go  or  flourish, 
the  attempt  should  be  opposed  as  a  point  of  honor  on 
the  part  of  the  South.  And  with  this  view,  we  of  the 
South  have  contended  for  the  last  thirteen  or  fourteen 
years  that  the  slavery  question  should  be  taken  from 
Congress  and  left  to  the  people  of  the  Territories  to  reg 
ulate  in  their  own  way  under  the  Constitution.  This 
doctrine  has  been  at  length  established  and  settled  on  a 
firm  basis  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  whole  Democratic 
party.  It  was  established  by  the  compromise  measures 
in  reference  to  the  Territories  obtained  from  Mexico. 
It  was  affirmed  by  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise.  It  was  so  declared  in  the  Nebraska-Kansas  bills. 
Non-intervention,  thus  established  and  affirmed  by 
repeated  acts  of  Congress,  was  adopted  as  the  fundamen 
tal  creed  of  the  National  Democratic  party,  on  the  sub 
ject  of  slavery  in  the  Territories.  Why  should-  we  now 
desire  to  change  it  and  establish  the  right  of  Congress 
to  intervene  with  slavery  once  more  in  the  Territories? 

Congressional  intervention  is  the  platform  of  the 
Black  Republicans  !  They  assert  the  right  of  Congress 
to  exclude  slavery  as  Congress  did,  in  many  instances, 
till  the  Democratic  principle  of  non-intervention  was 
established.  A  portion  of  the  Democratic  party  are 
now  disposed  to  abandon  this  great  principle  of  non 
intervention,  and  step  on  to  the  other  end  of  the  Black 


166  ADDRESS   TO   THE 

Republican  platform,  and  demand  Congressional  inter 
vention  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  slavery !  We  all 
ought  to  see  the  danger  of  going  to  Congress,  in  which 
the  free  States  have  a  majority,  to  seek  the  protection  of 
slavery  in  the  Territories,  which  I  have  shown  needs  no 
protection !  For  many  years  the  whole  country  was 
agitated  with  this  slavery  question  in  Congress,  and  it 
was  supposed  that  the  Democratic  principle  of  non 
intervention  would  remove  it  entirely  from  both  Houses 
of  Congress.  How  suicidal  would  it  be  to  throw  it  back 
upon  Congress,  and  give  up  all  we  have  gained  in  the 
last  ten  or  fifteen  years !  I,  for  one,  am  unwilling  to  do 
so.  I  hold  on  to  the  following  resolution  in  the  Cincin 
nati  platform :  "  The  American  Democracy  recognize 
and  adopt  the  principles  contained  in  the  organic  laws 
establishing  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  as 
embodying  the  only  sound  and  safe  solution  of  the  slav 
ery  question  upon  which  the  great  national  idea  of  the 
people  of  this  whole  country  can  repose  in  its  determined 
conservatism  of  the  Union — non-intervention  by  Con 
gress  with  slavery  in  State  or  Territory,  or  in  the  District 
of  Columbia" 

Having  received  no  instructions  to  leave  the  Conven 
tion,  and  no  political  principle  of  the  South  having  been 
denied  or  repudiated  by  the  resolutions  adopted,  I  did 
not  see  proper  to  leave  the  Convention.  I  thought  my 
duty  required  me  to  stay  in  the  Convention,  and  endea 
vor  to  bring  about  a  proper  nomination  for  President 
and  Vice-President.  I  consequently  remained  in  the 
Convention,  and  cast  my  vote  whilst  there  for  Senator 
Hunter,  of  Virginia,  who  I  regarded  as  embodying 
more  of  the  true  spirit  of  the  South  than  any  other  can 
didate  before  the  Convention.  If  the  other  Southern 
delegates  had  remained  in  the  Convention,  it  is  likely  a 
nomination  would  have  been  made  entirely  acceptable  to 
the  South.  It  was  well  ascertained  that  Judge  Doug 
las  could  not  get  the  nomination  of  the  Convention  after 
the  adoption  of  the  two-thirds  rule.  Mr.  Hunter,  Mr. 


m     "^\ 

DEMOCEACY.  167 

W^  \ 

Breckenridge  or  General  Lane  might  have  received  the 
nomination.  If  Judge  Douglas' friends  had  taken  up 
either  of  those  gentlemen,  he  would  have  been  nomi 
nated,  had  the  Southern  delegates  remained  and  voted 
for  him. 

In  this  respect,  as  well  as  in  others,  I  think  the  with 
drawal  of  a  portion  of  the  Southern  delegates  was  unwise 
and  unfortunate.  It  broke  up,  for  the  time  being,  the 
Democratic  party,  and,  unless  it  is  reunited,  destroys 
the  hope  of  a  Democratic  victory  in  the  ensuing  Presi 
dential  election.  The  States  of  Virginia,  Maryland, 
North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Kentucky  and  Missouri 
remained  in  the  Convention.  There  were  some  of  the 
delegates  from  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisi 
ana,  Texas,  Florida  and  Arkansas  opposed  to  going  out 
of  the  Convention.  The  consequence  is  that  the  South 
ern  States  are  now  divided  when  they  should  be  united. 
This  is  a  great  misfortune.  It  is  altogether  likely  that 
a  portion  of  the  Democracy  in  the  withdrawing  States 
will  hold  conventions  and  send  delegates  to  Baltimore, 
to  meet  in  a  National  Democratic  Convention,  whilst 
other  portions  of  the  Democracy  of  those  States  will 
hold  similar  conventions  and  send  delegates  to  Richmond, 
to  meet  there  in  convention  with  a  portion  of  the  South 
ern  States.  This  will  produce  factions  in  all  the  South 
ern  States,  disturbing  and  distracting  the  public  mind, 
without  any  possibility  of  good  resulting  from  it.  It  is 
undeniable  that  there  are  two  factions  of  the  Democratic 
party  at  this  time  in  Alabama,  and  which  gave  rise  to 
the  course  pursued  by  the  Alabama  delegates.  The 
same  state  of  factions  exist  in  Louisiana,  and  perhaps 
others  of  the  withdrawing  or  seceding  States.  When 
the  National  Democratic  Convention  meets  again  in  Bal 
timore,  the  friends  of  Judge  Douglas  will  be  greatly 
strengthened  by  delegates  from  most  of  the  seceding 
States. 

Instead  of  a  united  South,  we  now  shall  have  three 
parties  in  all  the  Southern  States — the  old  Whig  party, 


168  ADDRESS   TO   THE 

or  Union  party,  as  they  now  call  themselves ;  the  Na 
tional  Democratic  party,  and  the  Southern  Democratic 
party.  What  can  the  South  expect  to  do,  thus  divided 
and  distracted  by  factions?  She  is  powerless.  She 
stands  by  to  see  the  Black  Republicans  inaugurated  into 
power !  If  any  portion  of  the  Southern  Democracy  are 
looking  to  disunion,  it  is  the  worst  course  they  can  pur 
sue  to  accomplish  their  purpose.  If  they  are  looking, 
as  they  ought,  to  a  defence  of  the  rights  of  the  South, 
they  are  weakening  and  destroying  the  strength  of  the 
South. 

As  a  Union  Democrat,  I  can  see  no  good  growing  out 
of  the  Richmond  Convention,  in  which  a  portion  only 
of  the  South  will  be  represented,  and  that  a  divided 
portion !  It  is  not  at  all  likely  that  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  Tennessee,  Kentucky  or  Maryland  will  be 
represented  in  the  Richmond  Convention.  If  there 
should  be  a  representation  from  these  States,  .they  will 
be  as  powerless  at  home  as  a  representation  of  South 
Carolina  would  be  in  the  Baltimore  Convention.  Nor 
is  it  likely  that  any  Northern  State  will  be  represented 
at  Richmond.  If  they  are,  it  will  be  a  bogus  represen 
tation,  powerless  at  home. 

I  see  that  a  number  of  the  Southern  senators  and 
members  of  the  House  have  signed  an  address,  approv 
ing  of  the  secession  in  Charleston,  but  urging  the  seced 
ing  members  to  return  to  Baltimore  and  harmonize  with 
the  National  Democracy.  It  seems  to  me  it  would  have 
been  much  better  for  the  seceding  members  to  have 
remained  in  the  Charleston  Convention  and  struggled 
there  for  harmony  in  the  Democratic  ranks.  Having 
once  gone  out,  I  do  not  see  how  they  can  ever  go  back 
again.  They  should  never  have  gone  out,  and  the 
address  should  have  told  them  so.  It  is  inconsistent  in 
its  advice  and  its  approval  of  their  course.  So  are  the 
letters  of  Toombs  and  Cobb  recently  published. 

In  regard  to  the  District  meetings  which  have  been 
held  in  this  Congressional  District,  I  doubt  very  much 


DEMOCRACY.  169' 

whether  some  of  them  express  the  political  feelings  and 
sentiments  of  the  District.  Conservative  men  stay  at 
home  and  avoid  those  meetings,  whilst  fire-eaters  and 
politicians  attend  them.  But  whether  mistaken  or  not 
in  regard  to  public  sentiment  in  this  Congressional  Dis 
trict,  I  never  was  more  thoroughly  convinced  than  I  am 
now,  of  the  correctness  of  my  own  course  in  remaining 
in  the  Charleston  Convention  and  doing  all  I  could  to 
procure  the  nomination  of  Hunter,  of  Virginia,  and 
defeat  that  of  Judge  Douglas.  This  might  have  been 
accomplished  if  the  seceding  delegates  had  remained  in 
the  Convention. 

How  any  Union  man  can  expect  good  to  grow  out  of 
the  destruction  of  the  only  national  party  now  in  exist 
ence  in  the  United  States,  is,  to  me,  incomprehensible. 
And  so  it  is,  how  any  disunionist  can  expect  success  by 
dividing  the  South  into  three  hostile  factions !  Both 
unionists  and  disunionists,  and  co-operationists  also,  have 
pursued  a  suicidal  course.  The  Black  Republicans  will 
be  the  only  gainers  by  these  factious  movements.  It 
may  be  the  old  Whig  party  will  be  revived  in  the  South 
by  the  present  state  of  affairs.  Bell  may  carry  Mary 
land,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  North  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Alabama  and  Louisiana  by  the  division  of  the 
Democratic  party. 

Although  I  have  always  been  a  Democrat,  and  have 
the  most  profound  regard  for  Democratic  principles,  yet 
I  have  ever  had  moral  courage  enough  to  stem  popular 
sovereignty  when  I  saw  it  was  drifting  the  ship  of  State 
on  breakers  and  into  whirlpools.  There  is  much  more 
consolation  in  being  right  than  in  being  successful  when 
wrong.  It  has  been  my  misfortune  through  life  to  have 
been  in  a  minority,  and  yet  I  have  had  the  consolation 
of  seeing  the  opposing  majorities  ultimately  acquiesce  in 
the  course  I  desired  to  be  pursued.  I  have  no  doubt  I 
shall  have  this  satisfaction  once  more.  And  the  time  is 
not  far  distant  when  the  breaking  up  of  the  National 


170  ADDRESS   TO   THE   DEMOCRACY. 

Democracy,  and  the  secession  of  the  Southern  delegates 
from  the  Charleston  Convention,  will  be  regarded  by  all 
thinking  men  as  a  most  unwise  and  foolish  act,  produc 
tive  of  nothing  but  faction  and  strife,  mischief  and 
defeat,  inglorious  submission  or  revolutionary  abortion  ! 


DISUNION. 


GREENVILLE,  S.  C.,  Aug.  13,  1860. 

MESSRS.  EDITORS — Enclosed  I  send  you  a  communication,  which  you 
will  please  publish.  You  have  said  the  columns  of  your  paper  were  open 
to  a  free  discussion  of  political  questions.  You  will  oblige  me  by  giving  an 
early  insertion  to  the  enclosed.  Yours  truly, 

B.  F.  PERRY. 
To  the  Charleston  Courier. 


DISUNION. 

It  would  seem,  from  the  recent  publications  of  Messrs. 
Keitt,  Orr  and  Boyce,  that  South  Carolina  will  soon 
have  to  secede  from  the  Federal  Union,  either  alone  or 
in  company  with  the  other  Southern  States,  or  a  portion 
of  them.  These  gentlemen  declare  that  the  election  of 
Lincoln  to  the  Presidency  is  certain — that  on  the  hap 
pening  of  such  an  event,  prompt  and  immediate  secession 
of  the  Southern  States  must  ensue. 

Is  the  election  of  a  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Republic 
sufficient  cause  for  the  destruction  of  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment  and  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war  and  revolution  ? 
This  is  a  grave  and  momentous  question,  and  should  be 
calmly  and  dispassionately  considered  in  all  its  bearings 
before  it  is  answered  by  the  patriot  and  statesman. 
They  who  consider  the  union  of  the  States  an  injury  and 
a  curse  to  the  South,  and  are  disunionists  per  se,  will,  of 
course,  answer  promptly  in  the  affirmative.  Their 
minds  are  already  made  up,  and  their  purpose  formed. 
To  them  it  is  a  matter  of  no  consequence  how  an  event 
so  desirable  is  brought  about. 

But  there  are  others  who  think  differently  of  the 
Federal  Union.  They  have  seen  this  American  Repub 
lic,  the  only  free  government  in  the  world,  prosper  and 
171 


172  DISUNION. 

flourish  as  no  government  ever  did  in  ancient  or  modern 
times.  In  the  course  of  seventy  or  eighty  years  we  have 
increased  from  thirteen  States  to  thirty-three  States,  from 
three  millions  of  people  to  thirty  millions,  from  poverty 
and  weakness  to  wealth,  power  and  grandeur,  unsurpassed 
by  the  oldest  and  greatest  nations  of  the  earth.  A  wil 
derness,  covering  a  vast  continent,  has  been  converted 
into  towns,  cities  and  cultivated  fields.  During  all  this 
time  every  one  has  enjoyed  the  most  perfect  freedom  and 
security  in  all  his  rights  as  a  citizen.  At  home  and 
abroad  we  have  commanded  the  respect  and  admiration 
of  the  world.  In  the  remotest  corners  of  the  earth  an 
American  citizen  knows  and  feels  that  he  has  a  govern 
ment  able  and  willing  to  protect  him,  and  that  no  power 
on  earth  dare  molest  him. 

It  is  natural  that  they  who  thus  reflect,  and  remember 
the  farewell  advice  of  the  Father  of  his  Country,  that 
union  and  liberty  are  inseparable,  who  know  from  history, 
in  all  ages,  the  horrors  of  civil  war,  and  the  dangers  of 
revolution  to  liberty  and  civil  government,  should  wish 
and  earnestly  desire  the  perpetuity  of  the  Republic,  under 
which  they  live  so  happily.  With  such  one  may  well 
reason  and  argue  without  giving  offence,  and  ask  for  a 
calm  and  dispassionate  determination  before  they  decide 
on  breaking  up  their  Government,  and  running  the  haz 
ard  of  forming  a  better  one. 

The  probability  is  that  the  Black  Republican  candi 
date  will  be  elected  President  of  the  United  States.  It  is  a 
grievous  misfortune,  and  one  to  be  deeply  lamented  by 
every  citizen  of  the  South.  But  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  Southern  States  will  have  brought  this  misfor 
tune,  grievous  as  it  may  be,  on  themselves,  by  their  own 
divisions  and  party  strifes.  Nothing  can  be  more  clearly 
shown.  It  was  predicted  at  the  time,  and  the  South 
forewarned  of  the  impending  danger. 

In  the  unfortunate  disruption  of  the  Democratic  party 
at  Charleston,  which  I  did  all  that  1  could  do,  amidst 
the  hisses  and  assaults  of  an  excited  community,  to  pre- 


DISUNION.  173 

vent,  I  saw  the  triumph  of  the  Black  Republicans  in 
the  ensuing  Presidential  election.  I  stated  in  a  letter 
written  and  published  immediately  afterwards,  that  the 
Southern  States  would  be  divided  into  three  bitterly 
hostile  factions,  that  a  Black  Republican  President  would 
be  elected,  and  that  these  petty  divisions  of  the  South 
would  utterly  defeat  a  union  of  the  South  in  any  scheme 
of  disunion.  It  is  true  in  religion  and  in  politics,  that 
the  nearer  sects  and  parties  approach  without  assimilat 
ing,  the  more  bitter  they  are  towards  each  other. 

If  the  seceding  members  of  the  Charleston  Convention 
had  retained  their  seats  in  that  body,  Breckenridge  and 
Lane,  or  others  equally  acceptable  to  the  Southern  States, 
would  have  been  the  nominees  of  the  Democratic  party 
for  President  and  Vice-President.  It  was  a  well-ascer 
tained  fact  that  Douglas  could  not,  under  any  contin 
gency,  get  the  two-thirds  vote  requisite  to  a  nomination. 
After  a  number  of  ballotings,  the  friends  of  Judge 
Douglas  would  have  cast  their  votes  for  Hunter,  Breck 
enridge,  Dickinson,  or  some  one  else  acceptable  to  the 
South.  But  after  the  withdrawal  of  a  portion  of  the 
Southern  delegates,  they  became  excited  and  more  dis 
posed  to  adhere  to  their  candidate.  The  adjournment  to 
Baltimore  was  for  the  purpose  of  giving  the  friends  of 
Judge  Douglas,  in  the  seceding  States,  an  opportunity  of 
sending  delegates  in  place  of  those  who  withdrew.  This 
fact  I  know. 

Lincoln  will  be  elected  President  in  consequence  of 
this  disruption  of  the  Democratic  party.  He  will  be 
elected  by  one-third  of  the  voters  of  the  United  States ! 
Two-thirds  of  the  votes  polled  will  actually  be  cast 
against  him  !  And  yet  he  will  be  elected  by  the  divis 
ion  of  the  opposition  !  He  will  barely  get  a  majority  of 
the  non-slaveholding  votes,  and  none  in  the  slave-hold 
ing  States.  In  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey, 
Connecticut,  Illinois  and  Indiana,  he  will  not  receive  a 
majority  of  the  votes,  but  carry  those  States,  and  per 
haps  Oregon  and  some  others,  by  a  plurality  vote.  Bell 


174  DISUNION. 

and  Everett  will  carry  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Caro 
lina,  Tennessee,  Kentucky,  and  perhaps  Louisiana  and 
Florida.  Breckenridge  and  Lane  will  have  South  Caro 
lina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Arkansas,  California, 
and,  perhaps,  Missouri,  Louisiana  and  Florida,  if  the 
first  is  not  given  to  Douglas,  and  the  two  latter  to  Bell. 

If  elected,  Lincoln  will  come  into  power  with  two- 
thirds  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  opposed  to  his 
administration  !  This  ought,  in  some  measure,  to  ap 
pease  the  apprehensions  of  those  who  affect  to  be  so 
much  alarmed  for  the  South.  His  administration  will 
commence  a  weak  one,  and  it  is  not  probable  that  he  can, 
backed  by  one-third  of  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
seriously  injure  and  oppress  the  other  two-thirds. 

But  we  have  another  check  on  his  ability  to  do  mis 
chief.  A  majority  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
will  be  opposed  to  his  administration,  and  no  bill  can 
become  a  law  till  it  receives  the  sanction  of  the  Senate. 
This  majority  in  the  Senate  cannot  be  changed  for  several 
years  to  come.  It  is  doubtful,  too,  as  to  the  majority  of 
the  House  of  Representatives.  More  than  likely  the 
next  election  will  give  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the 
House  in  opposition  to  the  Black  Republicans.  This 
is  to  be  inferred  from  the  popular  vote  of  two-thirds 
against  Lincoln  in  the  Presidential  election. 

Mr.  Fillmore  became  President  of  the  United  States 
with  a  worse  record  than  Lincoln  has  on  the  slavery 
question,  and  he  went  out  of  office  a  very  popular  man 
at  the  South  !  He  signed  the  Fugitive  Slave  bill,  which 
Lincoln  is  pledged  to  enforce.  He  prevented  blood-shed 
and  civil  war  in  New  Mexico  and  Texas,  which  Taylor 
was  about  to  inflict  on  the  country.  According  to  Sena 
tor  Benjamin's  speech,  Lincoln  does  not  stand  pledged 
to  the  unconditional  repeal  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  law, 
or  against  the  admission  of  any  more  slave  States  into 
the  Union,  or  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia,  or  to  the  prohibition  of  the  slave  trade 


DISUNION.  175 

between  the  States,  or  to  the  acquisition  of  more  slave 
territory. 

Judging  from  the  course  pursued  by  other  Presidents, 
and  that  policy  which  usually  governs  politicians  whilst 
in  power,  instead  of  doing  any  rash,  violent  or  uncon 
stitutional  act  to  injure  or  offend  those  opposed  to  him, 
it  is  likely  Lincoln  will  pursue  a  very  cautious,  politic 
and  wise  course  towards  the  South.  It  cannot  be  in  the 
nature  of  any  man  elevated  to  the  Presidency  to  wish  to 
see  the  Government  broken  up  under  his  Administra 
tion,  the  Republic  dismembered,  and  the  country  plunged 
into  a  civil  war.  Very  likely  his  great  effort  will  be  to 
acquire  popularity  in  the  Southern  States,  and  appease 
their  opposition  by  a  rigid  adherence  to  the  Constitution 
and  respect  for  the  rights  of  the  South.  It  is  not  at  all 
improbable  that  the  South  may  find  more  favors  under 
the  Administration  of  Lincoln  than  they  have  under  any 
Democratic  administration.  It  may  be  that  "  Old  Abe  " 
will  go  out  of  office  quite  a  favorite  with  the  Southern 
people !  At  least  we  should  give  him  a  trial. 

The  election  of  President,  in  conformity  with  the 
Federal  Constitution,  is  no  ground  whatever  for  break 
ing  up  the  Republic,  no  matter  how  bitterly  opposed  to 
him  we  may  be.  We  must  wait  and  decide  on  his  acts 
and  measures ;  nothing  less  will  justify  us  in  the  eyes  of 
the  world,  or  in  the  opinions  of  our  people.  To  incul 
cate  the  notion  that  a  portion  of  the  citizens  of  a  Re 
public  may  break  up  and  revolutionize  their  Govern 
ment,  because  they  have  been  defeated  in  their  choice  of 
a  Chief  Magistrate,  is  the  repudiation  of  the  first  princi 
ples  of  republicanism,  and  sanctioning  that  which  leads 
inevitably  to  lawless  despotism. 

Before  any  such  movement  is  put  on  foot,  it  would  be 
well  for  Messrs.  Keitt,  Orr  and  Boyce  to  ascertain  and 
see  whether  such  a  measure  is  likely  to  be  acceptable  to 
their  party  generally ;  and  especially  whether  the  friends 
of  Bell,  the  Union  candidate — whether  the  supporters 
of  Judge  Douglas  in  Georgia,  Alabama  and  Louisiana, 


176  DISUNION. 

-and  the  adherents  of  General  Houston  in  Texas — will 
co-operate  with  their  opponents,  the  Breckenridge  party 
South,  in  such  a  movement.  To  suppose  so,  shows  a 
credulity  beyond  my  comprehension. 

Then  the  question  arises,  is  it  proper  for  South  Caro 
lina  to  take  the  initiative  again  in  a  disunion  movement  ? 
Twice  already  has  she  failed,  after  marching  boldly  to 
the  precipice  and  looking  over.  Nor  has  she  won  any 
laurels  for  wisdom  and  statesmanship  in  these  threatened 
disruptions  of  her  Government.  Virginia  was  so  dis 
courteous  as  not  even  to  accept  of  our  invitation  to  meet 
in  consultation  on  her  own  wrongs  and  injuries.  Col. 
Orr  thinks  South  Carolina  should  not  act  without 
Georgia,  Alabama  and  Mississippi.  The  Colonel  knows 
very  well  that  he  is  perfectly  safe  in  waiting  for  Georgia. 
He  would  not  be  more  so  in  waiting  for  Maryland  or 
Kentucky. 

This  agitation  of  disunion  is  calculated,  too,  to  damage 
seriously  the  prospects  of  Breckenridge  and  Lane  in  the 
Southern  States,  as  well  as  in  the  Northern  States.  Bell's 
party  and  Douglas '  friends  North  and  South  will  make 
capital  out  of  it,  to  the  injury  of  Breckenridge. 

I  go  for  Breckenridge  in  this  contest,  with  all  my 
heart,  and  will  say,  under  existing  circumstances,  that 
it  shows  a  want  of  wisdom  or  fealty  to  the  South  for 
any  Southern  man  to  oppose  him.  Nothing  can  be  more 
injudicious  than  the  starting  of  a  Douglas  ticket  in  any 
Southern  State.  Its  only  tendency  will  be  to  give  the 
vote  of  the  State  to  Bell,  and  paralyze  the  strength  of 
the  South.  Nor  do  I  think  any  Breckenridge  ticket 
should  be  started  in  a  non-slaveholding  State.  Its  effect 
will  be  to  give  the  vote  of  such  State  to  the  Black  Re 
publicans.  It  would  be  much  better  to  have  Douglas 
in  the  Presidency  than  Lincoln.  But  it  is  almost  certain 
that  if  two  Democratic  tickets  are  run  in  the  Northern 
States  that  Judge  Douglas  will  not  carry  a  single  State. 

It  was  a  great  misfortune  and  a  great  wrong  that 
Judge  Douglas'  friends  should  have  urged  his  claims  so 


DISUNION.  177 

strongly  as  they  did  in  the  Charleston  Convention.  The 
South  was  entitled  to  the  President.  Three  of  the  last 
Presidents  were  Northern  men.  The  election  depended 
on  the  South.  She  had  the  Democratic  strength  in  a 
great  degree.  The  South  was  prejudiced  against  Douglas, 
and  no  doubt  many  of  the  Seceders  had  rather  see  Lin 
coln  elected. 

The  Charleston  Convention  ought  to  have  been  com 
posed  of  National  Democrats,  and  then  there  would 
have  been  no  division  in  our  ranks.  Mr.  Yancey  and 
his  friends  had  no  more  right  to  a  seat  in  the  Conven 
tion  than  Mr.  R.  B.  Rhett  and  his  friends  had.  They 
stood  on  the  same  platform,  and  I  thought,  and  so  said 
to  my  Convention  friends,  that  they  evinced  unnecessary 
squeamishness  after  following  Mr.  Yancey  out  of  the 
Convention,  to  refuse  the  proffered  lead  of  Mr.  Rhett 
after  they  got  out. 

With  uncommon  ability,  Mr.  Boyce,  in  1851,  ex 
posed  the  folly  of  separate  State  action  and  secession. 
Why  he  has  now  changed  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know.  It 
would  be  well  for  him  to  take  up  some  of  his  old  argu 
ments  and  answer  them.  He  might  find  it  hard  to  do. 
But  still,  until  they  are  answered,  they  must  have  their 
influence  on  the  public  mind. 

Col.  Orr  declared  in  the  Columbia  Convention,  and 
sealed  it  with  an  oath,  "  so  help  me  God,  whilst  the 
Federal  Government  is  administered  on  Constitutional 
principles,  neither  my  hand  or  my  voice  shall  ever  be 
raised  against  this  Union."  Now  the  election  of  Abe 
Lincoln  will  violate  no  Constitutional  principle  or  pro 
vision  of  the  Constitution.  When  such  violation  occurs 
under  Lincoln's  administration,  the  whole  South  may 
be  united,  and  policy  and  patriotism  dictate  that  we 
should  wait  till  the  violation  occurs. 

It  may  be  that  I  am  mistaken  in  supposing  slavery 
to  be  out  of  the  reach  of  the  assaults  of  its  foes,  and  if 
so  I  will  be  as  ready  as  any  one  to  defend  it  at  the  sac 
rifice  of  the  Union  itself,  as  much  as  I  value  the  Union. 


178  DISUNION. 

But  I  am  not  willing  to  act  prematurely  when  there  is 
no  danger.  As  to  dissolving  the  Union  on  a  mere  ab 
straction,  the  right  to  carry  slaves  where  slave-holders 
never  desire  to  carry  them,  and  where  they  would  be 
worthless  if  carried,  I  am  opposed  to  it  now  and  for 
ever  ;  and  shall  endeavor  to  defend  the  rights  of  the 
South  in  the  Union,  where  I  think  they  have  been  here 
tofore  properly  defended,  and  may  still  be  defended  if 
the  South  is  true  to  herself  and  united  in  that  defence. 

That  all  who  were  Disunionists  should  have  rejoiced 
at  the  breaking  up  of  the  Democratic  Convention  in 
Charleston  is  very  natural.  They  saw  in  that  move 
ment  the  destruction  of  the  National  Democracy  and 
their  defeat  in  the  coming  Presidential  election.  They 
saw  in  the  future  the  election  of  a  Black  Republican, 
and  knew  what  a  powerful  lever  it  would  be  in  their 
hands  to  wield  against  the  Union.  But  that  any  friend 
to  the  Federal  Union  and  lover  of  the  peace  and  quiet 
of  the  Republic  should  have  rejoiced  at  such  a  dire 
calamity,  is  most  amazing.  The  Democratic  party  had 
been  the  friends  of  the  South  and  the  rights  of  the 
States,  the  true  supporters  and  defenders  of  the  Consti 
tution,  and  the  only  just  and  wise  rulers  of  the  Govern 
ment  from  its  foundation  to  the  present  time.  Under 
their  administration  the  boundaries  of  the  Republic 
had  been  enlarged  by  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana, 
Florida,  Texas,  California  and  Oregon.  The  rights 
and  honor  of  the  Republic  had  been  gallantly  defended 
in  a  war  with  Great  Britain  and  with  Mexico.  How 
any  patriot  could  chuckle  and  grin  over  the  death  of 
this  glorious  old  party  is  more  than  I  can  comprehend. 

But  it  does  seem  that  for  years  past  there  has  been 
at  the  South  a  systematic  organization  to  weaken  and 
drive  from  the  Democratic  party  all  who  stand  by  it 
and  fight  for  it  in  the  Northern  States.  Their  aim  is 
to  sectionalize  parties,  as  the  Black  Republicans  have 
done  at  the  North !  as  the  Federalists  did  during  the 
war  of  1812!  all  of  which  Washington  denounced  as 


DISUNION.  179 

fatal  to  the  Republic,  fatal  to  our  Independence,  and 
fatal  to  Liberty  itself. 

Disunion — a  word  of  horrible  import  to  the  illustrious 
sages  of  the  Republic,  one  which  was  not  to  be  breathed 
by  Washington,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe  and  Jack 
son — is  now  in  the  mouth  of  every  flippant  politician, 
certain  newspaper  editor,  half-educated  schoolboy,  and 
unthinking  mortal.  It  is  the  high  road  to  office  and 
popularity,  and  he  who  dare  repeat  the  dying  bequest  of 
the  Father  of  his  Country  is  branded  a  traitor.  The 
same  feeling  is  manifested  in  the  Northern  Statee  by  the 
Black  Republicans  and  John  Brown  sympathizers. 
Well  may  it  be  said,  we  have  fallen  on  evil  times ;  arid 
that  "those  whom  the  gods  intend  to  destroy,  they  first 
make  mad." 

To  consummate  this  folly  it  is  proposed  for  South 
Carolina  to  march  out  of  the  Union  solitary  and  alone. 
That  if  left  alone  we  shall  do  very  well,  and  if  an  attempt 
is  made  to  force  us  back,  the  South  will  rally  to  the 
rescue.  We  had  better  not  depend  on  being  let  alone  if 
we  oppose  the  collection  of  duties.  We  may  withdraw 
our  members  of  Congress  and  no  one  will  disturb  us. 
In  1851  President  Fillmore  did  not  manifest  any  dis 
position  to  let  us  alone.  He  sent  troops  to  Charleston. 
Gen.  Jackson  did  the  same  in  1831.  We  must  not, 
,  therefore,  expect  to  be  let  alone.  Will  the  other  South 
ern  States  rally  to  our  assistance  in  doing  that  which  they 
themselves  think  it  advisable  not  to  do  ?  Would  it  not 
be  more  prudent  to  get  them  to  unite  with  us  before 
hand?  And  if  they  will  not  unite  in  our  action,  for  us 
to  stay  with  them  till  some  act  is  done  which  will  unite 
the  South? 

There  is  no  doubt  at  all  if  the  whole  South  were 
united  in  any  course,  they  could  take  care  of  themselves 
in  any  emergency.  The  proper  course  for  South  Caro 
lina  to  pursue  is  to  say  to  the  other  Southern  States  she 
is  ready  to  act  with  them,  and  to  await  their  action, 
whatever  that  may  be.  This  will  prevent  her  playing 


180  DISUNION. 

before   high    Heaven    a   ridiculous  farce  or   a   bloody 
tragedy. 


TO 

In  your  communication  addressed  to  me  in  the  Courier 
of  the  24  inst.,  you  ask  whether  my  recent  letter  or  my 
resolutions  in  the  Legislature  last  winter,  "  is  intended 
to  be  considered  my  opinion?"  and  "a  candid  answer 
is  desired."  In  all  candor  and  sincerity  I  answer  both, 
and  will  adhere  to  both  with  all  that  "  honesty"  which 
you  say  you  have  heretofore  given  me  credit  for. 

The  letter  and  resolutions  are  not  at  "  variance,"  as 
you  assert,  and  this  I  am  ready  to  show  in  a  few  words. 
First,  let  me  state  the  circumstances  under  which  my 
resolutions  were  penned  and  offered.  Public  meetings 
were  held  throughout  the  Northern  States  expressing 
the  deepest  sympathy  with  John  Brown,  and  approving 
what  he  had  done !  No  counter  meetings  had  been 
gotten  up,  or  any  expression  of  public  opinion  given  at 
the  North  against  sentiments  so  revolting  to  Christianity 
or  civilization,  and  which,  in  my  opinion,  characterized 
them  as  pirates,  traitors  and  assassins. 

Under  these  circumstances  my  resolutions  were 
offered,  as  I  said  in  my  speech,  to  rebuke  the  Northern 
people.  I  declared,  at  the  same  time,  and  in  the  same 
speech,  that  I  did  not  or  could  not  believe  such  senti 
ments  and  feelings  were  general  in  the  Northern  States. 
Immediately  afterwards  public  meetings  were  held  in 
almost  every  city  and  town  at  the  North,  denouncing  in 
the  strongest  terms  the  conduct  of  John  Brown  and  all 
who  sympathized  with  him.  Speeches  were  made  and 
resolutions  adopted  by  the  wise  and  great,  as  well  as  by 
the  humble  and  lowly,  entirely  satisfactory  to  the  South. 
The  leaders  of  the  Republican  party,  even  such  men  as 
Seward  and  Wilson,  declared  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 


DISUNION.  181 

States  that  they  repudiated  such  feelings  and  sentiments. 
It  became  manifest  that  such  fiendish  sympathy  and  ex 
pressions  were  confined  to  the  rabid,  fanatical  abolitionists 
alone. 

In  recent  publications  made  by  Gerritt  Smith  and 
Lloyd  Garrison,  the  leaders  of  the  Abolition  party  at 
the  North,  they  bemoan  the  downfall  of  their  cause  in 
the  Northern  States,  express  their  want  of  confidence  in 
the  Black  Republican  party,  and  their  determination 
not  to  support  such  a  party  in  the  coming  Presidential 
contest.  But  these  publications  are  excluded  from 
all  Southern  papers,  and  are  unknown  to  the 
Southern  people  generally.  These  honest,  rabid,  political 
Abolitionists  say  what  is  true — that  they  have  been 
deceived  by  the  Black  Republican  party,  and  that  this 
party  cares  nothing  for  the  negro;  that  their  only  object 
is  to  get  into  power,  and  when  in  power,  they  will  make 
no  more  noise  against  the  South  or  slavery!  Their  only 
ambition  is  office  and  the  spoils  of  office — victory  and 
destruction.  In  other  words,  it  is  a  political  game 
which  they  are  playing,  without  faith  or  sincerity  to  any 
principle  whatever ! 

Now  I  repeat  and  re-adopt  every  sentiment,  expres 
sion  and  word  in  my  resolutions,  and  say  that  I  feel  an 
inexpressible  scorn  and  contempt  for  the  infamous, 
hypocritical  sympathy  expressed  by  a  portion  of  the 
Northern  people  for  the  attempted  insurrection  at 
Harper's  Ferry,  and  that  the  general  adoption  of  such 
feelings  and  sentiments,  alike  revolting  to  Christianity 
and  civilization  by  the  Northern  States,  will  make  it 
dishonorable  and  dishonoring  for  South  Carolina  and  the 
other  slaveholding  States  to  continue  united  in  the 
same  government  with  a  people  whose  social  and  moral 
tone  would  characterize  them  as  a  nation  of  pirates, 
assassins  and  traitors. 

"Whenever  there  is  sufficient  evidence  before  the 
•country  to  induce  the  Southern  States  to  believe  that 
the  non-slaveholding  States  have  generally  adopted  the 


182  DISUNION. 

fiendish  doctrines  set  forth  in  the  addresses  and  resolu 
tions  at  the  John  Brown  sympathizing  public  meetings,. 
I  am  for  disconnecting  at  once,  and  forever,  all  political 
ties  which  unite  us,  as  one  people,  with  the  Northern 
States.  But  I  feel  and  know  that  such  sentiments  are 
now  utterly  repudiated  by  the  whole  Democratic 
party  North,  as  well  as  by  the  entire  Union  or  Bell  and 
Everett  party,  and  a  large  portion  of  the  Black 
Republican  party,  composing,  perhaps,  nine-tenths  of  the 
Northern  people.  Believing  this,  as  I  most  sincerely 
do,  I  am  a  Union  man  till  the  contrary  offers,  or  until  I 
see  an  overt  action  of  treason  against  the  Constitution 
and  the  South  by  those  who  control  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment.  I  am  unwilling  to  break  up  the  Union  on  an 
uncertainty.  I  will  take  no  counsel  from  base  fear  or 
cowardly  apprehensions. 

A  "  Secessionist "  in  the  Mercury  says,  I  talk  very 
much  like  the  Tories  did  in  the  Revolution,  and  that  he 
who  advises  against  withdrawing  from  the  Federal 
Union  now,  would  then  have  opposed  a  separation  from 
Great  Britain.  Let  us  see  if  we  have  the  same  cause  for 
revolution  that  our  ancestors  had.  The  following  are 
some  of  the  grievances  which  impelled  the  patriots  and 
sages  of  the  revolution  to  separate  from  the  mother 
country  as  set  forth  in  their  Declaration  of  Independence^ 

Laws  the  most  wholesome  and  necessary  for  the  public 
good  were  refused.  Governors  were  forbidden  to  pass 
laws  of  immediate  and  pressing  importance.  People  were 
required  to  relinquish  the  right  of  representation  in  the 
Legislature.  Legislative  bodies  were  called  together  at 
places  unusual,  uncomfortable,  and  distant  from  their 
public  records.  Representative  houses  were  dissolved  for 
opposing  an  invasion  of  the  rights  of  the  people.  The 
population  of  the  colonies  was  prevented.  The  adminis 
tration  of  justice  was  obstructed.  A  multitude  of  new 
offices  were  created,  and  successors  of  officers  sent  to 
harass  the  people  and  eat  out  their  substance.  Stand 
ing  armies  were  kept  up  in  time  of  peace  without  the 


DISUNION.  183 

consent  of  the  Legislatures.  The  military  was  made 
independent  of  and  superior  to  the  civil  power.  The 
people  were  subjected  to  jurisdictions  foreign  to  their 
constitutions  and  laws.  Large  bodies  of  armed  troops 
were  quartered  on  them.  Murderers  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  colonies  were  protected  by  mock  trials  from  pun 
ishment.  Trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world  was  cut  off. 
Taxes  were  imposed  without  the  consent  of  the  people. 
The  trial  by  jury  was  denied.  The  citizens  were  trans 
ported  beyond  the  seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended  offences. 
Charters  were  taken  away,  most  valuable  laws  abolished, 
and  forms  of  government  altered.  Legislatures  sus 
pended.  War  was  waged  against  the  people.  Our  seas 
were  plundered,  coasts  ravaged,  towns  burnt,  and  the 
lives  of  our  people  destroyed.  Large  armies  of  mercen 
aries  were  transported  hither  to  complete  the  work  of 
desolation  and  tyranny.  Citizens  made  to  bear  arms 
against  their  country.  Insurrections  were  excited,  and 
the  merciless  Indian  savage  called  in  to  m-urder  all  ages 
and  sexes. 

Have  we  any  such  causes  at  present  for  breaking  up 
the  Government  and  dissolving  the  Union  ?  Since  the 
formation  of  our  Government  nine  slave  States  have  been 
added  to  the  Confederacy,  viz.:  Kentucky,  Tennessee, 
Louisiana,  Missouri,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Florida, 
Arkansas,  and  Texas.  No  slave  State  has  ever  been 
excluded  from  the  Federal  Union.  The  Federal  Gov 
ernment  has  recently  declared  that  the  people  of  every 
new  State  shall  decide  for  themselves  whether  they  will 
have,  or  prohibit  slavery.  The  odious  Missouri  restric 
tion,  sanctioned  by  a  Southern  President,  with  Mr.  Cal- 
lioun  in  his  Cabinet,  has  been  repealed,  and  in  favor  of 
slavery.  The  Federal  Government,  with  a  Northern 
President  at  its  head,  has  passed  a  Fugitive  Slave  law 
within  a  few  years  past.  This  law  has  been  enforced  by 
all  the  powers  of  the  Federal  Government.  Through 
their  Judiciary  the  Government  has  declared  that  the 
citizens  of  the  slaveholding  States  have  the  same  right  to 


184  DISUNION. 

move  with  their  slaves  into  a  Territory  that  the  citizens 
of  the  non-slaveholding  States  have  to  move  there  with 
their  property.  The  Federal  Government  has  declared 
that  Congress  has  no  right  to  pass  any  law  prohibiting 
slavery  in  the  Territories,  and  that  the  Territorial  Gov 
ernments  have  no  such  power.  What  more  do  we  want  ? 
Where  is  the  analogy  between  our  present  grievances  and 
those  of  our  forefathers,  who  separated  from  the  British 
Throne  and  established  the  American  Republic  ? 

Where,  let  me  ask  "  A  Secessionist,"  in  the  name  of 
God  and  all  that  is  sacred  on  earth,  where  are  those  vio 
lations  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  those  actual 
existing  grievances  of  the  South  which,  in  his  own  lan 
guage,  would  brand  WASHINGTON  as  a  TRAITOR,  if  he 
were  now  to  repeat  the  language  of  his  Farewell  Address 
in  reference  to  the  value  of  the  American  Union?  They 
may  come.  It  is  possible.  When  they  do,  we  will  meet 
them  like  men.  But,  until  then,  we  may  be  excused  for 
admiring,  loving,  and  holding  sacred  the  dying  words  of 
the  Father  of  his  Country.  If  they  had  been  uttered 
yesterday,  they  could  not  have  been  more  appropriate. 
I  beg  permission  to  repeat  them : 

"  The  unity  of  government  which  constitutes  you  one 
people  is  also  dear  to  you.  It  is  justly  so,  for  it  is  a 
main  pillar  in  the  edifice  of  your  real  independence,  the 
support  of  your  tranquillity  at  home,  your  peace  abroad, 
of  your  safety,  of  your  prosperity,  of  that  very  liberty 
which  you  so  highly  prize.  But  as  it  is  easy  to  foresee 
that  from  different  causes  and  from  different  quarters 
much  pains  will  be  taken,  many  artifices  employed  to 
weaken  in  your  minds  the  conviction  of  this  truth ;  as 
this  is  the  point  in  your  political  fortress  against  which 
the  batteries  of  internal  and  external  enemies  will  be  most 
constantly  and  actively  (though  often  covertly  and  insid 
iously)  directed,  it  is  of  infinite  moment  that  you  should 
properly  estimate  the  immense  value  of  your  national 
Union  to  your  collective  and  individual  happiness ;  that 
you  should  cherish  a  cordial,  habitual  and  immovable 


DISUNION.  185 

attachment  to  it,  accustoming  yourselves  to  think  and 
speak  of  it  as  a  palladium  of  your  political  safety  and 
prosperity,  watching  for  its  preservation  with  jealous 
anxiety,  discountenancing  whatever  may  suggest  even  a 
suspicion  that  it  can  in  any  event  be  abandoned,  and 
indignantly  frowning  upon  the  first  dawning  of  every 
attempt  to  alienate  any  portion  of  our  country  from  the 
rest,  or  to  enfeeble  the  sacred  ties  which  now  link  together 
the  various  parts." 

This  is  the  warning,  prophetic  language  of  the  Father 
of  his  Country — the  words  of  his  Farewell  Address  to 
his  countrymen — embodying  that  great  and  glorious  sen 
timent  of  his  heart — Independence,  Union  and  Liberty 
— which  manifested  itself  in  every  act  and  word  of  his 
illustrious  life,  repeated  in  his  will  and  left  as  a  dying 
legacy  to  his  country  !  Is  there  a  man  now  living  who 
has  studied,  honors  and  appreciates  the  character  of 
Washington  so  reckless  as  to  say  that,  if  he  were  to  rise 
from  his  grave,  he  would  not,  at  this  time,  with  a  full 
knowledge  of  the  past  and  present  history  of  the  Republic, 
repeat  with  tenfold  earnestness,  North  and  South,  every 
word  he  had  ever  uttered  in  reference  to  the  value  of  the 
Union?  And  yet  if  he  did,  "A  Secessionist"  would 
brand  the  name  of  WASHINGTON  as  a  TRAITOR  TO  THE 
SOUTH  ! 

During  the  eight  years  of  Washington's  administration 
he  saw  enough  of  sectional  strife  and  sectional  jealousy 
to  have  a  presentiment  of  what  was  to  occur  in  the  future 
history  of  the  Republic.  Hence,  his  great  anxiety  on 
that  subject,  and  his  dreadful  apprehensions  about  the 
Union.  The  evils  of  Disunion  are  well  portrayed  in  his 
Farewell  Address,  and  deserve  to  be  read  by  those  who 
are  so  anxious  to  rend  into  fragments  the  American 
Republic. 


THE    NATIONAL    DEMOCRATIC    CONVEN 
TION  IN  CHARLESTON,  1860. 


In  the  Spring  of  1860  the  National  Democratic 
party  held  their  convention  in  the  city  of  Charleston, 
for  the  purpose  of  nominating  candidates  for  the  Presi 
dency  and  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States.  It 
was  supposed  that  the  assembling  of  the  delegates  in 
this  city  would  have  a  salutary  influence  on  the  State 
of  South  Carolina  and  the  Southern  States  generally.  But 
it  was  soon  manifest,  after  the  Convention  met,  that  the 
citizens  of  Charleston  and  the  crowd  of  Southern  people 
there  at  that  time  exercised  a  most  unhappy  influence 
on  the  Convention.  The  galleries  of  the  convention  and 
the  streets  of  the  city  were  crowded  with  Secessionists 
and  Disunionists,  who  desired  to  break  up  the  Demo 
cratic  party  and  the  Union  of  the  States.  The  Southern 
delegates  were  emboldened  to  insist  on  their  extreme 
principles  in  the  formation  of  the  Democratic  platform. 

First  before  the  meeting  of  the  Charleston  Conven 
tion,  there  was  a  Convention  of  the  Democracy  of  South 
Carolina,  in  Columbia,  for  the  purpose  of  appointing 
delegates  to  the  National  Democratic  Convention.  Gov 
ernor  Orr  was  made  President  of  this  Convention,  and 
on  taking  the  chair,  delivered  a  very  good  Union 
address.  He  said  that  his  views  in  regard  to  the  Amer 
ican  Union  had  undergone  a  great  change,  and  that  he 
was  then  disposed  to  preserve  it.  The  Convention 
seemed  moderate  in  their  tone  and  temper,  and  rejected 
the  Alabama  resolutions,  which  some  delegate  from  the 
eastern  part  of  the  State  had  introduced  as  a  platform  of 
principles.  Under  these  circumstances  the  delegates 
1 86 


NATIONAL.   CONVENTION.  187 

were  appointed,  and  instead  of  being  instructed  to  with 
draw,  if  the  platform  did  not  suit  the  South,  the 
rejection  of  the  Alabama  resolutions  was  regarded  as 
instructions  to  remain  in  the  Convention. 

I  was  appointed  a  delegate  to  the  Charleston  Conven 
tion,  and  went  immediately  on  from  Columbia  to  attend 
the  Convention.  Caleb  Gushing,  of  Massachusetts,  was 
elected  President  of  the  Convention,  and  a  more  judi 
cious  selection  of  a  presiding  officer  could  not  have  been 
made.  He  discharged  the  onerous  duties  of  the  chair 
with  great  ability,  promptness  and  impartiality.  Hun 
dreds  of  points  of  order  were  made  by  delegates  very 
much  excited,  and  in  every  instance  decided  correctly. 
All  were  impressed  with  his  ability  as  a  presiding 
officer. 

New  York  sent  two  sets  of  delegates  to  the  Charles 
ton  Convention,  and  the  question  arose  which  set  should 
be  allowed  to  take  their  seats.  The  committee  reported 
in  favor  of  the  delegates  first  appointed,  and  they  took 
their  seats.  In  adopting  the  platform  there  was  great 
cavalling  and  the  highest  excitement.  No  disposition 
was  manifested  either  by  the  North  or  the  South  to  com 
promise.  I  thought  there  were  some  delegates  who 
wished  to  prevent  the  Convention  agreeing  on  a  plat 
form.  It  was  my  impression  that  William  L.  Yancy, 
of  Alabama,  came  to  Charleston  for  the  purpose  of 
breaking  up  the  Convention.  He  knew  very  well  that 
the  Alabama  resolutions  would  not  be  adopted  by  a 
majority  of  the  Convention,  and  therefore,  in  case  of 
their  rejection,  rfie  Alabama  delegates  were  instructed 
to  withdraw  from  the  Convention. 

When  it  was  pretty  well  ascertained  that  the  plat 
form  would  not  be  acceptable  to  the  South,  there  was  a 
great  deal  of  caucusing  and  consulting  with  the  differ 
ent  delegations  as  to  the  propriety  of  their  withdrawing 
from  the  Convention.  The  South  Carolina  delegation 
had  been  telegraphing  our  members  of  Congress  in 
Washington,  as  to  the  course  they  should  pursue,  and 


188  NATIONAL 

they  advised  us  to  quit  the  Convention.  One  morning 
Colonel  Wilson,  of  Georgetown,  introduced  a  resolution 
in  a  meeting  of  the  South  Carolina  delegates  pledging 
ourselves  to  withdraw  from  the  Convention.  I  imme 
diately  arose,  and  said  that  I  should  not  quit  the  Con 
vention  or  feel  myself  bound  to  obey  the  action  of  the 
majority  of  the  delegation.  I  had  been  sent  there  to 
represent  the  State  in  making  a  nomination  for  President, 
and  had  received  no  instructions  to  quit  the  Convention 
under  any  circumstances.  The  resolution  was  then 
withdrawn  and  every  delegate  was  to  act  on  his  own 
responsibility. 

I  was  staying  with  my  friend,  Dr.  F.  Y.  Porcher.  I 
left  the  Convention  at  the  usual  dinner  hour ;  on  my 
return  I  found  the  South  Carolina  delegation  had 
retired  with  the  Alabama  delegation  and  a  large  num 
ber  of  other  Southern  delegates,  and  were  holding  a 
meeting  in  another  building.  Colonel  Boozer,  of  Lex 
ington,  came  into  the  Convention  and  we  determined  to 
remain  and  vote  on  the  nomination  of  candidates  for 
President.  We  cast  our  votes  for  Senator  Hunter,  of 
Virginia,  and  I  was  hissed  every  time  I  said  so  by  the 
Secessionists  in  the  gallery.  One  day  I  rose  to  make  a 
speech,  and  the  hissing  in  the  gallery  was  so  loud  and 
continued,  that  it  was  moved  to  clear  the  galleries.  This 
I  opposed,  and  said  that  I  wished  the  galleries  to  hear 
what  I  had  to  say.  The  motion  was  withdrawn  and  I 
made  my  speech. 

The  retiring  of  the  South  Carolina  delegates  was  cari 
catured  by  Colonel  Arthur,  of  Columbia,  with  great 
humor.  General  Simons  was  made  to  say  as  the  dele 
gates  marched  out  of  the  Convention — "  Let  us  retire 
with  dignity."  Governor  Orr  and  Colonel  Simpkins 
were  on  their  road  home  and  the  latter  with  a  banjo 
playing  "  home  sweet  home."  Mr.  Solicitor  Reed  was 
enquiring  how  far  it  was  to  the  Secession  meeting,  and  a 
little  negro  boy  was  telling  him  Mass  Yancy  had  gone 
and  he  must  follow  quickly.  I  was  represented  as 


DEMOCRATIC   CONVENTION.  189 

standing  on  my  principles  and  refusing  to  go.     Colonel 
Boozer. was  holding  on  to  the  skirts  of  my  coat. 

The  Convention  balloted  some  forty  or  fifty  times 
without  the  remotest  probability  of  agreeing  in  their 
nomination.  The  friends  of  Stephen  Douglas  would 
not  think  of  abandoning  him,  and  the  remaining  South 
ern  delegates  could  not  accept  him  as  their  candidate. 
The  Convention  finally  broke  up  to  meet  again  in  Balti 
more.  I  did  not  attend  the  Baltimore  session.  Then 
the  delegates  divided  again,  and  the  Southern  wing  of 
the  Democratic  party  nominated  Breckenridge,  of  Ken 
tucky,  and  the  others  nominated  Douglas.  This  broke 
up  the  great  Democratic  party,  and  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union  was  the  consequence.  The  Whig  party  nomi 
nated  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and  the  Black  Republicans  were 
all  centred  on  Abraham  Lincoln.  He  was  elected  by  a 
minority  vote,  and  his  party  refused  all  compromises. 
A  bloody  sectional  war  ensued  for  four  long  years,  and 
the  consequences  have  been  most  horrible,  and  I  fear 
fatal  to  constitutional  liberty  and  republican  gov 
ernment. 


UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 


The  election  of  the  Hon.  B.  F.  Perry  to  the  position 
of  United  States  senator,  on  Monday  last,  with  such 
unanimity  for  the  long  terra,  is  one  of  the  best  evi 
dences  of  the  loyalty  of  the  Legislature  and  people  of  the 
State  that  could  be  given  to  the  administration  at 
Washington,  and  we  are  sure  it  will  be  so  regarded 
there.  It  will  reassure  and  strengthen  the  hands  of 
President  Johnson  in  his  great  and  noble  work  of 
reconstruction.  It  will,  moreover,  materially  aid  and 
strengthen  the  conservative  party  at  the  North  who  are 
doing  such  good  service  in  battling  against  radicals  of 
New  England. 

As  regards  the  eminent  fitness  of  Governor  Perry  for 
this  position  there  is  but  one  opinion,  we  are  confident 
among  our  people.  Throughout  his  public  career, 
which  has  been  marked  by  distinguished  ability,  he  has 
been  a  consistent  conservative  statesman.  His  appoint 
ment  as  Provisional  Governor  in  the  darkest  hour  of  our 
misfortunes,  was  hailed  by  the  whole  people  of  the  State 
as  an  act  of  wisdom  and  patriotism  on  the  part  of  President 
Johason,  and  their  representatives  have  set  the  seal  of 
their  approbation  of  his  gubernatorial  course  by  electing 
him  to  the  highest  office  in  their  gift. 
190 


NATIONAL  RESTORATION, 

After  the  Refusal   of   the   United   States   Senate   to  admit  South    Caro 
lina  Senators,  1866. 


To  the  Editors  of  thz  National  Intelligencer : 

My  credentials  as  United  States  senator  from  the 
State  of  South  Carolina  were  presented  the  other  day 
to  the  Senate  by  the  Hon.  Reverdy  Johnson,  of  Mary 
land,  and  laid  on  the  table.  It  is  not  likely  that  any 
representative  from  South  Carolina  will  be  heard  in 
either  House  for  some  time  to  come.  In  the  meantime 
questions  of  vital  importance  to  her  interests,  honor  and 
welfare  will  be  before  the  Senate.  I  therefore  ask  per 
mission  of  you  to  say  a  word,  through  your  paper,  in 
behalf  of  the  State  which  I  was  elected  to  represent. 
But  first,  Mr.  Editors,  let  me  say  a  word  in  reference 
to  myself,  so  that  my  true  position  toward  the  State 
may  be  known,  and  what  I  say  in  her  behalf  properly 
judged  of.  My  whole  political  life,  for  more  than  the 
third  of  a  century  past  has  been  spent  in  defence  of  the 
maintenance  of  the  Federal  Union  and  in  opposing  the 
popular  doctrines  of  nullification,  secession  and  dis 
union  in  my  native  State.  No  man  in  America  regret 
ted  more  deeply  than  I  did  the  fatal  secession  of  South 
Carolina  in  1860.  I  had  been  brought  up  from  my 
childhood  in  the  school  of  Washington's  Farewell 
Address,  and  I  believed,  most  religiously,  all  tlie  great 
truths  therein  set  forth.  The  terrible  consequences  of 
disunion  were  ever  present  in  my  mind,  and  I  never 
ceased  to  warn  my  fellow-citizens  of  them.  I  remem 
ber  telling  them  that  their  secession  would  prove  the 
death-knell  of  slavery,  the  establishment  of  a  military 
191 


192  NATIONAL   RESTOKATION. 

despotism  in  the  Southern  States.  Both  events  have 
occurred,  but  I  hope  the  latter  is  only  temporary. 

Much  is  to  be  said  in  extenuation  of  the  course 
pursued  by  South  Carolina.  The  people  had  been 
taught  by  their  greatest  statesmen,  for  a  half  century 
past,  and  educated  in  the  belief  that  a  sovereign  State 
had  the  right  peaceably  to  secede  from  the  Federal 
Union.  However  grossly  mistaken,  they  were  sincere 
in  this  belief,  is  sincere  as  they  were  in  their  belief  of 
the  Christian  religion.  None  can  doubt  it  who  knows, 
as  I  do,  their  honest  devotion  to  principle  on  all 
occasions  and  under  all  circumstances.  It  does  some 
times  happen  in  politics,  as  in  religion,  that  the  more 
absurd  and  paradoxical  the  proposition,  the  stronger 
becomes  the  faith  of  the  believer.  In  illustration  of 
this  opinion  I  might  refer  to  the  present  belief  of  the 
Republican  party  as  to  the  equality  of  the  negro  and 
white  races. 

The  people  of  South  Carolina  thought,  too,  that 
there  was  a  determination  on  the  part  of  the  Northern 
States  to  interfere  with  their  domestic  institutions,  and 
abolish  slavery  by  Congressional  legislation.  They  saw 
in  the  election  of  President  Lincoln  the  triumph  of  a 
sectional  majority  over  the  South.  I  did  all  that  I 
could  to  disabuse  the  public  mind  of  these  apprehen 
sions.  I  reminded  them  that  a  large  majority  of  the 
Republican  members  of  Congress  had  declared  by 
resolution  that  they  had  no  constitutional  right  to  inter 
fere  with  slavery  in  the  States,  and  no  disposition  to  do 
so  if  they  had.  I  said  that  President  Lincoln  had 
been  elected  by  a  minority  of  the  votes  polled  in  the 
United  States  ;  that  there  was  a  majority  of  the  mem 
bers  in  both  Houses  of  Congress  opposed  to  him,  with 
a  majority  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  he  was  therefore 
powerless  in  the  administration  of  the  Government 
But  when  the  Southern  members  withdrew  they  placed 
him  and  his  party  in  power. 

The  people  of  South  Carolina  further  believed  that  it 


NATIONAL   RESTORATION.  193 

was  the  interest  of  the  North  and  the  South,  as  they  could 
not  live  harmoniously  together,  to  separate  and  form 
two  independent  nations.  They  had  been  wrangling 
and  stirring  up  sectional  strife  ever  since  the  formation 
of  their  Government.  They  did  believe  that  the  two 
sections  could  live  peaceably  and  happily  as  neighbors, 
under  different  Governments,  whilst  they  could  not,  as 
one  people,  under  the  same  Government.  For  this 
opinion,  which  was  sincerely  entertained  by  them,  I 
thought  and  told  them  that  they  ignored  all  history  as 
well  as  the  character  and  circumstances  of  the  American 
people. 

They  thought,  too,  that  they  were  justified  in  taking  this 
step  by  that  great  principle  embodied  in  the  American 
Declaration  of  Independence,  deemed  sacred  to  the 
cause  of  liberty  and  Republican  Government,  which 
declared  that  every  people  had  an  inalienable  right  to 
self-government  and  the  right  to  change  their  form  of 
Government  when  they  saw  proper.  It  was  on  this 
principle  that  their  forefathers  had  separated  from 
Great  Britain.  They  were  in  hopes,  and  a  large 
majority  of  them  did  verily  believe,  that  the  Northern 
States  would  let  them  depart  in  peace,  and  try  their 
experiment  of  a  Southern  Confederacy,  rather  than 
involve  the  country  in  a  cruel,  bloody  and  unnatural 
war,  to  enforce  an  unwilling  political  alliance.  If  they 
•could  have  foreseen  the  horrible  results  of  secession  in 
the  desolation  of  their  country,  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
the  destruction  of  their  property,  a  four  years'  war,  and 
the  sacrifice  of  two  hundred  thousand  Southern  lives, 
no  sane  South  Carolinian  would  have  thought  of,  much 
less  advocated,  such  a  doctrine ;  and  it  is  hardly  proba 
ble  that  if  the  Northern  people  could  have  foreseen  the 
loss  of  five  hundred  thousand  of  their  fellow-creatures, 
and  the  increase  of  their  national  debt  to  more  than 
three  thousand  millions  of  dollars,  that  they  would  have 
been  willing  to  have  paid  this  horrible  price  as  a 
Christian  and  civilized  people  for  the  sake  of  living 


194  NATIONAL    RESTORATION. 

under  the  same  Government  with  the  Southern  States. 
Under  these  circumstances  the  people  of  South  Car 
olina,  with  those  of  ten  other  States,  did  secede  from 
the  Federal  Union  and  establish  a  National  Confeder 
acy.  Gallantly  and  heroically  they  fought  for  that  na 
tionality,  and  maintained  it  for  four  long  bloody  years 
against  the  gigantic  armies  which  were  hurled  against 
them.  They  made  herculean  efforts  and  heart-rending 
sacrifices  in  its  defence  which  will  live  in  history  with 
the  most  renowned  achievements  of  Greece  and  Rome. 
In  the  end  their  strength  and  resources  were  ex 
hausted,  and  they  were  overwhelmed  by  numbers, 
conquered  and  subdued.  Brave  and  honorable,  they 
have  accepted  the  results  of  the  war  as  the  decree 
of  God.  The  fortunes  of  battle  decided  against  their 
right  of  secession,  and  they  have  abandoned  it  for 
ever.  They  now  acknowledge  the  Federal  Union  as 
perpetual,  in  the  spirit  with  which  it  was  framed.  In 
obedience  to  the  President's  proclamation  they  have 
prepared  themselves  to  resume,  in  good  faith,  their  posi 
tion  once  more  in  the  Union.  They  met  in  Convention  ; 
repealed  their  Ordinance  of  Secession,  restored  their 
obligations  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
and  abolished  African  slavery,  which  had  been  a  cher 
ished  patriarchal  institution  with  them,  and  under 
which  the  negro  had  multiplied  and  increased  in  a  manner 
which  proved  that  he  had  been  kindly  treated  and 
cared  for  in  his  slavery.  In  doing  this,  they  gave  up 
two  hundred  millions  of  dollars'  worth  of  property. 
They  accepted  and  ratified  the  amendment  of  the  Fed 
eral  Constitution,  declaring  that  neither  slavery  nor 
involuntary  servitude  should  ever  exist  again  in  the 
United  States,  unless  for  crimes  whereof  the  party  had 
been  duly  convicted.  They  remodelled  and  popularized 
their  State  Constitution,  abolishing  whatever  was  of 
aristocratic  tendency  in  it,  making  representation  and 
taxation  equal  throughout  the  State,  and  giving  the 
election  of  Governor  and  Presidential  electors  to  the 


NATIONAL   RESTORATION.  195 

people.  Their  Legislature  afterwards  assembled  and 
secured  by  law  the  rights  of  the  freedmen  to  life,  liberty 
and  property,  the  right  of  giving  testimony  in  all  cases 
where  their  interests  were  involved, and  establishing  for 
them  a  fair  and  impartial  trial  in  their  courts  of  justice. 
All  this  the  people  of  South  Carolina  have  done  in 
good  faith,  and  are  this  day  as  loyal  to  the  Union  as  the 
people  of  any  other  State.  They  are  now  as  earnest  and 
zealous  in  their  support  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  honor  of  the  Republic,  as  they  were  a  few 
years  since  in  their  efforts  to  establish  and  maintain  a 
Confederacy  of  the  Southern  States.  Everywhere,  all 
over  the  State,  they  are  quiet  and  peaceable,  obeying  the 
laws  of  the  Federal  Union,  and  trying  to  redeem,  by 
their  industry  and  economy,  their  broken  fortunes,  and 
restore  the  State  to  prosperity  and  happiness.  They 
have  no  wish  or  thought  of  dishonoring  their  national 
characters  by  repudiating  the  national  debt  of  the  Union ; 
nor  have  they  a  wish  for  the  United  States  to  pay  or 
assume  any  of  the  liabilities  of  the  Confederate  Govern 
ment.  Their  earnest  desire  is  to  have  restored  those 
kind  social  and  commercial  relations  which  formerly  ex 
isted  between  the  different  sections  of  the  Union.  Slavery 
having  been  abolished,  which  was  the  great  disturbing 
element  between  the  North  and  the  South,  they  see  no 
reason  why  there  should  now  be  any  longer  dissensions 
between  the  two  sections.  They  are  mutually  dependent 
on  each  other,  and  never  were  two  people  more  necessary 
to  each  other's  prosperity  and  happiness.  They  have 
descended  from  the  same  families  of  nations ;  they  speak 
the  same  language,  have  the  same  religion,  literature,  and 
laws,  and  are  connected  by  blood  and  marriage.  The 
gigantic  struggle  through  which  they  have  just  passed 
proved  that  their  manhood  and  courage  are  the  same. 
Brave  and  honorable  men,  who  have  fought  each  other 
like  men,  are  ever  ready  to  be  reconciled  on  fair  and 
honorable  terms.  They  who  kept  out  of  the  war  on  both 
sides  are  the  hardest  to  be  reconciled. 


196  NATIONAL    RESTORATION. 

There  is  no  feeling  of  unkindness  in  South  Carolina 
towards  the  freed  men,  but,  on  the  contrary,  one  of  deep 
sympathy  and  protection  on  the  part  of  their  former 
owners.  In  the  upper  and  middle  portions  of  the  State 
the  negroes  have  all  made  contracts,  and  gone  to  work 
and  are  doing  well.  It  is  only  in  the  lower  country  and 
on  the  sea  islands,  where  they  have  been  interfered  with 
by  a  mistaken  philanthropy,  that  there  is  any  disturb 
ance.  If  the  Northern  people  were  more  familiar  with 
the  negro,  and  understood  better  his  character  and  dis 
position,  they  would  give  themselves  less  trouble  about 
him  and  his  political  rights.  The  negro  does  not  desire, 
and  is  incapable  of  exercising,  with  prudence  and  dis 
cretion,  the  right  of  suffrage  in  his  present  degraded  and 
ignorant  condition.  To  give  him  this  right  in  South 
Carolina  would  be  to  establish  an  odious  and  dangerous 
political  aristocracy.  A  man  with  a  large  landed  estate, 
iiaving  it  cultivated  by  freed  men,  would  always  be  able 
to  control  their  votes  in  every  election.  Instead  of 
having  one  vote,  as  his  poor  neighbor  has,  he  would  have 
fifty  or  a  hundred,  in  proportion  to  his  colored  hirelings. 
The  negro  wants  bread  and  meat  for  himself,  his  wife 
and  children  to  eat,  and  clothes  to  wear,  but  he  neither 
wants  votes  nor  is  he  capable  of  voting  on  political  ques 
tions.  It  is  said  in  sacred  Scripture  that  the  leopard 
•cannot  change  his  spots,  nor  the  Ethiopian  his  skin,  nor 
•can  you,  by  any  system  of  legislation,  elevate  the  African 
to  an  equality  with  the  white  man.  For  over  two  thou 
sand  years  he  has  remained  in  his  native  country,  the 
same  ignorant  savage  and  barbarian,  without  the  slightest 
advancement  in  civilization,  whilst  all  the  Caucasian 
nations  of  the  earth  have  been  going  forward  with  won- 
<lerful  improvements  in  all  the  arts  and  sciences  of  life. 

There  is  something  in  every  one's  heart  which  tells 
him  that  human  slavery  is  wrong  in  the  abstract,  and 
ought  not  to  be.  And  yet  no  fair-minded  man  who 
•compares  the  condition  of  the  negro  in  Africa  with  that 
of  the  recent  slaves  in  the  Southern  States,  but  must 


NATIONAL   RESTORATION.  197 

admit  that  he  has  been  greatly  improved  by  slavery. 
In  a  few  years  it  is  apprehended  that  it  will  be  equally 
manifest  that  the  freedman  has  not  been  improved  by 
the  abolition  of  slavery.  Whilst  a  slave,  he  was  fed, 
clothed,  attended  in  sickness,  taken  care  of  in  old  age, 
and  his  children  provided  for.  This  is  about  as  much 
as  any  laboring  class  can  realize  for  their  labor  in  any 
country.  But  I  would  not  restore  slavery  if  I  could, 
and  this  is  the  general  feeling  and  sentiment  of  South 
Carolina.  The  young  negroes  and  the  old  ones  will  not 
be  taken  care  of  and  provided  for,  as  they  were  in  slavery, 
and  they  will  die,  whilst  the  planter  will  make  more  out 
of  the  labor  of  those  who  are  grown  and  able  to  work. 

But  if  the  Northern  people  really  feel  so  much  inter 
est  in  the  negro  race  as  they  would  have  us  believe,  why 
do  they  not  hold  out  inducements  for  the  freedman  to 
immigrate  North,  and  live  there  with  their  friends  and 
patrons,  who  are  able  to  take  care  of  them  ?  Nothing 
of  this  kind  has  been  offered  or  attempted.  On  the  con 
trary,  many  of  the  former  non-slaveholding  States  have 
prohibited  their  entrance  under  severe  penalties.  They 
have  likewise  been  denied  the  right  of  suffrage  in  all  of 
these  States  except  six.  The  Southern  States  are  very 
willing  for  the  freedmen  to  go  North,  and  have  there 
conferred  on  them  the  right  of  suffrage.  But  is  it  just 
and  rgiht  on  the  part  of  Connecticut  and  other  States, 
where  the  negro  has  been  free  for  a  century,  that  he 
should  be  denied  the  right  of  voting  there,  and  for  those 
States  to  insist  that  he  shall  be  allowed  to  vote  in  South 
Carolina,  where  he  has  just  been  emancipated  ?  We  do 
not  complain  of  the  policy  of  Connecticut,  but  insist 
that  she  has  no  right  to  enforce  on  us  a  different  policy. 
Every  State  has  the  undoubted  right,  under  the  Federal 
Constitution,  to  determine  for  herself  who  shall  exercise 
the  right  of  suffrage. 

It  is  most  remarkable  that  whilst  two-thirds  of  the 
States  are  legislating  on  the  dearest  and  most  vital  inter 
ests  of  the  Southern  States,  these  States,  composing  one- 


198  NATIONAL   RESTORATION. 

third  of  the  Republic  in  population,  and  one-half  in 
extent  of  territory,  should  be  excluded  from  all  partici 
pation  in  such  legislation.  It  is  not  only  contrary  to 
Republican  principles,  but  an  outrage  on  the  sense  of 
justice  in  a  despotism,  for  ten  millions  of  people  to  be 
tried,  condemned,  and  deprived  of  their  civil,  political 
and  constitutional  rights  without  a  hearing.  They  have 
been  in  rebellion,  it  is  true,  and  they  have  likewise  been 
pardoned  by  Executive  clemency,  and  restored  to  their 
citizenship  and  loyalty.  There  were  in  those  rebel 
States  Union  men  who  struggled  bravely  to  ward  off  the 
terrible  calamities  of  disunion  till  all  protection  by  the 
United  States  was  withdrawn  from  them,  and  they  were 
left  no  choice  but  to  become  the  obedient  citizens  of  a 
de  facto  Government.  Is  it  right  that  they  should  be 
punished  for  their  misfortunes,  and  have  no  distinction 
made  in  their  favor  ? 

If  the  doors  of  Congress  were  opened  to  the  represen 
tatives  of  the  Southern  States,  very  few  of  them  could 
take  the  test-oath.  They  may  have  been  ardent  and 
zealous  Union  men  at  the  beginning  of  the  struggle, 
but  the  force  of  circumstances  necessarily  compelled  them 
to  give  countenance  to  the  rebellion  before  it  was  over. 
The  United  States  Government  ceased  to  protect  them, 
and  left  them  subject  to  another  Government,  which 
maintained  its  control  over  them  for  four  years.  By 
the  rigid  laws  of  England  on  the  subject  of  treason,  as 
well  as  by  the  rules  of  common  sense  and  justice,  no 
one  who  submits  to  a  de  facto  King  can  be  declared  a 
traitor.  They  saw  the  United  States  leading  indiscrimi 
nate  war  against  Union  men  as  well  as  Secessionists, 
desolating  the  country,  burning  their  houses,  plundering 
their  provisions,  and  leaving  them  and  their  families  to 
starve.  They  saw  their  friends  and  kindred  in  the 
Southern  army  trying  to  defend  their  country  and 
homes  and  property,  fighting  as  their  forefathers  had 
done  in  the  American  Revolution  for  the  right  of  self- 
government.  It  would  be  in  vain  to  ask  such  a  Union 


NATIONAL   RESTORATION.  199 

man  to  swear  he  had  never  in  word  or  deed  "  counte 
nanced  "  the  rebellion  or  given  aid  and  comfort  to  those 
who  were  in  rebellion. 

This  test-oath  may  have  been  politically  right  whilst 
the  war  was  going  on,  so  far  as  it  applied  to  the  officers 
of  the  Government.  Its  purpose  was  to  exclude  traitors 
and  disunionists  from  office.  But  with  peace  all  neces 
sity  for  the  oath  ceased  in  the  loyal  States.  Its  enforce 
ment  in  the  Southern  States  is  not  only  unjust,  after  the 
President's  amnesty  proclamation,  but  utterly  impracti 
cable.  The  Government  cannot  be  administered  in 
those  States  with  that  oath.  It  is  impossible  to  find  per 
sons  able  to  take  the  oath  who  are  capable  of  filling  the 
various  appointments  under  the  Treasury  and  Post- 
Office  Department.  The  heads  of  those  departments, 
as  I  once  informed  them,  whilst  Provisional  Governor 
of  South  Carolina,  would  have  to  wait  till  another  gen 
eration  sprang  up,  for  neither  the  men,  women  or  chil 
dren  could  conscientiously  declare  that  they  had  not 
given  countenance  to  the  rebellion. 

But  this  test-oath  does  not  apply  to  members  of  Con 
gress,  for  they  are  not  "  officers "  of  the  Government. 
The  Federal  Constitution  does  not  anywhere  call  them 
officers,  or  recognize  them  or  allude  to  them  as  officers  of 
the  Government.  Instead  of  being  officers  of  the 
Government,  they  are  the  representatives  of  the  people 
and  the  States,  senators  and  members  of  Congress.  In 
the  early  history  of  our  Government  it  was  so  decided, 
and  has  been  so  recognized  ever  since,  till  the  passage  of 
this  test-oath. 

The  Federal  Constitution  prescribes  an  oath  for 
senators  and  members  of  the  House,  and  no  additional 
oath  of  any  character  whatever  can  be  constitutionally 
required  of  them.  The  powers  of  Congress  are  dele 
gated  and  enumerated,  and  they  have  no  others,  and 
can  exercise  no  others,  except  it  be  to  carry  out  and 
enforce  some  enumerated  power. 

It  would  be  monstrous,  indeed,  if  a  majority  in  Con- 


200  NATIONAL    RESTORATION. 

gress  had  the  power  of  prescribing  an  oath  for  the 
members  to  take  when  they  qualify.  They  might 
exclude  the  minority  from  their  seats  by  requiring 
them  to  swear  that  they  never  had  been  Democrats, 
or  voted  a  Democratic  ticket,  or  countenanced  in  any 
way  a  Democratic  candidate. 

Each  House  is  the  judge  of  the  election  returns  and 
qualifications  of  its  members ;  but  this  simply  requires 
the  House  or  the  Senate  to  decide  whether  the  election 
returns  and  qualifications  of  the  members  elect  are  in 
conformity  with  the  Constitution.  The  attempt  to 
derive  the  power  to  pass  a  test-oath  from  this  clause  of 
the  Federal  Constitution  is  about  as  absurd  as  the  right 
of  secession,  and  equally  as  dangerous  in  its  con 
sequences. 

It  would  seem  that  the  object  of  the  Radical  party  in 
Congress,  in  offering  so  many  amendments  to  the  Con 
stitution,  and  insisting  on  the  application  of  the  test- 
oath  to  members  of  Congress,  was  to  perpetuate  their 
power  in  the  Government.  Instead  of  having  this 
effect,  however,  it  will  more  than  likely  have  just  the 
opposite  tendency.  Their  amendments  will  never  be 
adopted  by  three-fourths  of  the  States,  and  their  con 
tinued  exclusion  of  the  Southern  members  must  pro 
duce  a  reaction  against  them,  when  they  go  before  the 
people  again. 

If  the  Southern  members  were  all  admitted,  the 
Radical  party  would  still  have  a  majority  in  both 
Houses.  They  need  not,  therefore,  be  afraid  of  th*e 
sceptre  departing  from  Judah,  during  the  thirty-ninth 
Congress.  It  is  true  their  majority  would  be  diminished, 
and  it  is  possible  that  a  measure  like  that  of  the  Freed- 
men's  Bureau  bill  might  have  been  endangered  on  its 
passage,  if  the  Southern  representative  had  been  per 
mitted  to  show  its  monstrous  injustice  to  the  planter,  its 
demoralizing  influence  on  the  freed  man,  its  ruinous 
consequences  to  the  culture  of  the  Sea  Island  cotton, 
and  the  startling  expenditures  it  will  require  to  support 


NATIONAL   RESTORATION.  201 

the  idle  and  vicious  negroes  who  will  not  work,  and  are 
to  be  fed  and  clothed  by  the  Government.  This  bill 
taxes  the  poor  white  man  throughout  the  North  to  sup 
port  the  vicious  and  vagrant  Southern  negro.  It  takes 
from  the  planter  his  home  without  consideration,  and 
turns  his  wife  and  children  out  of  doors  to  perish,  in 
order  that  his  former  slaves  may  not  be  under  the 
necessity  of  making  a  contract  to  work  those  lands,  but 
be  able  to  live  on  them  in  idleness,  and  get  their  sup 
port  from  the  Freedmen's  Bureau. 

As  an  evidence  of  the  boasted  loyalty  and  good  con 
duct  of  these  negroes,  it  may  be  stated  that  a  party  of 
gentlemen  from  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  visited  one  of 
the  islands  near  Charleston  the  other  day,  with  written 
permission  from  Gen.  Sickles.  The  negroes  captured  the 
party  in  violation  of  military  orders,  and  were  going 
to  massacre  the  whole  party  of  them ;  marched  them 
twelve  miles  across  the  island,  and  treated  them  with 
the  greatest  indignity  the  whole  route.  Those  are  the 
people  who  are  to  be  allowed  to  vote,  and  elect  out  of 
their  number  a  member  of  Congress. 

The  Southern  people  have  been  peculiarly  unfortunate. 
At  one  time  they  thought  it  better  to  withdraw  their  mem 
bers  from  Congress,  and  live  separately  from  the  North. 
This  they  desired  to  do  peaceably  and  quietly.  The 
North  objected,  and  declared  that  the  Union  should  not 
be  dissoJved.  They  were  repeatedly  told  that  they 
must  lay  down  their  arms,  elect  their  members  of  Con 
gress,  and  resume  their  position  in  the  Union.  Finally 
they  consented  to  do  so.  Now  they  are  told  that  the 
Union  is  dissolved,  and  they  shall  not  be  allowed  to 
resume  their  places  in  it !  Let  the  North  beware,  lest 
in  forging  chains  for  the  South  they  do  not  enclose 
themselves.  This  Freedmen's  Bureau  is  an  imperium 
in  imperio,  and  now  embraces  the  North  as  well  as  the 
South. 

But  I  am  not  disposed  to  despair  of  the  Republic. 
I  have  always  had  an  abiding  faith  in  the  virtue  and 


202  NATIONAL    RESTORATION 

intelligence  of  the  American  people,  North  and  South. 
The  time  must  come,  sooner  or  later,  when  the  test-oath 
will  be  repealed  and  Southern  Representatives  admitted 
to  their  seats  in  Congress.  I  was  once  excluded  from 
office  in  South  Carolina  by  a  test-oath  on  account  of  my 
Union  principles.  I  did  not  then  despair,  and  I  do  not 
now.  The  oath  was  carried  before  an  independent  and 
enlightened  judiciary  of  the  State,  and  it  was  declared 
unconstitutional.  If  the  present  test-oath  can  ever  be 
brought  before  a  similar  tribunal  in  the  Capitol,  it  must 
share  the  same  fate.  The  American  people,  too,  will 
have  to  sit  in  judgment  on  it  at  the  next  election,  and 
decide  whether  the  Union  shall  continue  or  be  super 
seded  by  a  military  despotism.  The  North  should  con 
sider  that  when  once  the  Southern  people  have  been 
enslaved,  they  may  be  Jit  instruments  to  enslave  the  North, 
as  we  said  by  the  great  Earl  of  Chatham  in  reference 
to  our  forefathers  and  England  at  the  commencement  of 
the  American  Revolution. 

The  Southern  States  have  committed  grievous  errors, 
and  terrible  has  been  their  punishment — sufficient,  one 
would  suppose,  to  gratify  the  blackest  hate  of  the  most 
malignant  revenger.  There  is  nothing  more  gratifying 
to  a  noble  and  generous  nature  than  mercy  and  forgive 
ness.  Nor  is  there  anything  more  pleasant  to  a  mean 
and  cowardly  spirit  than  the  gratification  of  its  revenge 
and  hatred.  The  history  of  man  in  all  ages  illustrates 
the  truth  of  this  assertion. 

The  great  crime  of  the  Southern  States  was  simply  a 
wish  to  live  separated  from  the  North.  They  did  not 
seek  to  conquer  and  subdue  the  North,  or  to  rule  over 
the  North,  but  only  attempted  to  govern  themselves  in 
their  own  way  and  after  their  own  fashion.  This  boon 
was  denied  them,  and  their  country  has  been  devastated, 
their  towns,  cities  and  villages  laid  waste,  their  property 
taken  from  them,  and  the  people  left  bankrupted  and 
starving.  Now  they  humbly  ask  to  be  permitted  to 
live  quietly,  peaceably  and  loyally  in  that  Union,  and 


NATIONAL   RESTORATION.  203 

renew  their  social,  political  and  commercial  relations 
with  the  North.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  kind,  generous 
and  magnanimous  policy  adopted  by  the  President  will 
be  pursued  and  carried  out  by  the  American  people, 
and  that  we  shall  be  once  more,  FREE,  UNITED,  HAPPY 
AND  PROSPEROUS,  showing  to  the  world  that  man  is 
capable  of  self-government,  and  that  no  kingdom  or 
empire  is  equal  in  justice,  virtue,  strength  and  grand 
eur  to  a  great  Republic  founded  in  the  hearts  and 
affections  of  the  people. 


LETTER  ACCEPTING  NOMINATION  FOE  CONGRESS. 

September  llth,  1872. 

J.  H.  Rion,  D.  R.  Duncan,  and  S.  P.  Hamilton,  Esqs., 
Committee,  etc. : 

GENTLEMEN:— I  had  the  honor  of  receiving  your 
communication  of  the  9th  instant  last  evening,  inform 
ing  me  that  "  the  Democratic  Convention  for  the  Fourth 
Congressional  District  had  unanimously  nominated  me 
as  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party  for  election  to 
the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  Con 
gress  from  said  district/'  and  that  you  "  beg  to  urge 
upon  me  the  acceptance  of  the  nomination." 

This  unsolicited  and  unexpected  expression  of  confi 
dence  on  the  part  of  the  Democratic  Convention  of  this 
Congressional  District  has  made  a  deep  impression  on 
my  feelings,  and  I  can  assure  the  members  of  that  Con 
vention,  representing  the  counties  of  York,  Chester, 
Fairfield,  Laurens,  Spartanburg,  Greenville,  Pickens 
and  Oconee,  that  I  highly  appreciate  the  distinguished 
honor  they  have  conferred  on  me.  At  this  time  and 
under  existing  circumstances,  it  is  one  of  peculiar  and 
extraordinary  distinction.  The  intelligence,  education 
and  wealth  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  comprising 
40,000  or  62,000  voters,  possessing,  in  a  great  measure, 
all  the  commerce,  agriculture  and  manufactures  of  the 
entire  State,  are  unrepresented  in  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  and  only  partially  represented  in  our 
State  Legislature.  This  anomalous  condition,  in  a  gov 
ernment  purporting  to  be  Republican,  has  existed  in 
South  Carolina  for  the  last  seven  years  and  brought  the 
State  to  the  lowest  depths  of  political  infamy  and 
to  the  verge  of  bankruptcy  and  ruin  the  loss  of 


LETTER    OF   ACCEPTANCE. 

<nvil  liberty  and  personal  security!  This  Con 
gressional  District  is  the  only  one  in  the  whole  State 
in  which  there  is  a  chance  of  electing  a  representative  of 
the  white  people.  If  elected,  therefore,  I  shall  have  the 
proud  distinction  of  being  the  sole  representative  of  the 
virtue,  intelligence  and  wealth  of  South  Carolina  in  the 
National  Congress. 

There  must  be  a  change.  This  condition  of  affairs 
cannot  last  much  longer  without  the  most  terrible 
results.  It  therefore  behooves  every  one  who  loves  his 
country  and  values  its  peace  and  prosperity  to  exert  him 
self  and  make  any  and  every  sacrifice  necessary  to  restore 
Republican  principles  and  the  purity  of  our  Govern 
ment,  both  State  and  Federal.  Profoundly  impressed 
with  these  sentiments,  I  did  not  feel  myself  at  liberty  to 
refuse,  a  few  days  since,  the  nomination  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party  of  Greenville  county  as  a  candidate  for  the 
State  Senate,  although  it  was  made  against  my  earnest  pro 
testations,  on  account  of  my  health,  age  and  disinclination 
to  enter  again  public  life.  But  my  friends  urged  that  I 
could  be  of  service  in  redeeming  the  State  from  its  deg 
radation  and  ruin.  I  accepted  their  nomination.  This 
embarrasses  me  now  in  determining  my  duty.  But  as 
Greenville  was  represented  in  the  Congressional  Con 
vention  and  consented  to  my  nomination,  I  feel  that  it 
is  the  wish  of  the  county  I  should  accept  the  higher 
and  more  responsible  position  here  assigned  me. 

In  accepting  the  nomination  now  tendered  me,  it  is 
proper  that  I  should  state  that  all  my  feelings  and  princi 
ples  are  in  sympathy  with  that  great  national  party 
whose  purpose  is  reconciliation  between  the  two  sections 
of  our  country  and  the  two  races  which  live  in  the 
Southern  States,  and  whose  aim  is,  under  the  leadership 
of  Horace  Greeley,  to  purge  the  Government  of  its  cor 
ruptions,  restore  Republican  principles,  and  promote  the 
peace  and  prosperity  of  all  sections  and  classes.  The 
radical  party,  North  and  South,  see  and  know  that  their 
success  as  a  party  depends  on  keeping  up  the  hatred 


LETTER   OF   ACCEPTANCE. 

of  the  North  to  the  South  and  the  hatred  of  the- 
colored  race  to  the  white  race.  When  these  hatreds 
and  prejudices  are  crushed  out,  the  radical  party  will 
lose  their  ascendency  in  the  Government.  The  colored 
people  will  no  longer  be  the  political  slaves  of  selfish 
and  designing  office  seekers  and  holders,  who  are  basely 
and  treacherously  using  them  for  their  own  promotion 
and  plunder.  The  interests  and  rights  of  the  colored 
people  have  been  sacrificed  and  betrayed  by  their  pre 
tended  friends  and  guardians,  the  carpet-baggers  and 
scalawags !  The  moneys  appropriated  for  the  education 
of  their  children  have  been  stolen  and  squandered  !  The 
free  schools  are  closed  !  The  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
dollars  appropriated  to  purchase  for  them  homes 
have  gone  the  same  way — to  enrich  scoundrels —and 
leaves  them  homeless  and  houseless  !  Their  taxes  have 
been  increased  until  the  burden  is  oppressive  and  in 
tolerable  !  It  is  a  well-known  fact  in  political  economy 
that  the  laboring  classes  have,  ultimately,  most  of  the 
taxes  to  pay,  although,  in  the  first  instance,  levied  on 
property.  The  merchant  adds  the  duties  he  pays  to  the 
price  of  his  goods,  and  the  consumer  restores  the  tax; 
so  the  tax  on  lands  and  personal  property  causes  the 
owner  to  charge  higher  rents  and  pay  less  for  labor. 

The  two  best  and  sincerest  friends  the  colored  people 
ever  had  are  Horace  Greeley  and  Charles  Sumner. 
These  gentlemen  have  urged  the  colored  people  not  to 
antagonize  themselves,  as  a  race,  to  the  white  people, 
but  vote  independently  and  for  honest  and  intelligent 
men.  Their  political  rights  are  secured  by  Constitu 
tional  Amendments,  and  they  have  nothing  to  fear  ex 
cept  the  bad  men  they  put  in  office  and  who  falsely  tell 
them  that  there  is  danger  in  voting  for  or  confiding  in 
their  former  masters  and  friends. 

How  any  one  who  loves  his  State  and  values  civil 
liberty  can  prefer  General  Grant  to  Horace  Greeley  is 
strange,  passing  strange.  In  ti  me  of  profound  peace  Gen 
eral  Grant  issued  his  proclamation,  ordering  the  people 


LETTER   OF   ACCEPTANCE. 

•disperse  and  return  to  their  homes  in  certain  counties. 
They  were  at  home  at  that  very  time,  and  no  disturbance 
had  taken  place  for  months  previously.  The  civil  au 
thorities  were  not  resisted,  and  were  capable  of  making  any 
and  all  arrests  required.  But  notwithstanding  all  this, 
the  President,  immediately  after  his  proclamation,  sent 
his  military  into  seven  or  eight  counties  and  made 
arrests  without  warrant,  and  the  persons  arrested,  inno 
cent  and  guilty,  were  hurried  off  to  jail  and  the  sacred 
writ  of  habeas  corpus  denied  them  ! 

In  your  communication  notifying  me  of  my  nomina 
tion  you  express  an  earnest  wish  for  me  "  at  once  to 
enter  in  a  thorough  and  vigorous  canvass  to  secure  my 
election,  which  by  the  Convention  is  deemed  a  matter  of 
vital  interest,  not  only  to  the  Congressional  District,  but 
to  the  whole  State."  In  obedience  to  this  injunction,  I 
will,  as  soon  as  the  court  is  over  at  this  place,  visit  all 
the  counties  in  the  Congressional  District  and  extend 
my  acquaintance  with  the  people  who  have  been  so  kind 
and  confiding.  In  the  meantime  I  should  like  to  hear 
from  my  friends  as  to  appointments  they  may  see  proper 
to  make.  With  great  respect  and  esteem,  I  am  truly 
,and  sincerely  yours,  etc. 

B.   F.  PERRY, 


EDITORIALS 

Approving  of  the  Nomination  of  GOVERNOR  PERRY  for  Congress. 


The  Democratic  Convention  of  the  Fourth  Congres 
sional  District,  which  assembled  in  Columbia  on  Mon 
day,  unanimously  nominated  the  Hon.  B.  F.  Perry  as 
the  Conservative  and  Democratic  candidate. 

To  this  honorable  distinction  Mr.  Perry  is  justly  en 
titled.  Before  the  war,  and  up  to  the  time  that  the  Re 
publican  party,  by  its  acts,  gave  evidence  that  its  pur 
pose  was  the  subversion  of  the  Constitution,  and  not 
the  restoration  of  the  Union,  Mr.  Perry  was  a  staunch 
Union  man.  After  the  war  he  was  appointed  Pro 
visional  Governor  of  the  State,  and  discharged  the 
delicate  duties  of  his  office  with  tact  and  discretion. 
Upon  the  assembling  of  the  Legislature  he  was  elected 
United  States  Senator;  but,  like  Governor  Manning 
and  the  Hon.  James  B.  Campbell,  was  refused  his  seat. 
At  that  time  the  drama  of  Radical  reconstruction  was 
about  to  begin. 

Mr.  Perry  is  a  gentleman  of  large  experience  in  pub 
lic  affairs,  and  his  strong  will  and  high  character  will 
make  him  a  fit  representative  of  South  Carolina  upon 
the  floor  of  Congress.  Nor  will  the  people  of  his  dis 
trict  forget  that  Mr.  Perry,  although  elected  from  the 
Fourth  District,  will  represent  the  Conservatives  of  the 
whole  State.  From  the  Radical  members  we  have 
nothing  to  expect.  Mr.  Perry  will,  in  fact,  be  the 
mouth-piece  of  South  Carolina  Conservatism.  A  more 
honorable  position  no  man  could  desire  to  fill. 

Mr.  Perry  can  be  elected  and  we  believe  that  he  will. 
All  that  is  needed  is  organization  and  work.  Wallace, 
the  Radical  candidate,  is  notoriously  weak,  and  with 
204 


EDITORIALS.  205 

a  fair  election,  which  they  will  have,  the  Conservatives 
can  defeat  him  handsomely.  The  campaign  will  be 
short.  Let  it  be  sharp  and  decisive. —  Charleston  News. 

The  real  voice  of  the  intelligence,  worth  and  capital 
of  South  Carolina,  is  to-day  without  a  single  representa 
tive  in  the  Congressional  House.  It  is  without  audience 
or  champion.  It  has  no  opportunity  for  truth  or  vin 
dication.  The  Fourth  District  affords  that  opportunity. 
On  a  legitimate  vote  it  can  be  handsomely  carried. 
With  the  high  character  and  liberal  sentiments  of 
Governor  Perry,  he  should  sweep  the  District  by  an 
overwhelming  majority.  Both  wings  of  the  Republican 
party,  which  profess  to  be  in  earnest  for  good  men  and 
reform,  have  now  the  opportunity  of  testing  the  sincerity 
or  falsity  of  their  utterances. 

Governor  Perry  is  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
members  of  the  South  Carolina  Bar.  In  1832,  while 
quite  a  young  man,  he  espoused  the  Union  cause,  and 
was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  opposition  to  Nullification. 
He  was  the  candidate  of  the  Union  party  in  1834  for 
Congress,  and  was  defeated  by  the  Hon.  Warren  R. 
Davis,  one  of  the  most  popular  men  in  the  State,  by  a 
majority  of  only  sixty  votes.  From  1836  until  the 
beginning  of  the  late  war,  Governor  Perry  served  in 
either  branch  of  the  Legislature.  Although  the  con 
sistent  advocate  of  the  Union,  he  always  possessed  the 
esteem  of  all  parties  as  a  man  of  high  talents,  unswerv 
ing  principles,  sincere  convictions,  and  unquestioned 
integrity. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  he  was  selected  by  President 
Johnson  as  the  Provisional  Governor  of  South  Carolina. 
Since  then  he  has  been  devoted  to  the  practice  of  his 
profession.  His  election  is  of  the  highest  interest  to 
the  people  of  this  Commonwealth.  It  is  essential  for 
the  cause  of  justice  and  right,  and  that  South  Carolina 
may  at  least  have  one  worthy  representative  in  the  Halls 
of  Congress. —  Charleston  Courier. 


206  EDITORIALS. 

The  Convention  of  the  Fourth  Congressional  District 
settled  upon  the  Hon.  B.  F.  Perry  as  the  Conservative 
candidate  for  Congress.  There  is,  perhaps,  no  man 
more  generally  known  throughout  the  State  than  ex- 
Governor  Perry,  nor  one  more  universally  esteemed  and 
respected  for  sterling  qualities  of  head  and  heart.  His 
nomination  cannot  fail  to  give  satisfaction  to  all  good 
and  intelligent  citizens  of  the  District,  and  his  election 
will  be  a  source  of  rejoicing  to  the  entire  State.  It  will 
be  well  for  South  Carolina  to  have  one  true  and  trusty 
servant  in  Congress,  and  no  better  man  could  be  selected 
than  B.  F.  Perry.  A  man  of  the  purest  character,  of 
distinguished  ability,  and  of  chivalrous  devotion  to 
South  Carolina,  he  will  be  as  a  pillar  of  strength  to  us  at 
Washington. 

The  only  cause  of  regret  at  his  nomination  rests  in 
the  fact  that  we  will  lose  his  services  as  State  Senator 
from  Greenville,  for  which  position  he  has  been  nomi 
nated.  We  trust  that  the  people  of  Greenville  will  give 
us  their  next  best  man  at  any  rate.  As  to  availability, 
we  also  think  that  no  better  choice  could  possibly  have 
been  made.  Governor  Perry  has  always  been  liberal  in 
his  political  views,  and  never  much  of  a  party  man. 
As  opposed  to  A.  S.  Wallace,  the  Radical  nominee,  he 
cannot  fail  to  get  the  vote  of  every  decent  citizen  in  the 
Fourth  District,  who  has  sense  sufficient  to  appreciate 
his  duty  to  the  State. — Columbia  Phoenix. 

The  Fourth  Congressional  District  has  it  in  its  power 
to  defeat  Mr.  Wallace,  the  Radical  nominee,  and  to  send 
to  Congress  a  worthy  representative  of  the  white  ele 
ment  of  the  State. 

It  is  a  duty  which  the  District  owes  to  itself  and  the 
State  to  effect  this  result.  It  is  thought  that  ex-Gov 
ernor  B.  F.  Perry  will  accept  the  nomination  which  has 
been  tendered  to  him  by  the  recent  Democratic  Conven 
tion  of  the  Fourth  District.  He  is  eminently  fitted  for 
the  post.  Ex-Governor  Perry  has,  perhaps,  more  of  a 


EDITORIALS.  207 

national  reputation  than  any  other  South  Carolinian — 
Judge  Orr  excepted.  He  is  known  to  be  a  man  of  the 
highest  integrity.  He  has  an  imposing  presence  and  an 
impressive  delivery.  Such  a  man  would  command  the 
attention  of  the  House.  The  cause  of  this  outraged 
State  would  find  in  him  a  noble  champion.  Assuming 
that  he  will  accept  the  nomination,  we  take  occasion  to 
say  that  we  deem  it  the  duty  of  the  Fourth  District  to 
use  every  legitimate  effort  to  secure  ex-Governor 
Perry's  election. 

Let  a  generous  and  a  general  rally  be  made  in  this 
behalf.  Nor  let  the  ex-Governor  himself  fail  to  do  his 
part  in  the  canvass. — Columbia  Carolinian. 

The  Convention  of  the  Fourth  Congressional  District, 
which  met  in  Columbia  on  the  9th  ult.,  unanimously 
nominated,  as  a  candidate  for  Congress,  the  Hon.  B.  F. 
Perry,  of  Greenville,  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
citizens  of  the  State,  and  a  gentleman  of  unblemished 
reputation.  Mr.  Perry  is  well  known  throughout  the 
Congressional  District,  and  his  name  is  familiar  to 
nearly  every  household  in  South  Carolina.  In  him  we 
find  everything  to  admire — talents,  morals,  dignity, 
courage,  consistency  of  conduct,  and,  in  fact,  all  those 
attributes  that  adorn  and  beautify  human  character. 
Through  a  long  series  of  years  he  has  served  with  great 
fidelity  his  native  State,  and  has  contributed  no  little 
towards  establishing  for  her  a  fame  and  record  that  will 
be  the  proud  heritage  of  future  generations. 

Prior  to  the  war,  Governor  Perry  was  identified  with 
an  element  that  opposed  the  nullification  and  secession 
doctrines  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  deprecated  any  move 
ment  looking  towards  a  disruption  of  the  Union.  But 
when  the  people  of  the  State  declared  their  intention 
to  withdraw  from  the  Union,  he  went  with  his  people, 
though  under  protest,  believing  that  so  extraordinary  a 
step  would  end  disastrously.  No  one  has  been  more 
fervent  in  devotion  to  South  Carolina,  in  her  troubles 


208  EDITORIALS. 

and  trials,  than  Governor  Perry.  He  has  often  been 
weighed  in  the  balance,  and  never  found  wanting.  Cool, 
deliberate,  sagacious,  and  of  wonderful  foresight,  he  has 
stood  ever  nobly  by  the  old  ship  of  State,  as  one  of  her 
most  trustworthy  pilots,  and  it  is  eminently  proper  that 
at  this  crisis  he  should  be  called  from  private  life  and 
receive  new  honors  and  renewed  evidences  of  the  confi 
dence  reposed  in  him. 

It  is  the  duty  of  our  people  to  see  to  it  that  so  great 
and  so  good  a  man  is  chosen  to  represent  them.  He  can 
be  triumphantly  elected  in  a  fair  contest,  and  such  we 
are  determined  to  have.  Honest  men  of  Fairfield,  we 
appeal  to  you  to  pull  off  your  coats,  and  go  to  work  for 
our  noble  standard  bearer. —  Winnsboro'  News. 

Gov.  B.  F.  PERRY. — This  distinguished  old  Roman 
has  been  unanimously  nominated  as  a  candidate  to  rep 
resent  the  Fourth  IHstrict  in  Congress,  which  is  now 
misrepresented  by  the  scalawag  A.  S.  Wallace.  We 
confess  we  regret  the  action  of  the  Convention,  as  we 
are  satisfied  that  he  can  do  his  people  more  good  in  the 
State  Senate  than  in  any  other  position.  His  purity 
and  boldness  of  character  would  be  a  standing  rebuke 
to  the  Treasury  thieves,  and  his  very  presence  there 
would  measurably  stay  the  hands  of  the  robbers.  Gov 
ernor  Perry  is  worthy  of  any  and  all  the  honors  the 
State  can  confer  upon  him,  and  as  we  cannot  have  him 
in  the  State  Senate,  we  trust  and  believe  he  will  be  tri 
umphantly  elected  to  Congress.  —  Georgetown  Times. 

The  Convention  that  met  in  Columbia  on  the  9th  inst., 
nominated  the  Hon.  B.  F.  Perry  for  Congress.  In  our 
judgment  no  better  nomination  could  have  been  made. 
In  some  things  of  importance  we  have  differed  from 
Mr.  Perry,  and  we  still  differ,  but  we  have  never  enter 
tained  a  doubt  of  his  honesty,  his  ability,  or  his  expe 
rienced  statesmanship.  In  addition,  he  is  a  man  of 
undoubted  courage,  and  anywhere  and  everywhere,  if 


EDITORIALS.  209 

the  occasion  demand,  he  will  express  himself  honestly 
and  fearlessly.  The  Convention  advised  that  each 
county  enter  upon  the  prescribed  form  for  obtaining 
supervisors  of  the  election.  This  is  well  and  wise.  Let 
us  now  go  into  the  canvass  with  a  determination  to  win. 
If  we  do  our  duty  we  are  certain  of  the  victory,  and  the 
State  will  receive  the  benefit  of  Mr.  Perry's  services  in 
the  next  Congress. — Laurens  Herald. 

The  unanimous  nomination  for  Congress  of  ex-Gov 
ernor  B.  F.  Perry,  by  the  Democratic  Convention  of  the 
Fourth  Congressional  District,  derives  its  significance 
from  the  fact  that  this  is  the  only  one  of  the  Congressional 
Districts  which  will  likely  send  a  true  representative  of 
the  intelligence,  education  and  worth  of  the  State  to 
Congress.  We  rejoice,  then,  that  we  will  likely  have 
one  true  representative  from  South  Carolina  in  the 
National  councils,  who  will  raise  an  indignant  protest 
against  the  injustice  which  has  turned  over  the  white 
population  of  the  State  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the 
scalawag,  the  carpet-bagger  and  the  freedman. 

A  more  eligible  candidate  than  Governor  Perry,  or 
one  who  will  more  likely  draw  out  the  conservative 
strength,  could  not  have  been  selected.  Of  high  char 
acter,  large  experience,  distinguished  abilities,  and  a  con 
sistent  Union  record,  he  will  likely  sweep  the  District 
by  an  overwhelming  vote. — Abbeville  Press  and  Banner. 

At  the  convention  of  the  Fourth  Congressional  Dis 
trict,  held  in  Columbia  on  Monday,  9th  inst.,  the  Hon. 
B.  F.  Perry  was  unanimously  selected  as  the  Conserva 
tive  candidate  to  represent  the  people  of  the  District  in 
Congreas. 

We  feel  confident  that  no  man  could  have  been 
selected  who  would  be  more  acceptable  to  the  true  and 
honest  people  of  the  District  than  Major  Perry,  and  we 
have  no  doubt  of  his  election.  He  is  eminently  a  rep 
resentative  man,  and  will  honor  the  position  and  the 


210  EDITORIALS. 

people  he  represents.  His  pure,  moral  character, 
undoubted  abilities,  long  experience  as  a  statesman,  bold 
ness  and  persistency  in  defending  the  right  and  opposing 
the  wrong,  which  even  his  opponents  are  compelled  to 
acknowledge,  makes  him  a  power  of  strength  as  our 
standard  bearer,  and  a  terror  to  the  venal  and  corrupt 
usurper  who  opposes  him.  If  any  man  in  this  Con 
gressional  District  can  unite  the  votes  of  all  the  honest 
and  true  people,  that  man  is  Major  Perry. —  Union 
Times. 

The  New  York  World  penned  the  tribute  below  to 
Governor  Perry,  under  the  impression  that  he  had  been 
elected  to  a  seat  in  Congress  from  this  District,  and 
although  he  should  have  enjoyed  that  distinction,  he 
was  allowed  to  suffer  defeat  through  the  indifference  of 
the  white  voters  and  cheating  of  Radicals : 

'<  EX-GOVERNOR  PERRY. — The  returns  of  the  South 
Carolina  election  indicate  the  cheering  fact  that  ex-Gov 
ernor  Perry,  the  anti-Radical  nominee  for  Congress,  in 
the  Fourth  District,  is  elected.  The  Radical  majority 
in  this  District  at  the  last  Congressional  election  was 
3,304,  and  if  Mr.  Perry  be  really  successful  there  is 
double  reason  for  congratulation :  first,  that  we  are  to 
have  for  the  first  time  since  1860  an  honest  man  and  a 
gentleman  in  Congress  from  South  Carolina ;  and  sec 
ond,  that  as  the  same  causes  operating  in  his  district 
must  have  been  at  work  in  the  others,  the  disintegration 
of  the  Radical  party  throughout  the  State  has  fairly 
begun.  So  long  as  it  stood  intact,  dominating  unfortu 
nate  South  Carolina  to  its  remotest  corner  with  an 
unbroken  negro  majority  of  30,000,  there  was  no  chance 
for  such  a  man  as  ex-Governor  Perry ;  and  yet  of  all 
men  he  should  have  represented  the  State,  and  could, 
in  representing  it,  have  been  most  acceptable  to  the 
North.  Alone,  with  we  believe  but  one  exception 
among  the  public  men  of  the  Palmetto  State,  he  with 
stood  secession,  and  it  is  yet  a  remembrance  in  many 


EDITORIALS.  211 

men's  minds  how  dauntlessly  he  championed  the  cause 
of  the  Union  at  a  time  when  that  sort  of  advocacy 
involved  not  alone  contumely  and  insult,  but  the  wrench 
ing  away  of  oneself  from  one's  own  people.  As  the 
Governor  would  rise  to  plead  even  in  extremis  against 
secession,  the  sneer  and  scowl  ran  round  the  chamber, 
and  more  than  once  upon  adjournment  of  the  conven 
tion's  daily  session  the  boys  and  riff-raff  of  the  galleries 
threw  fruit-rinds  and  nut-shells  and  other  refuse  on  the 
one  man  who  forbade  a  unanimous  secession.  On  the 
triumph  of  the  Union  cause  it  seems  as  if  this  man 
should  have  had  some  recognition  of  his  devotion,  but 
the  reconstruction  scheme  of  Congress  trampled  him 
down  in  the  mire  under  the  negro's  foot  as  remorse 
lessly  as  it  did  General  Wade  Hampton  and  Senator 
Chestnut.  It  is  only  by  ' rebel'  votes  that  South  Caro 
lina's  greatest  Unionist  seems  assured  a  seat  in  Congress 
to-day." 


GOV.  PERRY'S  ADDRESS 

TO  HIS  CONSTITUENCY. 


To  the  Democratic  and  Conservative  Voters  of  the  Fourth 
Congressional  District  of  South  Carolina,  comprising 
the  counties  of  York,  Chester,  Fairfield,  Union,  Spar- 
tanburg,  Lour  ens,  Greenville,  Pickens  and  Oconee. 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  : — I  desire  to  address  a  few  words 
to  you  on  the  result  of  the  late  Congressional  election. 
So  far  as  I  am  personally  concerned,  I  have  no  regrets 
to  express.  When  I  accepted  your  nomination,  which 
was  unsolicited  and  unexpected,  I  had  no  strong  hopes 
of  success,  knowing,  as  I  did,  that  the  Radical  party 
was  in  the  ascendancy,  and  would  not  scruple  at  any 
fraud  and  corruption  necessary  to  maintain  their  power 
in  the  Congressional  District.  My  health,  age  and  dis 
inclination  to  enter  public  life  again  would  have  been  a 
reasonable  justification  in  refusing  the  honor  you  con 
ferred  on  me.  But  I  thought  it  a  duty  every  good 
citizen  owed  his  country,  under  the  present  alarming 
condition  of  public  affairs,  to  accept  any  position  which 
might  be  assigned  him  by  the  people. 

The  canvass  through  which  I  have  just  passed  was  a 
very  short  one,  and  I  entered  it  actively  and  zealously. 
I  may  further  say,  that  it  was  both  pleasant  and  agree 
able,  and  I  enjoyed  it  exceedingly.  In  passing  through 
the  Congressional  District,  I  met  many  of  my  old 
and  valued  friends,  whom  I  had  not  seen  for  years, 
and  I  made  a  great  many  new  friends,  whom  I  shall 
ever  remember,  and  never  cease  to  value  whilst  life 
lasts.  Everywhere  my  reception  was  most  kind  and 

212 


ADDKESS.  213 

cordial,  and  fully  compensates  me  for  all  the  time  and 
trouble  of  the  canvass.  But  although  I  do  not  regret 
personally,  as  I  have  said,  our  disappointment,  yet,  as  a 
citizen  of  South  Carolina,  I  do  regret,  lament  and  de 
plore  the  success  of  the  Radical  party  throughout  the 
State,  in  the  recent  election  for  Congress  and  State 
officers.  It  seems  to  indicate  that  there  is  to  be  no 
change  in  the  present  corrupt,  oppressive  and  infamously 
rotten  State  Government,  or  hope  of  representation  for 
the  white  people  of  South  Carolina  in  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States.  Sixty  thousand  voters,  representing 
nearly  300,000  persons,  owning,  in  a  great  measure,  all 
the  property  of  the  State,  agricultural,  commercial  and 
manufacturing,  and  comprising  in  the  same  ratio  all  the 
intelligence,  education,  virtue  and  patriotism  of  the 
State,  are  without  the  semblance  of  representation  in  a 
government  purporting  to  be  republican. 

The  State  Government  has,  confessedly,  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  rogues,  swindlers  and  corrupt  men,  who 
have  openly  plundered  the  public  Treasury,  robbed  the 
people,  forged  State  bonds,  increased  the  indebtedness  of 
the  State  $27,000,000  in  four  years,  levied  and  collected 
intolerable  taxes,  and  enriched  themselves  by  the  most 
bare-faced  bribery  and  corruption,  as  well  as  by  arrant 
roguery  and  plunder.  And  yet  the  result  of  the  recent 
election  shows  that  these  rogues,  swindlers  and  robbers 
are  to  be  reinstated  in  authority  for  two  years  to  come, 
with  carte  blanche  to  rob,  steal  and  plunder  ad  libitum. 

It  is  sad  and  melancholy  to  think  that  the  honest, 
patriotic  and  virtuous  white  people  of  South  Carolina 
are  in  some  measure  responsible  for  this  horrible  and 
appalling  condition  of  public  affairs.  In  many  counties 
they  did  not  turn  out  to  vote  on  the  day  of  election. 
Can  human  weakness  and  human  apathy  exceed  this  ? 
The  negro,  carpet-baggers  and  scalawags  turned  out, 
almost  to  a  man.  Is  it  not  passing  strange  that  the 
stupid  negroes  should  feel  more  interest  and  manifest 
more  zeal  in  sustaining  a  corrupt,  rotten  government, 


214  ADDRESS   TO   HIS 

and  electing  to  office  rogues  and  scoundrels,  who  do  not 
benefit  him  in  the  least,  than  an  educated,  intelligent 
and  patriotic  gentleman  does  in  trying  to  overturn  such 
a  government  and  put  honest  men  in  office,  as  legisla 
tors,  governors,  senators,  judges,  etc.  ?  He  sees  the 
corruption,  feels  the  hand  of  the  oppressor,  and  bears 
the  crushing  burden  of  his  taxes,  and  yet  will  not  go 
from  his  house  to  vote  for  a  change  in  rulers  or  govern 
ment.  It  may  be  well  said,  there  is  no  accounting  for 
human  conduct. 

I  know  that  the  negroes  are  banded  together,  as  a 
race,  under  the  lead  of  vile  carpet-baggers  and  infamous 
scalawags,  who  would  as  quickly  sell  their  God  for 
thirty  pieces  of  silver  as  they  have  betrayed  their  race 
and  country  for  office,  promotion  and  the  hope  of  steal 
ing,  swindling  and  plundering.  But,  notwithstanding 
this  antagonism  to  the  white  people,  I  know  that  an 
influence  might  be  brought  to  bear  on  them  which  they 
could  not  resist,  if  the  property-holders  of  the  State 
were  so  disposed.  Chief  Justice  Chase  said  to  me  in 
1868,  that  we  need  not  apprehend  any  difficulty  in  con 
trolling  the  negro  vote  in  South  Carolina.  "  Brains 
and  property,"  said  he,  "  will  always  control  labor." 
I  replied  this  might  be,  if  it  were  not  for  the  carpet 
baggers.  He  said  the  carpet-baggers  would  soon  be 
come  identified  with  the  citizens  or  leave  the  country. 

But  the  carpet-bagger  in  South  Carolina,  instead  of 
leaving  the  country,  or  identifying  himself  with  the 
people,  has  become,  with  the  scalawag,  through  their 
influence  over  the  negro,  a  sort  of  aristocrat  or  autocrat 
and  tribune  of  the  colored  race.  Now,  we  must  get 
rid  of  these  autocrats  and  tribunes.  We  must  dethrone 
them  and  break  their  sceptre  by  destroying  their  in 
fluence  over  the  negro.  This  can  only  be  done  by 
teaching  the  negro  that  he  is  dependent  on  us,  and  not 
we  on  him. 

There  is  another  matter  which  I  wish  to  bring  to 
your  view  and  consideration.  Franklin  J.  Moses,  Gov- 


CONSTITUENCY.  215 

ernor  elect,  and  all  the  leading  members  elected  to  the 
Legislature,  with  the  State  officials,  declared  most 
solemnly  before  the  election  that  they  would  repudiate 
all  the  fraudulent  State  debt  and  forged  bonds,  and  re 
duce  the  taxes  levied  on  the  people.  You  may  be  con 
fiding  enough  to  believe  this.  I  do  not  believe  one 
word  of  it.  I  think  it  is  done  for  the  purpose  of  de 
ceiving  the  people,  and  levying  black  mail  on  the  bond 
holders.  Mark  what  I  tell  you.  The  bond -holders 
will  contribute  $200,000  or  $300,000,  and  bribe  the 
Governor  and  Legislature  to  pay  the  interest  on  the 
fraudulent  debt  and  forged  bonds. 

Already  Mr.  Gary  has  been  dismissed  from  the  State 
Auditorship  because  he  would  not  consent  to  order  the 
collection  of  taxes  for  this  purpose.  His  place  has  been 
filled  by  Governor  Scott  with  a  man  who  ought  to  be 
in  the  penitentiary  instead  of  a  high  and  honorable 
office.  Now,  what  is  to  be  done?  The  payment  of 
these  taxes  is  simple  robbery — nothing  more,  nothing 
less  My  advice  to  the  people  of  South  Carolina  is,  to 
refuse  positively  and  unanimously.  Let  us  pay  all 
taxes  necessary  to  defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  the 
Government,  but  not  a  cent  for  this  fraudulent  debt, 
either  principal  or  interest. 

I  will  mention  to  you  that  I  have  heard  of  great 
frauds  in  the  election.  It  is  said  that  hundreds  of 
North  Carolina  negroes,  at  work  on  the  Air-Line  Rail 
road,  who  had  not  been  in  the  State  twelve  months, 
voted  in  several  counties.  It  is  further  said  that  hun 
dreds  under  twenty-one  years  of  age  likewise  voted  all 
over  the  Congressional  District.  And  it  is  likewise 
rumored  that  gross  frauds  were  practised  at  several 
places  in  Laurens,  by  refusing  to  open  the  polls  at  the 
proper  time,  and  throwing  out  a  large  number  of 
Democratic  votes  at  Clinton.  These  matters  are  for 
future  investigation.  In  conclusion,  I  return  you,  who 
went  to  the  polls  and  voted,  my  most  grateful  thanks ; 
and  to  such  as  were  too  indifferent  to  turn  out  at  the 


216  ADDRESS. 

election,  I  can  only  say  that  I  hope  you  will  never  be 
so  apathetic  again. 


THE  ANCIENTS  AND  THE  MODERNS. 

A   COMPARISON. 

Lecture  before  the  CHERAW  LYCEUM,  South  Carolina,  June  2,  1876. 


GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  CHERAW  LYCEUM  : — In  ap 
pearing  before  you  this  evening,  I  feel  a  great  appre 
hension  of  disappointing  your  expectations.  My  life 
having  been  spent  at  the  bar  and  in  politics,  and  mak 
ing  no  pretensions  to  science  or  literature,  I  am  con 
scious  of  my  inability  to  give  you  a  lecture  worthy  of 
your  learning  and  the  reputation  of  your  Society. 

THE   LYCEUM. 

The  Lyceum  was  first  established  by  Aristotle,  in  the 
shady  groves  of  Illissis,  near  the  city  of  Athens.  There 
the  young  men  of  Greece  assembled  to  hear  the  stagarile 
discourse  on  Philosophy,  in  all  its  branches,  comprising 
Ethics,  Logic,  Politics,  Natural  History,  Astronomy 
and  Religion.  I  am  the  merest  smatterer  in  all  these 
branches  of  human  knowledge,  and  inferior  to  those 
whom  I  have  been  called  upon  to  lecture.  But  in  your 
kind  invitation  you  generously  extended  to  me  the 
privilege  of  selecting  the  subject  of  my  address.  You 
did  like  a  learned  judge  told  me,  was  his  habit  in  the 
circuit  of  sending  to  "  mine  host "  for  a  book  to  read. 
He  never  indicated  what  kind  of  book  he  wished. 
This  he  left  entirely  to  the  selection  of  his  host,  whilst 
he  amused  himself  by  seeing  what  kind  of  book  was 
sent. 

Let  me  first  congratulate  you,  gentlemen,  on  the  suc- 
217 


218  LECTURE. 

cess  of  your  Lyceum.  You  have  already  celebrated  it& 
twentieth  anniversary.  This  speaks  well  for  your  liter 
ary  taste,  sociability,  and  love  of  learning.  It  would 
be  well  if  your  pratseworthy  example  were  followed  in 
all  the  towns  and  villages  of  the  State.  It  would  do 
much  to  improve  and  elevate  the  tone  of  our  literature 
and  sociability,  as  fellow-citizens  of  a  once  proud  and 
noble  commonwealth.  Society  in  South  Carolina  has 
been  greatly  demoralized  since  our  reconstruction  as  a 
State,  under  the  degrading,  oppressive,  and  unconstitu 
tional  legislation  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 
But  I  do  not  despair  of  the  restoration  of  the  ancient 
honor  and  proud  fame  of  the  old  Palmetto  State. 
Literary  clubs  and  the  interchange  of  lectures  will 
greatly  promote  this  most  desirable  result.  Men  are 
bolder,  more  improving,  and  more  aggressive  when 
united  than  when  acting  separately. 

THE   ANCIENTS    AND    MODERNS. 

The  subject  of  my  lecture  this  evening,  gentlemen,, 
will  be  a  comparison  between  "  The  Ancients  and  the 
Moderns,"  in  literature,  science,  and  the  aesthetic  arts  ; 
religion,  philosophy,  government,  and  useful  improve 
ments,  manners  and  customs.  In  selecting  so  wide  a 
range  for  my  discourse,  I  must  necessarily  be  brief  in 
all  my  comparisons,  and  my  lecture  will  hence  be  most 
imperfect.  It  would  require  volumes  instead  of  a  lec 
ture,  to  do  justice  to  this  great  subject.  Moreover,  it 
would  require  vastly  more  of  learning  and  research 
than  I  possess  to  handle  the  subject  properly.  But 
whilst  a  general  outline  is  much  easier,  and  requires  less 
learning  than  a  full  and  minute  comparison,  it  may 
likewise  be  more  interesting  to  my  hearers. 

What  is  "  ancient "  and  what  is  "  modern  "  might  be 
an  embarrassing  division,  if  we  accepted  the  new  theory 
of  evolution  and  progressive  development,  which  teaches 
that  this  world  has  existed  for  countless  millions  of 
ages,  and  that  man  is  the  descendant  of  the  monkey, 


LECTURE.  219 

and  the  monkey  again  the  descendant,  through  many 
changes,  of  a  still  inferior  species  of  creation.  But  I 
will  not  dive  into  this  strange  and  dark  mystery,  pro 
mulgated  by  these  modern  scientists,  for  my  divisions 
between  the  ancients  and  the  moderns.  I  prefer  the 
historical  classification,  which  sets  down  Egypt,  Africa, 
Greece,  Rome,  Persia,  China  and  Hindoostan  as  an 
cients,  and  the  present  kingdoms  of  Europe  and  the 
Republics  of  America  as  modern. 

The  existence  of  man  on  this  earth  I  will  not  under 
take  to  solve.  Whether  he  has  been  here  six  thousand 
years,  or  six  hundred  thousand,  I  will  not  pretend  to 
say.  But  geneological  history,  which  cannot  lie,  teaches 
us  that  this  earth  has  existed  centuries  beyond  our  his 
torical  era,  and  that  birds  and  animals  did  then  exist  on 
the  earth.  Their  foot-prints  are  still  visible. 

HUMAN   NATURE   THE   SAME   IN   ALL   AGES. 

History  teaches  us  that  man,  so  far  back  as  we  can 
trace  him,  in  ancient  times,  has  been  the  same  creature 
that  he  is  now,  in  shape  and  form,  as  well  as  in  intellect 
and  passions.  War,  religion  and  love  have  been  his 
grand  characteristics  in  all  ages  and  countries,  whether 
savage  or  civilized.  In  this  respect  there  is  no  differ 
ence  between  the  ancients  ahd  moderns,  or  between 
civilization  and  barbarism.  /jBjghting,  praying,  and 
making  love,  have  gone  on  and  will  go  on  to  the  end  of 
man's  existence,  unless  the  theory  of  gradual  develop 
ment  is  true,  and  he  becomes,  in  the  course  of  time,  a 
higher  and  better  order  of  being,  more  noble  and  more 
wise,  less  revengeful  and  less  excitable.  It  is  remark 
able  that  notwithstanding  Christianity  and  the  higher 
civilization  of  modern  times,  man's  passion  for  war  has 
not  subsided.  The  religion  of  Christ  teaches  peace  and 
good  will  on  earth  to  all  mankind.  Almost  all  the 
civilized  nations  of  modern  times  have  adopted  the  holy 
faith  and  precepts  of  Christianity,  and  yet  they  seem  as 
eager  to  go  to  war  and  destroy  each  other  as  the  heathen 


220  LECTURE. 

and  barbarian  did  in  the  remotest  antiquity.  How  is 
this  to  be  accounted  for,  except  on  the  ground  that 
man's  nature  is  the  same  that  it  always  has  been,  as 
well  as  his  shape  and  form  of  being  ?  Neither  Chris 
tianity  nor  a  higher  order  of  civilization  has  been  able 
to  alter  or  change  it. 

But  although  human  nature  is  and  always  has  been 
the  same,  yet  there  are  no  two  persons,  in  the  countless 
millions  who  have  lived  on  this  globe,  who  were  ex 
actly  alike,  mentally,  morally  and  physically.  There 
are  shades  and  marked  differences  between  them.  And 
so  it  has  been  with  the  nations  of  the  earth.  The  Ro 
mans,  Grecians,  Egyptians  and  Persians  were  very  un 
like  in  many  of  their  national  traits  of  character.  So, 
too,  with  the  modern  nations  of  Europe,  Asia,  Africa 
and  America.  There  are  noticeable  traits  of  distinction 
between  the  French  and  English,  between  the  Germans 
and  Russians,  and  between  the  Italians  and  Spaniards. 

RELIGION. 

In  my  comparison  between  the  ancient  and  modern 
civilized  nations  of  the  earth,  I  shall  begin  with  their 
religion,  which  is  the  first  marked  and  most  important 
characteristic  of  the  two  periods.  There  is  no  people, 
however  debased  and  ignorant  they  may  be,  without 
religion  of  some  kind.  It  seems  to  be  an  instinct  of  the 
human  heart,  and  a  part  of  our  nature,  like  that  of 
hunger,  thirst,  or  any  other  desire.  The  Rationalists  of 
the  French  Revolution  attempted  to  abolish  all  religion. 
They  might  as  well  have  attempted  to  abolish,  by  an 
edict,  human  nature  itself!  Bonaparte  was  wiser  than 
all  the  rational  philosophy  of  France,  and  knowing  that 
no  people  could  exist  without  religion,  he  made  haste  to 
restore  the  ancient  religious  faith  of  the  French  nation. 

The  religion  of  the  ancient  Egyptians,  Grecians, 
Romans,  Carthagenians,  and  all  the  Eastern  nations,  was 
gross,  demoralizing,  and  most  absurd.  Their  gods  and 
goddesses,  whom  they  most  devoutly  worshiped,  were 


LECTURE.  221 

represented  as  deceitful,  cruel,  lustful,  and  full  of  the 
basest  passions  of  human  nature.  The  greatest  and  best 
of  them  were  drawn  from  the  characters  of  men  and 
women,  and  very  bad  men  and  women  too !  No  nation 
of  antiquity  seems  to  have  had  any  clear  and  distinct 
idea  or  belief  of  a  future  state,  or  the  immortality  of 
the  soul.  Even  the  Hebrews,  who  worshiped  the  true 
and  living  God,  the  great  Creator  of  Heaven  and  Earth, 
and  all  that  composes  this  world,  were  blind  as  to  the 
future,  and  did  not  look  clearly  and  distinctly  beyond 
this  life.  Their  rewards  and  punishments  were  of  this 
world.  Socrates,  it  is  true,  taught  the  Athenians  the 
immortality  of  the  soul,  and  was  executed  for  his  impiety ! 
His  argument  on  this  subject,  as  given  by  Plato  in  his 
Phsedo,  though  celebrated,  must  appear  to  the  Christian 
believer  as  feeble  and  inconclusive.  Amongst  the 
Romans,  Cicero  and  Ca3sar  expressed  some  doubts 
whether  there  might  not  be  a  future  state.  The  trans 
migration  of  souls,  absurd  as  it  is,  was  a  much  more  gen 
eral  belief  with  the  ancients.  There  was  something  in 
the  human  heart  which  told  them  that  there  ought  to  be 
some  punishment  hereafter  for  the  wicked  who  pros 
pered  in  this  life. 

In  regard  to  religion,  how  infinitely  superior  are  the 
modern  Christian  nations  of  Europe  and  America  to  the 
ancient  heathen  nations.  How  different  is  the  pure 
morality  and  teachings  of  Christ,  compared  with  the 
gross  superstition  of  the  Grecians  and  Romans,  who  were 
the  most  enlightened  of  all  the  ancients.  How  far  below 
Christianity  was  their  philosophy  and  morals.  How  so 
refined  and  intellectual  a  people  as  the  ancient  Grecians 
were,  could  have  tolerated  a  superstition  so  absurd,  is 
passing  strange.  But  the  early  teachings  of  childhood 
and  constant  practice  may  make  the  human  mind  believe 
anything.  The  Turk  and  the  Arab  believe  as  firmly  in  the 
Koran,  as  the  Christian  does  in  the  Bible.  The  Hindoo 
and  the  African  are  as  sincere  in  their  belief  of  Buddhism 


222  LECTURE. 

and  Fetticism  as  any  worshipers  are  in  their  belief  of 
Christianity. 

SCULPTURE. 

In  all  the  aesthetic  arts,  the  ancient  Hellenes  or 
Grecians  were  greatly  superior  to  any  modern  nation. 
They  had  more  genius,  more  taste,  and  a  greater  love  of 
the  beautiful  in  nature.  Modern  sculpture,  with  all  the 
influences  of  a  purer  religion  and  higher  civilization,  is 
not  equal  to  the  divine  statuary  of  Phidias,  Praxitiles 
and  Cleomanes.  The  Olympian  Jupiter,  and  the  Athena 
or  Minerva  of  Phidias  surpassed  all  statues  of  ancient  or 
modern  art  in  grace,  beauty,  purity  and  grandeur.  The 
latter  was  carved  in  gold  and  ivory.  The  statue  of  the 
Cuidion  Aphrodite  or  Venus  by  Praxitiles,  was  never 
equaled  in  representing  the  softer  beauties  of  the  human 
form,  and  was  a  masterpiece  of  the  sensual  charms. 
The  statue  of  Venus  de  Medici  was  the  work  of  Cleo- 
menes,  at  a  later  period  of  Grecian  history.  This  great 
work  of  genius,  so  celebrated  for  its  beauty  and  sym 
metry  in  marble,  has  come  down  to  modern  times,  and 
speaks  for  itself.  But  the  Olympian  Jupiter,  and 
Athena  of  Phidias  are  lost,  as  well  as  the  Aphrodite  of 
Praxitiles.  But  some  of  their  sculpture  has  been  preserved, 
and  enough  to  show  their  wonderful  genius. 

PAINTING. 

In  painting,  the  Grecian  Appelles  stands  unrivalled  in 
history  as  an  artist.  His  magnificent  representation  of 
Venus  rising  from  the  foam  of  the  sea,  was  the 
admiration  of  both  the  Grecian  and  Roman  world.  It 
came  into  the  possession  of  Augustus  Ca3sar,  and  was 
destroyed  by  time  and  exposure.  His  likeness  of  Alex 
ander  the  Great,  holding  a  thunderbolt  in  his  hand,  sold 
for  two  hundred  thousand  dollars.  The  Romans  seemed 
to  have  been  deficient  in  this  beautiful  art,  and  produced 
no  great  painter. 


LECTURE.  223 

POETRY. 

In  poetry,  the  Grecians  again  are  fairly  entitled  to 
superiority  over  the  moderns.  Homer  stands  prominent 
as  an  epic  poet.  Neither  Virgil,  Milton,  nor  Dante  can 
approach  him  in  grandeur  and  sublimity.  His  existence 
is  a  myth,  and  his  poems  a  learned  prodigy.  He  is 
supposed  to  have  lived  eight  hundred  or  a  thousand 
years  before  the  birth  of  Christ.  There  is  a  doubt  with 
some  learned  antiquarians  whether  the  Grecians  had 
even  a  written  language  during  the  Homeric  era.  And 
yet  his  language  is  artistic,  beautiful  and  perfect.  It  is 
wonderful  that  the  Illiad  and  Odyssey  should  have  been 
the  production  of  so  remote  a  period,  and  of  a  people  so 
uncultivated  as  the  Grecians  then  were.  It  proves  that 
poetical  genius  requires  no  adventitious  circumstances  to 
immortalize  itself.  This  was  shown  again  in  modern 
times  by  the  Ayrshire  ploughman.  All  the  mighty 
geniuses  who  have  succeeded  Homer  through  the  highest 
civilization  and  the  most  polished  and  refined  ages  for 
three  thousand  years,  have  never  been  able  to  equal  him 
in  an  epic  or  heroic  poem.  No  one  who  reads  Homer 
in  English  can  form  a  just  idea  of  his  versification  and 
the  beauty  and  grandeur  of  his  thoughts.  The  fire  and 
sublimity  of  his  genius  are  lost  in  a  translation. 

THE    DRAMA. 

The  drama,  too,  was  carried  to  its  highest  perfection 
in  Athens,  four  or  five  hundred  years  after  Homer,  by 
^Eschylus,  Sophocles,  and  Euripides.  No  dramatic  poets 
of  modern  times  have  ever  surpassed  them.  Shakespeare, 
Corneille  and  Racine  may  be  compared  to  them,  but  in 
the  artistic  perfection  of  the  drama  were  not  their  equals. 
But,  as  the  great  master  of  human  nature  and  human 
passions,  Shakespeare  was  greatly  their  superior.  No 
poet  has  ever  equaled  him  in  that  line.  His  dramas 
and  the  Bible  are  the  best  books  anyone  can  read. 

It  is  remarkable  that  although  the  Grecians  brought 


224  LECTURE. 

the  drama  to  perfection  so  far  as  language  and  artistic 
skill  were  concerned,  yet  they  never  thought  of  intro 
ducing  female  actresses  on  the  stage.  This  great  im 
provement  of  the  theatre  was  not  made  by  the  moderns 
till  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Second  of  England.  Whilst 
bearded  men  were  performing  the  parts  of  queens,  prin 
cesses  and  ladies,  just  after  the  marriage  of  Charles  to 
Catharine  of  Braganza,  a  good  theatrical  joke  is  told, 
which  may  have  suggested  the  change.  The  Portugal 
princess  brought  with  her  to  England  a  long  train  of 
attendants,  and  amongst  them  one  who  was  styled  "  the 
Queen's  Barber."  What  his  specialty  was,  excited 
some  curiosity  amongst  the  gay  courtiers.  One  night 
at  the  theatre  there  was  a  great  delay  in  the  commence 
ment  of  the  performance.  The  audieace  became  impa 
tient  and  made  strong  demonstrations.  A  manager 
came  forward  and  begged  them  to  be  patient  as  the 
delay  was  occasioned  by  having  to  shave  the  queen 
before  she  would  make  her  appearance  on  the  boards. 

By  the  introduction  of  females  on  the  stage  the 
moderns  have  achieved  a  great  advantage  over  the 
ancients.  In  fact,  this  now  gives  the  theatre  its  greatest 
attraction.  How  repugnant  to  our  feelings  would  it  be 
to  see  the  parts  of  Juliet  and  Ophelia  acted  by  the  male 
sex.  It  would  in  a  great  measure  destroy  our  interest 
in  those  plays. 

ORATORS. 

In  oratory,  the  ancients  had  Demosthenes  and  Cicero, 
who  have  never  been  equaled  by  the  moderns.  It  is 
needless  to  say  that  the  orations  of  Demosthenes  are 
perfect  in  the  original.  They  are  susceptible  of  no  im 
provement  in  language,  reasoning  or  eloquence.  Ed 
mund  Burke's  speeches  are  more  brilliant  and  Chatham's 
more  ostentatious,  but  they  both  lack  the  beauty,  sim 
plicity,  and  power  of  Demosthenes.  Sir  James  Mackin 
tosh  has  said  that  Charles  James  Fox  "  was  the  most 
Demosthenean  speaker  since  Demosthenes.  He  certainly 


LECTURE.  225 

possessed  above  all  moderns  that  union  of  reason,  sim 
plicity  and  vehemence  which  formed  the  prince  of 
orators."  Cicero  was  a  very  different  orator  from  De 
mosthenes,  as  different  as  the  Romans  were  from  the 
Grecians.  Demosthenes  was  purely  intellectual,  whilst 
Cicero  was  beautiful  and  ornate.  The  mind  of  the  one 
was  full  of  genius,  and  that  of  the  other  filled  with 
learning  and  philosophy.  Mr.  Calhoun  was  an  illustra 
tion  of  the  Grecian,  and  Edward  Everett  of  the  Roman. 
Great  orators  must  have  great  occasions  to  call  forth 
their  eloquence.  These  occurrences  have  produced  them 
in  France,  England  and  America,  but  none  equal  to  De 
mosthenes  and  Cicero. 

HISTORIANS. 

In  the  department  of  History,  the  moderns  have  no 
wish  to  equal  Herodotus  and  Plutarch  in  interest  and 
beauty,  or  Thucydides  in  philosophical  terseness  and 
perfection  of  style.  Hume  and  Voltaire  may  approach 
in  some  measure  in  style,  and  Gibbon,  Robertson,  Ban 
croft,  Motley  and  Prescott,  may  equal  in  research  and 
accuracy,  but  they  are  all  still  inferior.  Grote's  history 
of  Greece  is  the  greatest  history  of  modern  times,  and 
deserves  to  have  been  written  by  a  Grecian  instead  of 
an  English  banker.  He  was  the  prince  of  Democrats, 
and  most  nobly  has  he  defended  the  Democracy  of 
Athens.  Xenophon,  Polybius,  Livy  and  Tacitus,  are 
histories  of  great  merit,  but  have  been  equaled  by  the 
moderns. 

MILITARY   HEROES. 

In  war,  the  heroic  courage  displayed  by  the  Grecians 
at  Thermopyla?,  Marathon,  Platse  and  Salamis,  cannot 
be  surpassed.  But  it  is  impossible  to  award  the  palm 
of  courage  to  ancients  or  moderns,  where  both  have 
shown,  in  thousands  of  battles,  the  highest  courage  of 
which  man  is  capable.  For  centuries  Alexander  the 
Great  and  Julius  Ca3sar  were  regarded  as  the  greatest 


226  LECTURE. 

generals  the  world  had  ever  produced.  In  the  eigh 
teenth  century,  the  French  Revolution  produced  a 
greater  than  either  of  them,  in  Napoleon  Bonaparte. 
Alexander  and  Csesar  conquered  half-civilized  and  effete 
nations.  Napoleon  subdued,  with  greatly  inferior  forces, 
the  most  civilized  and  warlike  kingdoms  and  empires 
.of  Europe.  He  was  still  greater  in  statesmanship  than 
either  the  Grecian  or  Roman.  It  is  hard  to  believe 
that  a  greater  intellect  than  Napoleon  Bonaparte's  was 
ever  embodied  in  man.  But  his  character  was  alto 
gether  imperfect.  He  was  not  only  selfish  and  ambi 
tious,  but  he  regarded  nothing  in  morals,  religion,  or 
justice,  which  stood  in  the  way  of  his  success.  How 
totally  different,  in  this  respect,  were  Washington, 
William,  Prince  of  Orange,  and  General  Lee  of  the  Con 
federate  army.  In  all  history,  ancient  or  modern,  three 
nobler  characters  cannot  be  produced.  They  were  grand 
in  all  the  moral,  intellectual  and  patriotic  elements  of 
greatness,  as  well  as  in  the  science  of  war. 

PHYSICAL   SCIENCE. 

In  Physical  Science  and  the  mechanical  arts,  the 
moderns  are  greatly  superior  to  the  ancients.  The  Gre 
cians,  Romans,  Egyptians  and  all  the  nations  of  anti 
quity  were  totally  ignorant  of  the  true  planetary  system. 
They  believed  that  the  earth  stood  in  the  centre  of  the 
world,  and  that  the  sun  and  planets  revolved  around  it. 
This  belief  was  universal  till  the  fifteenth  century, 
when  Copernicus  first  promulgated  the  true  theory, 
that  the  sun  was  in  the  centre  of  our  system ;  that  the 
earth,  revolving  on  its  axis  daily,  went  round  the  sun 
once  in  twelve  months.  This  theory  was  so  startling, 
that  even  in  the  next  century,  Gallileo  was  arraigned 
before  the  Pontifical  authorities  in  Rome  for  teaching 
it,  and  made  to  swear  on  his  bended  knees  that  he 
would  no  more  promulgate  such  heretical  doctrines. 
But  on  rising  up,  he  could  not  resist  saying  in  an  under 
tone,  "  E  pur  si  muore" — it  moves  for  all  that. 


LECTURE.  227 

The  telescope  is  a  modern  invention,  and  was  wholly 
unknown  to  the  ancient  astronomers.  The  Chaldeans, 
Egyptians,  Assyrians  and  all  the  Eastern  nations  were 
very  much  given  to  the  study  of  astronomy,  and  observ 
ing  all  the  signs  of  the  heavens.  They  slept  on  the  tops 
of  their  houses  and  contemplated  the  stars.  They  stud 
ied  the  course  of  the  planets  and  gave  them  names. 
But  what  progress  could  the  wisest  of  them  make  in 
this  sublime  science  without  the  modern  telescope? 
With  this  great  instrument  the  moderns  have  discov 
ered  new  planets  and  even  told  where  planets  should 
be  before  they  were  seen.  We  now  know  certainly 
that  the  fixed  stars,  which  the  ancients  regarded  as  very 
small  bodies  compared  to  the  sun  and  moon,  are  larger 
than  the  sun,  and  are  illuminating  other  worlds,  as  our 
sun  illuminates  this  world.  The  comets,  whose  appear 
ance  filled  the  ancients  with  awe  and  great  terror,  are 
now  well  understood  and  their  returns  calculated  with 
certainty.  By  means  of  the  spectroscope,  another  won 
derful  invention  of  recent  time,  we  are  enabled  to  tell 
the  substances  of  all  the  heavenly  bodies  by  their  light. 
The  sun,  instead  of  being  a  flame  or  gaseous  light,  is 
found  to  be  a  substance  not  very  dissimilar  to  the  earth. 

PHILOSOPHY. 

In  philosophy  or  metaphysics,  as  distinct  from 
science,  the  Grecians  were  far  ahead  of  all  their  cotem- 
poraries.  Their  most  illustrious  names  adorn  this 
branch  of  human  learning.  Socrates,  Plato  and  Aris 
totle,  besides  a  host  of  others,  were  teachers  of  philoso 
phy  and  morals  at  Athens.  But  how  inferior  were  they 
all  to  the  moderns  in  morals.  In  this  respect,  Christianity 
has  given  the  moderns  their  great  superiority  over  the 
ancient  heathens.  Socrates,  who  taught  the  immor 
tality  of  the  soul,  laid  down  rules  for  the  successful 
seduction  of  women.  Aristotle,  the  greatest  intellect  of 
antiquity,  inculcated  the  doctrine  that  it  was  right  to 
practice  infanticide  where  the  parents  were  poor  and 


228  LECTURE. 

unable  to  support  their  offspring.  Plato,  in  his  Repub 
lic,  boldly  proclaims  a  community  of  wives  as  a  funda 
mental  law  of  the  state.  The  bare  mention  of  such  doc 
trines  which  were  prevalent  in  Greece  and  Rome,  the 
most  highly  cultivated  and  intellectual  of  the  ancients, 
must  shock  modern  humanity  and  refinement.  In 
Sparta,  the  public  authorities  took  charge  of  the  unna 
tural  and  horrible  crime  of  infanticide,  and  relieved  the 
parents  of  murdering  their  own  children  by  doing  it 
themselves.  Where  there  was  any  parental  feeling  left, 
the  infant  was  exposed  under  the  hope  that  the  sight  of 
it  perishing  might  appeal  to  an  emotion  in  the  breast  of 
a  stranger  which  was  lost  in  the  parent. 

How  much  better  would  it  have  been  for  the  legis 
lators  of  Greece  and  Rome  to  have  enacted  the  Turkish 
law  which  requires  the  parties  to  show  that  they  are 
able  to  support  their  offspring  before  they  are  allowed 
to  marry.  Indeed  there  is  great  wisdom  and  humanity 
in  such  a  law,  and  it  would  prevent  untold  misery  and 
wretchedness.  No  doubt  it  would  be  a  very  unpopular 
one  with  the  thoughtless  and  reckless  young  men  and 
women  everywhere. 

NAVIGATION. 

The  mariner's  compass  was  unknown  to  the  Grecians, 
Romans,  Carthagenians  and  Phoenicians,  who  were  the 
most  enterprising  and  successful  navigators  of  the  ocean. 
Their  voyages  were  short,  and  pretty  much  confined  to 
the  Mediterranean  and  Red  Seas  and  the  wastes  of 
Europe  and  Africa.  Herodotus,  however,  mentions  a 
voyage  around  the  whole  continent  of  Africa  which  did 
not  gain  credence.  These  navigators  stated  one  fact 
which  proves  that  their  voyage  may  have  been  made, 
and  which  satisfied  the  Grecians  that  the  whole  story 
was  a  fable.  They  said  they  sailed  till  the  sun  appeared 
in  the  north !  This,  of  course,  was  the  case  as  soon  as 
they  crossed  the  line.  When  the  magnetic  needle  was 
first  used  is  unknown  to  the  world.  The  honor  has 


LECTURE.  229 

been  claimed  for  Floria  Groja  about  the  beginning  of  the 
fourteenth  century.  But  it  is  certain  that  something  of 
the  kind  was  known  to  the  Chinese  long  anterior  to  that 
period.  Although  the  properties  and  uses  of  the  mag 
net  have  been  known  for  centuries  throughout  the  civ 
ilized  world,  its  attraction,  like  gravitation,  is  still  a 
mystery,  and  perhaps  will  remain  so  forever. 

LITERATURE. 

The  ancients  had  great  difficulties  to  encounter  and 
overcome  in  literature.  Their  books  were  all  copied 
with  a  pen.  The  art  of  printing  was  unknown  to  them. 
It  is  most  remarkable  that  this  great  invention,  and  so 
necessary  to  a  literary  people,  should  not  have  been 
made  by  the  Grecians  and  Romans.  That  a  people  so 
full  of  genius  and  intellect,  so  distinguished  for  their 
invention  and  love  of  the  fine  arts  as  the  Athenians  were, 
should  have  failed  to  make  this  discovery,  is  indeed 
most  wonderful  and  unaccountable.  Seals  and  signets 
and  stamps  were  not  only  in  use  amongst  the  Grecians 
and  Romans,  but  amongst  the  Assyrians,  Egyptians  and 
Hebrews.  Even  their  bricks  were  impressed  with  char 
acters  stamped  in  the  clay,  and  yet  they  never  thought 
of  copying  these  characters.  It  would  seem  that  the 
labor  and  expense  of  copying  so  many  books  as  were 
then  in  use,  would  have  insured  the  invention  of  print 
ing  by  movable  type.  Necessity,  it  is  said,  is  the 
mother  of  invention.  When  the  Southern  planters 
began  to  grow  cotton,  their  first  thought  was  to  invent 
some  machinery  for  separating  the  seed  from  the  lint, 
without  this,  cotton  was  of  little  value.  Mrs.  General 
Green  suggested  to  Mr.  Forsyth,  of  Georgia,  who  was 
on  a  visit  to  her,  and  was  lamenting  the  difficulty  of 
getting  the  cotton-lint  separated  from  the  seed,  that 
there  was  in  her  house  a  very  ingenious  young  man,  who 
could  perhaps  invent  some  machine  for  that  purpose. 
Whitney  was  called,  and  he  immediately  set  to  work 
and  made  the  cotton-gin. 


230  LECTURE. 

The  Chinese,  from  their  earliest  history,  did  print 
books  on  engraved  blocks,  but  it  was  reserved  for  the 
fifteenth  century  to  make  this  most  important  invention 
of  printing  with  movable  type.  Coster,  a  citizen  of 
Haarlem,  in  Holland,  first  used  movable  type  made  of 
wood,  tin  and  lead,  in  1423.  Faust,  in  1450,  used 
metallic  type,  cast  in  plaster  moulds.  The  libraries  of 
the  ancients,  when  all  their  books  had  to  be  copied  with 
a  pen,  must  have  been  very  limited.  This  is  pretty 
well  proven  by  the  private  libraries  found  in  the  ruins 
of  Pompeii  and  Herculaneum.  The  expense  and  labor 
of  copying  books  before  printing  was  discovered,  may 
have  had  the  good  effect  of  preventing  so  many  trifling 
works  being  thrown  on  the  public,  as  the  moderns  have 
every  month,  week  and  day  in  the  year. 

The  ancients  did  not  have  that  pleasure  which  the 
moderns  enjoy  so  much,  of  reading  the  daily  newspapers 
every  morning  containing  the  stirring  events  of  the  pre 
ceding  day  all  over  the  world.  The  Romans  had  a  sort 
of  substitute  for  our  newspapers  in  their  acta  diurna, 
which  were  daily  written  reports  of  public  occurrences. 
The  English  had,  during  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth 
€enturies,  something  of  the  kind,  in  written  "  News  Lejt- 
ters,"  ballads  and  pamphlets,  furnished  the  court  and 
aristocracy.  But  the  first  printed  newspaper  was  pub 
lished  in  Germany  in  1662.  There  was  one  published 
in  Italy  about  the  same  time.  Who  can  estimate  the 
thousands  now  published  all  over  the  world,  or  the  enjoy 
ment  they  afford  the  reading  community  in  every  civil 
ized  nation?  The  newspaper  in  modern  times,  by 
making  information  general,  has  destroyed,  in  a  great 
measure,  the  power  and  influence  of  the  ancient  orator, 
in  swaying  for  good  or  evil,  the  masses  of  his  fellow- 
citizens. 

INVENTIONS   AND   DISCOVERIES. 

It  is  likewise  surprising  that  the  utilization  of  steam 
was  not  discovered  by  the  ancients.  The  power  of 


LECTURE.  231 

steam  must  have  been  known  to  them ;  they  saw  it  in 
boiling  their  daily  food,  but  they  never  attempted  to  use 
it  in  any  way.  This  was  not  done  by  the  moderns  with 
all  their  science  and  learning  till  the  eighteenth  cen 
tury.  The  application  of  steam  to  navigation,  rail 
roads  and  the  mechanic  arts,  has  revolutionized  the 
world  in  commerce,  travelling  and  machinery.  Our 
advantages  over  the  ancients  in  this  respect  cannot  be 
over-estimated  ;  it  enables  us  to  go  around  this  globe  in 
eighty-five  days.  The  commerce  of  the  most  distant 
nations  can  now  be  exchanged  in  a  few  weeks.  The 
successful  application  of  steam  to  navigation  is  due  to 
an  American,  Robert  Fulton,  and  the  first  railway  pro 
jected  in  the  world  to  be  exclusively  run  by  the  steam 
engine  was  the  Charleston  and  Hamburg  railroad ; 
when  finished  it  was  also  the  longest  railway  in  the 
world. 

That  the  Grecians  and  Romans  should  not  have  in 
vented  the  electric  telegraph  as  a  means  of  communi 
cation  is  not  so  remarkable.  The  wonder  is  that  it 
should  ever  have  been  invented  at  all.  It  would  seem 
an  impossibility  for  a  circumstance  happening  in  Lon 
don  to  be  transmitted  across  the  Atlantic  ocean  in  a  few 
minutes  and  be  known  all  over  the  world  in  a  few 
hours.  The  consequence  is,  that  the  whole  civilized  world 
is  made,  as  it  were,  one  community.  This,  too,  is  an 
invention  perfected  by  an  American,  Samuel  Finley 
Breese  Morse.  It  is  certainly  the  most  extraordinary 
invention  that  has  ever  been  made,  and  the  inventor 
has  been  honored  and  rewarded  by  every  kingdom  and 
empire  in  Europe.  Franklin,  another  American  citizen, 
had  previously  immortalized  his  name  by  drawing 
lightning  from  the  clouds  and  making  its  properties 
familiar  to  science. 

Gunpowder  was  unknown  to  the  Grecians  and 
Romans.  The  Hindoos  are  said  to  have  used  it  in  bat 
tle  at  a  very  early  period,  and  by  means  of  it  to  have 
repulsed  Alexander  the  Great,  but  this  is  somewhat 


232  LECTURE. 

doubtful.  The  composition  of  gunpowder  was  first 
made  known  by  Roger  Bacon  in  1270.  He  says,  char 
coal,  sulphur  and  saltpetre  when  mixed  and  well  pounded 
will  produce  an  explosion,  and  was  used  for  the  amuse 
ment  of  children.  But  not  till  the  fourteenth  century 
was  its  uses  as  a  powerful  destructive  in  war  generally 
made  known.  It  may  be  a  question  whether  it  has  not 
preserved  more  lives  in  battle  than  it  has  destroyed; 
certainly  more  combatants  were  killed  in  battle  in 
ancient  than  in  modern  times,  in  proportion  to  the  num 
bers  engaged.  The  warriors  in  ancient  times  met  in 
close  combat  and  retreat  was  very  difficult.  In  conse 
quence  of  the  use  of  cannons  and  small  fire-arms  the 
moderns  are  enabled  to  fight  at  a  more  respectful  dis 
tance  and  can  retreat  when  beaten.  With  the  Grecians 
and  Romans,  and  all  ancient  nations,  physical  strength 
had  a  great  deal  to  do  in  gaining  the  victory ;  fire-arms 
put  all  upon  an  equality. 

MEDICINE. 

In  the  science  of  medicine  the  ancients  were  far  be 
hind  the  moderns,  although  they  produced  Hypocrates, 
Galen  and  Celsus,  and  made  the  healing  art  a  science. 
Before  their  time  medicine  and  superstition  were  united, 
and  heathen  priests  were  the  doctors.  During  the  dark 
ages,  the  Christian  priest  once  more  became  a  doctor, 
and  professed  to  cure  the  body  as  well  as  the  soul.  At 
the  same  time  the  village  barber  was  also  the  village 
surgeon.  But  the  discoveries  which  have  been  made  in 
medicine  and  its  cognate  sciences  with  the  study  of 
anatomy,  which  was  neglected  by  the  Grecians  and 
Romans,  and  the  discovery  of  the  circulation  of  the 
blood  in  the  human  system,  have  placed  the  modern 
practitioners  immeasurably  beyond  the  ancients.  It  is 
said  that  Aristotle  came  very  near  discovering  the  cir 
culation  of  the  blood,  but  it  was  left  to  be  made  two 
thousand  years  afterwards  by  an  Englishman,  Harvey. 


LECTURE.  233 

AGRICULTURE. 

The  Romans  seem  to  have  paid  more  attention  to 
agriculture  than  any  of  the  ancient  nations.  They  de 
voted  themselves  to  war  and  agriculture,  whilst  the 
Grecians  paid  more  attention  to  architecture  and  com 
merce.  Attica  was  a  land  of  cities,  towns,  villages, 
houses,  temples,  monuments  and  statuary.  The  lands 
of  the  Romans  were  divided  into  very  small  farms. 
They  were  well  manured,  well  cultivated,  and  very 
productive.  Their  great  men,  their  generals  and  states 
men  in  the  days  of  the  Republic,  were  all  farmers. 
Commerce  they  seemed  to  spurn  as  beneath  the  dignity 
of  a  Roman  gentleman.  Composting,  and  draining 
and  irrigating  were  well  understood  and  practised. 
They  wrote  a  great  deal  on  agriculture,  and  the  works 
of  Cato ,  Varro,  Virgil,  Colamello,  Pliny  and  others 
have  come  down  to  modern  times.  The  Egyptians, 
too,  must  have  been  good  agriculturists,  or  they  could 
not  have  supported  their  very  dense  population.  Greece 
derived  from  Egypt  her  knowledge  of  agriculture,  as 
she  did  almost  all  of  her  early  civilization.  The  lands 
of  Egypt  are  said  to  have  produced  a  hundred  fold, 
and  were  the  granary,  in  time  of  scarcity,  for  all  the 
neighboring  nations. 

But  the  moderns  are  far  ahead  of  the  ancients  in  this 
most  important  of  all  branches  of  human  industry. 
The  improvements  and  discoveries  in  science  and  the 
mechanical  arts  have  given  them  this  superiority.  All 
the  implements  of  husbandry  have  been  greatly  im 
proved,  and  labor-saving  machines  invented.  It  is  said 
the  Greeks  left  their  agriculture  in  the  hands  of  their 
slaves,  and  hence  it  did  not  flourish.  The  Romans,  in 
the  days  of  their  conquests,  pride  and  luxury,  committed 
the  same  error,  and  their  agriculture  began  to  decline. 
Would  it  not  be  well  for  the  Southern  people  to  profit 
by  their  experience. 


234  LECTURE. 

ARCHITECTURE. 

Iii  architecture  the  ancients  were  superior  to  the 
moderns  for  the  beauty,  simplicity  and  grandeur  of 
their  public  buildings.  The  Parthenon  of  Athens  and 
the  Pantheon  of  Rome  have  never  been  equaled  for 
their  pure  classic  taste.  For  grandeur  and  massiveness 
the  Pyramids  of  Egypt  are  still  the  wonder  and  ad 
miration  of  the  world,  after  an  existence  of  certainly 
more  than  four  or  five  thousand  years.  No  people  ever 
surpassed  the  Athenians  in  their  taste  for  architecture. 
There  seemed  to  be  something  in  their  climate  and  soil, 
as  well  as  in  their  race,  which  made  them  beautiful  and 
refined,  and  lovers  of  beauty  in  nature  and  art.  Their 
men  and  women  were  remarkable  for  their  form,  sym 
metry  and  spirituality.  They  were  the  models  of  their 
divine  statuary.  It  is  not  surprising  then  that  such  a 
people  should  have  been  pre-eminent  as  architects, 
builders  and  sculptors. 

MANNERS   AND    CUSTOMS. 

In  manners  and  customs  the  ancients  and  moderns 
differed  widely  in  many  respects.  We  think  we  are 
greatly  superior  to  them  in  this  respect,  and  no  doubt  if 
they  would  rise  up  and  be  in  existence  once  more  they 
would  be  horrified  at  such  an  expression.  There  is  per 
haps  no  correct  standard  for  judging  of  manners  and 
customs,  dress  and  fashions.  Every  people  in  their 
early  history  are  characterized  by  simplicity,  plain  living, 
rough  manners  and  homely  dress.  As  they  advance 
in  civilization  and  wealth  their  manners  become  more 
refined,  their  mode  of  living  more  luxurious,  and  their 
dress  more  costly.  It  was  so  in  Greece  and  Rome,  and 
has  been  the  same  in  England  and  America.  The 
Grecians  in  the  age  of  Pericles  were  as  different  from 
their  ancestors  in  the  time  of  Homer  and  Hesiod,  as  the 
English  now  are  from  the  painted  Britons  whom  Julius 
Caesar  conquered.  It  was  well  said  a  few  years  since  at 


LECTURE.  235 

the  annual  celebration  of  the  New  England  Society  in 
New  York,  that  if  their  plain  ancestors  could  rise  up 
and  see  the  present  fashions  and  luxuries  of  New  Eng 
land,  especially  of  the  ladies,  they  would  disown  them 
as  their  descendants. 

THE    LOVE   OF    DRESS. 

The  love  of  the  beautiful  and  graceful  in  dress, 
ornament  and  fashion,  amongst  the  Grecian  and  Roman 
ladies  in  the  days  of  their  wealth  and  refinement,  was 
not  national,  but  natural  to  the  sex  in  both  ancient  and 
modern  times.  There  is  no  people,  however  rude  and 
savage,  amongst  whom  this  feeling  may  not  be  discov 
ered.  Even  in  Africa,  where  there  is  no  dress  at  all,  the 
girls  have  their  faces,  arms  and  bodies  tatooed  to  make 
them  appear  beautiful.  This  passion  was  well  under 
stood  by  the  great  moralist  of  England  when  he  said,  a 
school  miss  was  just  as  proud  of  a  new  calico  dress  as 
the  greatest  orator  was,  after  making  an  eloquent  and 
successful  speech  before  an  applauding  senate. 

But  this  love  of  dress  is  not  confined  to  one  sex  alone. 
Aristotle,  whose  genius  pervaded  all  learning  and  sci 
ence  known  to  the  ancients,  and  whose  system  of  phil 
osophy  governed  the  world  for  fifteen  hundred  years, 
was  a  little  dandy,  always  dressed  in  the  extreme  of 
fashion  and  fond  of  display.  William  Pinkney,  of 
Maryland,  one  of  the  greatest  lawyers,  statesmen  and 
orators  that  America  ever  produced,  was  always  hand 
somely  dressed  and  prided  himself  on  his  dress.  So 
did  Charles  James  Fox  in  his  early  life.  But  greatness 
is  generally  simple  and  cares  for  no  ornament.  This 
waiL  the  case  with  Socrates,  who  went  barefooted  in  the 
streets  of  Athens,  and  scorned  all  display.  Chief  Jus 
tice  Marshall  and  M.  Calhoun,  two  of  the  greatest  intel 
lects  that  ever  adorned  the  bench  and  senate,  were  not 
only  plain  in  their  dress,  but  remarkably  simple  and 
unaffected  in  their  manners. 


236  LECTUEE. 

The  Athenian  ladies  were  distinguished  for  their  taste 
in  dress,  as  well  as  their  grace,  beauty  and  symmetry  of 
form.  They  had  the  highest  perfection  of  art,  in 
writing  the  simple  and  the  grand,  free  of  all  ostentation. 
This  art  they  possessed  even  whilst  the  loom  and  cards 
and  spinning-wheel  were  a  part  of  their  household 
furniture.  Dr.  Franklin,  in  writing  to  his  sister  in 
Boston,  tells  her  that  he  had  understood  that  she  had 
grown  to  be  a  great  beauty,  and  had  become  a  great 
belle,  and  he  was  thinking  of  a  suitable  present  to  make 
her,  and  concluded  that  he  would  present  her  with  a 
spinning-wheel  and  a  pair  of  cards.  He  no  doubt 
thought  the  beautiful  and  ornamental  might  be  united 
with  the  useful  in  Boston  as  they  had  been  in  Athens, 

FEMALE    BEAUTY. 

Claudius  -ZElianus  gives  us  the  following  description 
of  Aspasia,  a  Grecian  lady,  who  had  the  reputation  of 
being  the  loveliest  woman  of  her  time,  and  who  wa& 
endowed  by  nature  with  a  mind  still  more  beautiful  than 
her  beautiful  person.  "  Her  hair  was  auburn,  and  fell 
in  slightly  waving  ringlets.  She  had  large  full  eyes,  a 
nose  inclined  to  be  aquiline,  and  small  delicate  ears. 
Nothing  could  be  softer  than  her  skin,  and  her  com 
plexion  was  fresh  as  a  rose,  on  which  account  the 
Phocians  called  her  Milto,  or  the  blooming.  Her 
ruddy  lips  opening,  disclosed  teeth  whiter  than  snow. 
She  moreover  possessed  the  charm,  on  which  Homer  so 
often  dwells  in  his  descriptions  of  beautiful  women,  of 
small,  well- formed  ankles.  Her  voice  was  so  full  of  music 
and  sweetness,  that  those  to  whom  she  spoke  imagined 
they  heard  the  voice  of  the  syrens.  To  crown  all,  she 
was  like  Horace's  Pyrrha  simplex  munditis,  abhorring 
superfluous  pomp  of  ornament/7  I  remember  having 
seen  an  Englishman's  description  of  Aaron  Burr's 
daughter,  the  lovely  Theodosia,  afterwards  the  wife  of 
Governor  Joseph  Alston,  of  South  Carolina,  which 


LECTURE.  237 

equals  in  beauty  this  description  of  the  fair  Grecian,  the 
spouse  of  Pericles. 

We  are  told  that  in  Attica  the  ladies  kept  up,  for 
fourteen  hundred  years,  a  sort  of  Olympian  contest  for 
beauty.  In  modern  times  this  contest  among  the 
ladies  and  fashionable  belles  of  great  cities  is  no  doubt 
daily,  instead  of  happening  once  in  four  years.  There 
was  a  custom  in  Athens,  which  a  portion  of  the  ladies, 
no  doubt,  thought  benevolent,  whilst  others  must  have 
regarded  it  as  unjust  and  absurd.  In  order  to  marry 
the  homely  girls,  who  were  dowerless,  the  pretty  ones, 
as  well  as  the  ugly  ones,  were  all  put  together  in 
a  spacious  room,  darkened,  and  the  young  men  wishing 
to  get  married  were  allowed  to  go  in  and  select  their 
wives.  Modern  young  ladies,  whether  beautiful  or  not, 
could  no  doubt  rebel  against  this  Grecian  custom. 
The  young  men,  too,  might  possibly  object. 

But  there  is  a  custom,  in  modern  times,  universal 
amongst  princes,  nobles,  and  the  wealthier  classes  in 
Europe,  and  sometimes  seen  in  the  United  States,  which 
is  no  better  than  this  Grecian  custom.  Young  prin 
cesses,  ladies  and  heiresses  are  given  in  marriage  with 
out  being  consulted  at  all.  Their  chances  of  happiness 
in  married  life  are  just  as  uncertain  as  where  they  are 
taken  out  of  a  dark  room  by  chance.  In  this  respect, 
the  fortune  of  the  middle  and  lower  classes  is  much  pre 
ferable.  They  are  allowed  to  select  for  themselves.  But 
a  recent  writer,  who  spent  many  years  in  France,  says 
that  young  ladies  and  gentlemen,  even  in  the  middle 
class  of  society,  never  associate  together  until  the  gen 
tleman  asks  for  the  lady  in  marriage,  and  this  he  very 
often  does  without  ever  having  seen  her.  There  is  lit 
tle  chance  of  love  in  such  matches ;  and  Judge  Huger 
once  said  to  a  lady,  in  my  presence,  "  No  virtuous 
woman  will  marry  a  man  she  don't  love." 

EARLIEST    CIVILIZATION. 

The  earliest  civilization  we  have  any  correct  account 


238  LECTURE. 

of  in  history  is  that  of  the  Egyptians.  They  were,  at 
a  very  remote  period,  distinguished  for  their  architectu 
ral  grandeur  and  magnificence.  Their  pyramids  afford 
abundant  evidence  of  their  high  civilization  and  great 
mechanical  skill  and  industry.  The  antiquity  of  these 
monuments  must  induce  one  to  doubt  the  received  chro 
nology  of  the  creation  of  the  world.  It  is  impossible 
that  in  so  short  a  period  after  the  creation  of  man,  and 
the  destruction  of  the  world  by  the  flood,  the  Egyptians 
would  have  had  the  population  and  skill  to  erect  those 
stupendous  structures.  Skill  and  science  may  have  been 
possible,  though  altogether  improbable,  but  population 
utterly  impossible.  Nothing  erected  since  by  man  equals, 
them  in  grandeur  and  massiveness.  How  they  could 
have  been  erected  is  still  one  of  the  wonders  of  civiliza 
tion. 

The  Egyptians  were  unquestionably  of  the  Caucasian 
race,  and  very  different  in  features  from  their  neighbors, 
the  Africans,  who  lived  in  close  proximity  to  them  with 
out  imbibing  a  particle  of  their  civilization  and  refine 
ment.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  negro  has  remained  in 
a  savage  state  for  thousands  of  years,  whilst  the  highest 
civilization  was  so  near  them.  This  would  seem  to  war 
rant  the  conclusion  that  nature  intended  him  for  a  sav 
age  or  slave.  The  intelligence  of  the  African  race,  in 
America,  is  entirely  owing  to  slavery ;  and,  but  for 
their  intimate  association  with  a  superior  race,  they 
would  again  relapse  into  barbarism,  although  in  a  state 
of  freedom. 

Grecian  civilization  does  not  date  back  as  far  as  that 
of  the  Egyptians ;  in  fact,  there  is  little  doubt  that  they 
did  receive  their  early  civilization  from  Egypt;  but 
they  afterwards  immeasurably  surpassed  the  Egyptians 
and  all  cotemporary  nations  in  the  arts  and  sciences,  as 
well  as  in  literature  and  philosophy.  They  were  full 
of  genius  and  invention.  None  equaled  them  in  poe 
try,  music,  sculpture  and  belles  lettres.  They  perfected 
their  language,  and  it  has  never  since  been  equaled  in 


LECTUKE.  239 

beauty,  harmony  and  expression.  In  taste  and  refine 
ment  they  were  far  superior  to  their  Eoman  conquerors. 
The  Chinese  trace  their  history  back  many  thousands 
of  years  beyond  the  Jewish  account  of  the  creation  of 
the  world,  but  there  is  very  little  reliance  to  be  placed 
on  their  chronology.  They  were,  however,  a  compara 
tively  civilized  people  at  a*  very  early  period  in  the 
world's  history.  The  mariner's  compass,  gunpowder, 
writing  paper,  printing,  and  the  manufacture  of  porce 
lain,  were  known  to  them  for  ages  before  they  were 
known  in  Europe.  The  Chinese  were  also  a  literary 
people,  and  at  this  time  there  is,  perhaps,  no  people  in 
the  world  so  universally  educated.  All  aspirants  for 
public  honors  and  office  must  be  literary  men.  Their 
religion  is  doubtful.  The  Emperor  is  nominally  a  Budd 
hist,  and  they  worship  their  ancestors.  The  writings 
of  Confucius,  who  lived  four  or  five  hundred  years 
before  Christ,  have  the  same  consideration  in  China  that 
the  Bible  has  in  all  Christian  countries. 

THE   GREAT   LAW   OF   NATURE. 

In  passing  over  the  history  of  ancient  nations,  we 
are  painfully  reminded  of  the  great  law  of  nature,  that 
all  things  have  an  end.  We  are  born,  live  and  die. 
This  is  the  law  of  the  vegetable  as  well  as  of  the  animal 
kingdom.  It  is  likewise  the  law  of  kingdoms,  empires 
and  republics.  They  rise,  flourish  and  pass  away.  Other 
States,  powers  and  principalities  spring  up  in  their  stead, 
and  in  a  brief  period  are  gone.  How  short  was  the 
existence  of  the  republics  of  Greece,  Rome  and  Car 
thage  !  The  mighty  empires  of  Babylon,  Persia,  Assy 
ria  and  Egypt  were  soon  conquered  and  overturned  by 
other  nations.  We  see  in  history  how  civilization  itself 
sprung  up,  flourished,  and  perished  in  the  dark  ages. 
Again  we  are  living  in  another  experiment  of  civiliza 
tion.  The  world  has  made  rapid  strides  during  the  last 
five  hundred  years  in  learning,  philosophy,  and  all  the 
arts  and  sciences.  Great  improvements,  too,  have 


240  LECTURE. 

taken  place  in  all  the  modern  governments  compared  to 
those  of  antiquity.  Despotisms  are  less  despotic,  king 
doms  less  arbitrary  and  oppressive,  and  republics  more 
wise  and  free.  The  American  cluster  of  republics,  when 
first  established,  was  a  great  improvement  on  those  of 
Greece  and  Rome.  It  was  a  representative  republic, 
blending  the  strength  of  monarchy  with  the  wisdom  of 
an  aristocracy  and  the  virtue  of  democracy.  Instead 
of  the  people  assembling  en  masse  to  make  laws,  as 
they  did  in  Greece  and  Rome,  they  choose  representatives, 
for  their  wisdom  and  virtue  to  legislate  for  them,  and 
hold  them  responsible  for  their  legislation.  But  in 
order  to  maintain  a  republic  there  must  be  virtue  and 
intelligence  in  the  people.  A  republic  cannot  exist  long 
where  the  people,  the  source  of  all  power  and  honor,  are 
ignorant  and  corrupt.  The  downfall  of  the  republics 
of  antiquity  was  owing  to  the  corruption  of  the  people, 
^and  the  wealth,  luxury  and  idleness  of  the  higher 
classes. 

It  is  to  be  greatly  apprehended  that  our  cluster  of 
republics  may  go  in  the  same  way.  The  new  element  of 
universal  African  suffrage,  thrown  into  our  State  govern 
ments  by  the  unwise  and  unconstitutional  legislation  of 
Congress  will  speedily  end  our  Southern  institutions 
unless  some  measure  is  taken  to  control  this  black 
power.  This  negro  element  is  a  total  perversion  of  the 
object  of  the  American  republic.  It  was  intended  to 
be  a  white  man's  government  and  nothing  else.  What 
would  its  framers  have  thought  ?  What  would  they 
Jhave  said  ?  What  would  they  have  done  if  they  could 
have  foreseen  the  government  of  six  or  seven  States  fall 
ing  under  the  absolute  control  of  their  slaves  ?  Would 
they  not  have  said  it  was  better  to  remain  British  Pro 
vinces  than  become  Sovereign  States  ? 

DEMORALIZATION   OF   SOCIETY. 

There  has  been,  too,  a  terrible  demoralization  of  so 
ciety  in  the  United  States  since  our  unfortunate  civil 


LECTURE.  241 

war,  which  has  a  strong  tendency  to  undermine  our 
republican  institutions.  Official  frauds,  defalcations  and 
legislative  roguery  are  every  day  occurrences.  The 
worst  men  in  the  community  are  being  elected  and 
appointed  to  all  offices.  There  was  a  time  in  South 
Carolina  when  a  stain  or  imputation  on  a  man's  charac 
ter  not  only  excluded  him  from  office,  but  from  all 
society  of  gentlemen.  But  now  if  a  man  cheats,  lies 
and  steals,  and  by  his  roguery  acquires  fortune  or  official 
position,  he  becomes  the  associate  of  gentlemen,  and  his 
crimes  are  unpunished  and  unnoticed.  He  may  betray 
his  principles,  his  race  and  his  country,  and  still  main 
tain  his  position  in  society. 

FAREWELL, 

But,  gentlemen,  I  will  not  further  remind  you  of  our 
misfortunes  and  the  misfortunes  of  our  common  coun 
try,  which  we  have  all  experienced  to  our  hearts7  sor 
row.  Thanking  you  for  your  polite  attention  and  kind 
ness  I  bid  you  farewell,  hoping  that  a  brighter  day  is 
dawning  in  the  South,  and  that  we  may  all  live  to  see 
South  Carolina  restored  to  her  ancient  fame,  honor  and 
prosperity.  But  in  parting  with  you  to-night,  perhaps 
never  to  meet  again,  I  cannot  refrain  from  saying  that 
I  shall  carry  with  me  to  my  mountain  home  a  grateful 
remembrance  of  your  kindness  and  hospitality,  and  a 
high  appreciation  of  your  sociability,  literary  tastes  and 
culture.  Your  ancient  and  beautiful  little  town,  too, 
with  its  magnificent  groves  of  trees,  neat  houses  and 
handsome  shrubbery,  has  made  a  deep  and  lasting  im 
pression  on  my  heart  and  memory, 

FAREWELL. 


SKETCHES 

OF 

Eminent  American  StatesmeD. 


JAMES  OTIS. 

This  great  statesman  and  most  eloquent  of  men,  was 
•the  prime  mover  of  the  American  Revolution.  He 
so\\ed  the  seeds  of  rebellion,  liberty  and  independence 
in  1761,  which  ripened  into  American  Independence  in 
1776.  King  George  the  Third  had  just  ascended  the 
throne  of  Great  Britain  and  ordered  "  Writs  of  As 
sistance"  to  issue  in  Massachusetts  to  search  for 
property  on  which  taxes  had  not  been  paid.  The 
merchants  of  Boston  employed  Mr.  Otis  to  resist  in 
court  the  issuing  of  these  writs.  This  was  two  years 
before  Patrick  Henry's  great  speech  on  the  celebrated 
"Parsons  case"  in  Virginia,  and  five  years  before  his 
burst  of  eloquence  in  the  House  of  Burgesses  in  which 
he  said,  with  the  voice  of  thunder  and  the  look  of  a 
God,  "  Ca?sar  had  his  Brutus,  Charles  the  First  his 
Cromwell,  and  George  the  Third  " — "  treason!"  cried  the 

These  Sketches  of  Eminent  Statesmen  were  written 
by  Governor  Perry,  between  the  years  1865  and  1876,  soon 
after  the  war,  when  South  Carolina  was  under  carpet-bag 
and  negro  rule,  before  the  State  was  redeemed,  regenerated, 
and  disenthralled,  through  the  efforts  and  influence  of  Gen 
eral  Hampton . 

243 


244  JAMES    OTIS. 

speaker,  "  treason  !  treason  !  "  echoed  from  every  part  of 
the  House.  Henry  faltered  not  for  an  instant,  but 
rising  to  a  loftier  attitude,  and  fixing  on  the  speaker  an 
eye  of  the  most  determined  fire,  finished  his  sentence 
with  the  firmest  emphasis— "  May  profit  by  their  example. 
If  this  be  treason  make  the  most  of  it !  " 

Old  John  Adams,  afterwards  President  of  the 
United  States,  then  a  very  young  man,  was  present  in 
court  and  heard  Otis's  argument  against  "  Writs  of  As 
sistance."  He  gives  the  following  graphic  account  of 
it,  and  the  impression  it  produced  on  the  court  and 
spectators:  "Otis  was  a  flame  of  fire.  With  a  prornp- 
uuide  of  classical  allusions,  a  depth  of  research,  a  rapid 
summary  of  historical  events  and  dates,  a  profusion 
of  legal  authorities,  a  prophetic  glance  of  his  eyes  into 
futurity,  and  a  rapid  torrent  of  impetuous  eloquence,  he 
hurried  away  all  before  him.  American  Independence 
was  then  and  there  born.  The  seeds  of  patriots  and. 
heroes  to  defend  the  '  Non  sine  dies  animosus  infans,' 
(motto  of  the  Alliance  Medal  struck  in  Paris  to  com 
memorate  the  alliance  between  France  and  America,) 
were  then  and  there  sown.  Every  man  of  an  im 
mense  crowded  audience,  appeared  to  me  go  away  as  I  did, 
ready  to  take  up  arms  against  '  Writs  of  Assistance/ 
Then  and  there  was  the  first  scene  of  the  first  act  of 
opposition  to  the  arbitrary  claims  of  Great  Britain. 
Then  and  there  the  child  '  Independence '  was  born. 
In  fifteen  years,  in  1776,  he  grew  up  to  manhood  andw 
declared  himself  free." 

The  court  decided  that  they  could  see  no  foundation 
for  "Writs  of  Assistance"  and  the  practice  was  not 
known  in  England.  This  was  before  the  stamp  act 
and  the  duty  on  teas.  It  was  the  first  blow  given  to 
the  arbitrary  power  of  Great  Britain  in  her  American 
Colonies. 

In  genius,  eloquence,  learning  and  towering  intel 
lect,  Mr.  Otis  had  no  equal  in  his  day  and  time.  His 
family  were  the  first  settlers  in  Massachusetts,  and  he 


JAMES    OTIS.  245 

was  fifth  in  descent  from  John  Otis  who  came   from 
England. 

He  was  born  in  1725,  and  graduated  at  Harvard 
College.  His  natural  ardor  and  vivacity  for  the  first 
two  years  of  his  college  life  made  his  society  much 
courted  by  the  older  students.  But  he  changed  his 
course  in  the  junior  year  and  then  gave  indication  of 
great  talents  and  powers  of  application.  So  devoted 
was  he  to  his  books  on  his  return  home  that  his 
neighbors  did  not  see  him  for  weeks.  He  had  great 
wit  and  humor  and  some  talent  for  music.  On  one 
occasion  he  was  playing  the  violin  for  a  company  of 
young  people  at  his  father's  house  and  suddenly  stopped, 
holding  up  his  fiddle  and  bow,  said,  "So  Orpheus 
fiddled  and  so  danced  the  brutes/7  threw  them  aside 
and  rushed  into  the  garden  followed  by  all  of  the 
revellers. 

At  the  Bar,  in  the  Legislature,  and  before  popular  as 
semblies,  he  was  the  foremost  man  of  all  New  England, 
and  stood  head  and  shoulders  taller  intellectually,  than 
Samuel  Adams,  John  Hancock,  Josiah  Quincy  and  John 
Adams.  He  was  a  writer  of  great  power  and  ability. 
In  1762  he  published  the  "Vindication  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  Massachusetts  Bay,"  a  work  in  which 
many  volumes  are  concentrated.  In  speaking  of  this 
work,  John  Adams  says,  "  Look  over  the  Declaration  of 
Rights  and  Wrongs  issued  by  Congress  in  1774.  Look 
into  the  Declaration  of  Independence  in  1776.  Look 
into  the  wordings  of  Dr.  Price  and  Dr.  Priestly.  Look 
into  all  the  French  Constitutions  of  government.  And 
to  cap  the  climax,  look  into  Mr.  Thomas  Paine's  Com 
mon  Sense,  Crisis  and  Rights  of  Man ;  and  what  can 
you  find  that  is  not  to  be  found  in  solid  substance  in 
this  "  Vindication  of  the  House  of  Representatives  ?  " 

This  noble  patriot  and  heroic  man,  though  he  lived  to 
see  American  Independence,  was  not  able  to  enjoy  it. 
He  had  a  controversy  with  one  of  the  officers  of  the 
British  Government  in  1769.  His  refutation  of  some 


246  JAMES    OTIS. 

strictures  on  his  conduct  was  so  severe  that  the  officer 
brutally  assaulted  him,  and  in  consequence  of  the  blows 
received,  his  godlike  intellect  was  dethroned  !  He 
lived  till  May  20th,  1783,  when  he  was  struck  by  a  flash 
of  lightning  and  fell  dead  to  the  earth.  A  few  weeks 
before  his  death,  he  said  to  his  sister  in  one  of  his  lucid 
intervals,  "  I  hope  when  God  Almighty  in  his  righteous 
providence  shall  take  me  out  of  time  into  eternity,  that 
it  will  be  by  a  flash  of  lightning."  Strange  to  say,  his 
wish  was  gratified. 

Had  Mr.  Otis  retained  his  extraordinary  faculties 
from  1769  to  1783,  he  would  have  been  the  most  promi 
nent  man  of  the  American  Revolution  in  Congress.  It 
is  sad  to  think  of  his  loss,  to  the  cause  so  dear  to  his 
heart,  and  particularly  distressing  to  reflect  how  it  oc 
curred.  That  a  man  possessed  of  all  the  noblest  quali 
ties  of  the  heart,  and  the  highest  powers  of  intellect, 
with  great  learning  and  culture,  should  be  stricken  down 
by  the  ruffian  of  a  tyrant  and  made  forever  imbecile  is 
indeed  horrible.  When  a  very  young  man,  I  remember 
having  read  the  life  of  James  Otis,  by  William  Tudor, 
and  how  deeply  and  painfully  I  was  impressed  by  it. 
In  1859,  I  saw  in  Mount  Auburn  Cemetery,  near 
Boston,  the  magnificent  statue  of  this  illustrious  patriot, 
and  I  thought  that  I  had  never  before  seen  such  a  god 
like  representation  of  mortal  man.  His  form  and  fea 
tures  were  perfect  in  manly  beauty.  There  seemed  to 
be  a  heavenly  spirituality  in  his  countenance.  No  statue 
of  Grecian  or  Roman  gods  by  the  most  celebrated 
sculptors  of  antiquity,  could  have  surpassed  it  in  my 
estimation.  I  understood  it  was  executed  by  the  son  of 
Judge  Story  of  the  Supreme  Bench  of  the  United  States. 
There  is  a  likeness  of  Mr.  Otis  in  the  frontispiece  of 
"  American  Eloquence, "  published  by  Frank  Moore  in 
1854.  This  great  work  contains  sketches  of  upwards  of 
sixty  of  the  most  eminent  American  statesmen  and 
orators,  with  selections  from  their  speeches  and  orations, 
and  should  be  in  the  library  of  every  gentleman.  The 


JAMES   OTIS.  247 

likeness  of  Otis  is  not  equal  to  his  statue  by  Story,  but 
it  represents  a  noble  head  and  face.  I  am  indebted  to 
this  compilation  and  its  biographical  sketch  of  James 
Otis  for  much  that  I  have  said  in  this  article  of  the 
prime  mover  of  the  American  Revolution. 


JOHN  ADAMS. 

This  distinguished  statesman,  patriot  and  orator,  wa& 
the  bold,  uncompromising  champion  of  American  Inde 
pendence,  and  afterwards  the  successor  of  Washington 
in  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States.  He  was  born  at 
Braintree  in  Massachusetts,  November  19th,  1735.  His 
father  was  an  humble  farmer,  in  limited  circumstances, 
and  much  respected  for  his  piety,  integrity  and  industry. 
John  worked  on  the  farm  of  his  father,  and  went  to 
school  till  he  was  nineteen  years  old.  He  then  entered 
Harvard  College,  and  in  due  course  graduated  a  finished 
scholar.  For  some  time  after  his  graduation  he  taught 
school,  and  gives  an  amusing  account  of  his  throne  and 
obsequious  subjects  as  a  pedagogue.  He  intended  at 
one  time  to  enter  the  ministry,  but  he  thought  his  re 
ligious  opinions  were  rather  wavering  for  a  preacher, 
and  he  read  law.  In  1764  he  married  Abigail  Smith, 
a  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Smith,  who,  by  the  by,  was 
a  relative  of  the  ancestor  of  the  Khetts  of  South  Caro 
lina,  whose  original  name  was  Smith.  It  is  said  the 
parents  of  his  wife  were  unwilling  to  the  marriage  of 
their  daughter  with  one  so  poor  and  humble  in  his  ori 
gin  as  was  Mr.  Adams.  Little  did  they  then  suppose 
that  Miss  Abigail  was  about  to  marry  the  future  Presi 
dent  of  the  Great  Republic  of  North  America.  It 
seems  the  daughter  had  a  better  appreciation  of  the 
character  and  talents  and  virtues  of  the  young  lawyer 
than  her  parents.  Abigail  Smith  was,  indeed,  a  young 
lady  of  remarkable  intellectual  qualities  and  moral 
worth.  She  was  the  intimate  friend  and  correspondent 
of  Jeiferson  for  many  years.  It  was  suspected,  too, 
that  she  controlled  her  husband  in  some  of  his  measures 
248 


JOHN    ADAMS  24 £ 

whilst  he  was  President  of  the  United  States.  She  was- 
a  proud,  noble  woman,  and  when  Jefferson  dismissed 
from  office  her  son,  she  broke  with  him,  and  never 
could  be  reconciled.  Her  husband  and  Mr.  Jefferson 
renewed  their  early  friendship  in  the  latter  part  of 
their  lives  ;  but  she  positively  refused  to  accept  the  prof 
fered  renewal  of  friendship  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 

In  1770,  Mr.  Adams,  although  a  flaming  patriot,  un 
dertook  the  defence  of  Captain  Preston  and  the  British 
soldiers  who  had  killed  several  of  the  citizens  of  Boston 
in  a  rencounter  on  the  streets.  He  was  associated  in 
this  most  unpopular  defence  with  his  wife's  relative, 
Josiah  Quincy.  His  high  sense  of  professional  duty 
would  not  permit  him  to  decline  the  defence  of  those 
who  were  charged  with  murder,  on  account  of  popular 
clamor.  The  speech  of  Mr.  Adams  on  this  occasion  is 
given  in  Frank  Moore's  great  work  entitled  "  American 
Eloquence/'  and  I  have  never  read  a  more  complete 
legal  argument,  or  one  of  greater  learning  and  eloquence 
on  the  criminal  side  of  the  Court.  If  a  young  lawyer 
should  be  at  a  loss  in  a  case  of  murder,  by  turning  to 
this  argument  he  will  find  law,  logic  and  eloquence 
already  provided  for  him.  His  patriotism  did  not  pre 
vent  his  seeing  justice  done  even  to  those  who  came  to 
Massachusetts  to  suppress  the  spirit  of  liberty.  His 
friends  and  his  father  were  indignant  when  they  heard 
he  had  consented  to  defend  the  British  murderers.  His 
father  wrote  him  a  severe  letter,  expressing  great  sur 
prise  and  regret  at  his  conduct.  But  Mr.  Adams  was  a 
bold,  fearless  young  barrister,  and  nothing  could  deter 
him  from  doing  what  he  thought  was  right  and  honorable. 

It  is  said  of  Mr.  Adams  that  he  never  regarded  the 
opinion  of  others  when  in  conflict  with  his  own.  He 
never  supposed  himself  to  be  in  the  wrong.  The  rest 
of  mankind  might  err,  but  he  never  did  !  In  this  re 
spect  he  was  the  opposite  of  Washington,  who  always 
regarded  most  .respectfully  the  opinions  of  those  who- 
differed  with  him.  Mr.  Adams  was  not  only  self-willed 


250  JOHN    ADAMS. 

and  stubborn,  but  he  was  passionate  and  impulsive.  He 
was  very  ambitious,  and,  like  all  ambitious  men,  selfish. 
In  his  diary  and  journal,  published  by  his  grandson, 
Charles  Francis  Adams,  with  his  other  works,  in  ten 
volumes,  he  seldom  speaks  well  of  his  cotemporaries 
and  associates.  He  generally  thought  they  received  too 
much  public  consideration,  and  himself  too  little.  This 
was  especially  his  feeling  towards  Dr.  Franklin,  in 
Paris.  In  this  respect  he  was  very  much  like  his  son, 
John  Quincy  Adams,  as  he  appears  in  his  journal  lately 
published  by  his  son.  John  Quincy  always  had  some 
complaint  against  his  compeers,  and  was  ever  recording 
bitter  sayings  against  them. 

I  once  saw,  in  Harvard  College,  a  very  admirable 
likeness,  full  length,  of  John  Adams.  He  was  stout  and 
short,  well  built,  and  showed  great  muscular  power.  He 
had  a  fine  large  head  and  full  face.  There  was  a  great 
deal  of  the  animal  passions  to  be  seen  in  his  appearance. 
When  excited  he  was  almost  a  madman,  and  expressed 
himself  with  great  vehemence.  But  with  all  his  faults, 
he  was  a  sterling  patriot,  and  an  honest,  honorable  man. 
Jefferson,  his  great  rival,  says  he  was  as  honest  as  the 
God  who  made  him  !  His  federalism,  andf  the  alien  and 
.sedition  laws  passed  by  Congress  during  his  administra 
tion  made  him  for  a  while  very  unpopular.  There  is  no 
doubt  he  was  wanting  in  judgment  and  discretion. 

Samuel  Adams,  the  glorious  old  patriot  and  States 
rights  man  of  Massachusetts,  was  a  distant  relation  of 
John  Adams,  and  a  descendant  of  a  more  distinguished 
branch  of  the  family.  He  and  John  Hancock,  who  was 
for  many  years  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  Presi 
dent  of  the  Continental  Congress,  were  on  most  intimate 
terms  throughout  their  lives.  There  is  a  tradition  that 
on  some  occasion  Hancock  said  to  Adams,  "  You  know, 
sir,  that  I  have  furnished  you  with  bread  for  a  number 
of  years."  "  Yes,"  said  Adams,  "  and  I  have  furnished 
you  with  brains  for  the  same  length  of  time." 

The  Adams  familv    have  been  remarkable  for  their 


JOHN    ADAMS.  251 

talents  and  distinction.  John  Adams,  the  subject  of 
this  sketch,  was  distinguished  alike  for  his  learning, 
ability  and  eloquence  as  a  statesman,  orator  and  writer. 
He  was  the  bold  champion  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  one  of  the  Commissioners  who  signed  the 
treaty  by  which  that  Declaration  was  admitted  by 
Great  Britain,  the  first  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the 
Court  of  St.  James,  Vice-President  of  the  United  States, 
and  President.  His  sou,  John  Quincy  Adams,  was 
•eminent  for  his  learning  and  talents.  He  was  Minister 
to  several  foreign  courts,  United  States  Senator,  Secre 
tary  of  State,  and  President  of  the  United  States. 
Charles  Francis  Adams,  the  son  of  John  Quiucy,  and 
grandson  of  old  John  Adams,  has  been  a  member  of 
Congress,  Minister  to  Great  Britain,  and  spoken  of  for 
President.  He  is  a  gentleman  of  high  character  and 
great  learning  and  talents.  His  son,  John  Quincy 
Adams,  Jr.,  the  great  grandson  of  John  Adams,  has 
been  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Governor  of  Massa 
chusetts  for  a  number  of  years,  and  was  once  run  as  a 
candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States. 
He  was  invited  by  the  prominent  Democrats  of  South 
Carolina  some  years  since  to  come  here  and  address  the 
people  of  Columbia  and  Charleston.  I  had  the  pleasure 
of  his  acquaintance  in  Columbia,  and  formed  a  very 
high  estimate  of  his  talents  and  ability.  His  speeches, 
as  published,  were  the  production  of  no  ordinary  mind. 
His  brother,  Charles  Francis  Adams,  Jr.,  is  likewise  a 
prominent  speaker  and  writer  in  Massachusetts,  though 
a  very  young  man. 

Here  we  have  four  generations  of  great  men  in  the 
same  family.  There  are  very  few  similar  instances  in 
all  history.  Indeed,  it  is  seldom  that  a  great  man  has 
a  great  son;  especially  so  in  the  United  States.  The 
sons  of  Calhoun,  Lowndes,  Clay,  Webster  and  Cheves, 
were  all  very  ordinary  young  men.  How  is  this  to  be 
accounted  for?  Was  it  owing  to  their  mothers?  It  is 
said  that  all  great  men  have  had  great  mothers,  and 


252  JOHN    ADAMS. 

history  warrants  the  saying.  Such  was  the  case  with 
Lord  Bacon,  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  George  Washington, 
and  hundreds  of  others  who  might  be  mentioned.  The 
mother  of  old  John  Adams  was  a  Miss  Boylston,  and  by 
nature  no  dou  bt  a  great  woman.  His  father  was  not  remark 
able  for  talents.  The  mother  of  John  Quincy  Adams, 
as  I  have  already  stated,  was  remarkable  for  her  talents 
and  vigor  of  mind.  His  wife,  the  mother  of  Charles 
Francis  Adams,  was  a  Miss  Johnson,  of  Maryland, 
though  born  and  educated  in  England,  and  said  to  have 
been  clever.  I  once  saw  the  wife  of  Charles  Francis 
Adams,  the  mother  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  Jr.,  and 
was  struck  with  her  fine  intellectual  appearance. 

There  is  a  fact  mentioned  by  Thomas  Addis  Emniett, 
in  his  defence  of  William  S.  Smith,  connected  with  the 
Adams  family,  which  I  never  knew  before.  William  S. 
Smith  was  indicted  in  the  United  States  court  for  New 
York  as  a  confederate  of  General  Meranda  in  his 
attempted  invasion  of  the  Spanish  Provinces  of  South 
A  merica.  Mr.  Emmett  stated  to  the  court  that  the  act 
of  Congress  under  which  Smith  was  indicted  was  passed 
whilst  John  Adams  was  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  Smith  was  a  son-in-law  of  Adams. 
He  also  stated  that  the  act  of  Congress  was  leveled  at 
Genet,  the  French  Minister  in  1793,  and  that  His 
Honor,  the  Presiding  Judge,  a  son  of  De  Witt  Clinton, 
was  the  brother-in-law  of  Genet.  John  Smith,  United 
States  Senator  from  Ohio,  was  expelled  from  the  Senate 
for  his  complicity  with  Col.  Burr's  conspiracy,  and  John 
Quincy  Adams,  who  was  then  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  made  a  speech  against  him.  These  two  Smiths 
were  confounded  in  my  mind,  and  I  thought  it  very 
strange  that  John  Quincy  Adams  should  have  made  a 
speech  for  the  expulsion  of  his  brother-in-law  from  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States. 

Old  John  Adams,  after  being  defeated  by  Jefferson 
for  re-election  to  the  Presidency  in  1799,  retired  to- 
private  life.  The  Governorship  of  Massachusetts  was 


JOHN   ADAMS.  253 

tendered  him,  which  he  declined  on  account  of  his  age 
and  wished  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his  days  at  home 
in  his  family.  When  the  convention  of  Massachusetts 
assembled  to  revise  their  constitution,  he  was  elected  a 
member  of  it,  and  was  the  presiding  officer  of  the  con 
vention.  He  died  on  the  4th  of  July,  1826,  and  his 
last  words  were:  "It  is  a  great  day. "  Thomas  Jefferson 
died  on  the  same  day.  On  hearing  this  news  at  Green 
ville,  S.  C.,  a  gentleman  remarked:  "Co-incident  in 
death;  co-eternal  in  fame." 


JOHN  RUTLEDGE. 

This  illustrious  son  of  Carolina,  pre-eminently  dis 
tinguished  for  his  eloquence,  ability,  statesmanship 
and  patriotism,  was  born  in  Charleston  in  1739.  His" 
father,  Dr.  John  Rutledge,  and  his  brother,  Andrew, 
came  to  South  Carolina  in  1735,  from  Ireland.  Andrew 
was  a  lawyer.  About  the  same  time  a  wine  merchant 
by  the  name  of  Hext,  emigrated  from  England  and  settled 
in  Charleston.  He  died  soon  afterwards,  and  Andrew 
Rutledge  married  his  widow,  and  John  married  his 
youngest  daughter,  who  gave  birth  to  Chief  Justice 
Rutledge  in  her  fifteenth  year.  She  afterwards  gave 
birth  to  Edward  Rutledge,  signer  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  and  Governor  of  South  Carolina,  and 
also  Hugh  Rutledge,  who  was  one  of  the  Chancellors 
of  the  State.  There  were  four  sisters  of  Mrs.  Rutledge, 
and  one  of  them  married  John  McCall,  another  married 
Prioleau,  a  third  married  Dart,  and  the  fourth,  Mr. 
Roper.  Mrs.  Rutledge  was  a  woman  of  great  energy 
and  more  than  ordinary  endowments.  She  was  left  a 
widow  at  an  early  age,  and  had  the  entire  education  of 
her  children.  Possessing  an  ample  fortune  in  her  own 
right,  she  sent  her  sons  to  England  to  finish  their 
education. 

John  Rutledge,  after  completing  his  college  studies, 
determined  to  read  law,  and  was  entered  a  student  of 
the  Temple  in  London,  and  in  due  course  of  time  was 
licensed  as  a  barrister.  He  returned  home  in  1761, 
and  commenced  his  brilliant  professional  career.  The 
first  case  in  which  he  was  employed  was  for  a  breach 
of  a  marriage  promise.  His  debut  at  the  Bar  astonished 
and  electrified  the  court  and  jury.  At  one  bound  he 
254 


JOHN    RUTLEDGE.  255 

placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  profession  by  the 
learning,  eloquence  and  ability  he  displayed  in  his  first 
speech.  Business  overwhelmed  him,  and  he  had  one 
side  or  the  other  of  almost  every  case  in  court.  He 
showed  himself  to  be  a  profound  lawyer,  as  the  most 
eloquent  of  advocates. 

In  1764  Governor  Boone  refused  to  qualify  Christo 
pher  Gadsden,  who  was  the  prime  mover  of  the 
rebellion  in  South  Carolina,  as  a  member  of  the  Legis 
lature.  This  excited  all  the  indignation  and  patriotism 
of  the  young  barrister,  and  he  gave  vent  to  it  in  bursts 
of  thrilling  eloquence.  From  that  day  it  may  be  said 
he  was  for  American  Independence.  Massachusetts 
sent  an  invitation  to  all  the  Colonies  to  meet  in  Conven 
tion  in  1765,  and  consult  as  to  the  best  means  of  defend 
ing  their  colonial  rights  and  liberty.  John  Rutledge, 
then  only  twenty-five  years  old,  was  appointed  a  dele 
gate  to  this  convention,  with  Christopher  Gadsden  and 
Thomas  Lynch,  from  South  Carolina.  All  the  Colonies 
sent  delegates  to  this  Congress  except  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  Georgia  and  New  Hampshire.  It  is  said  that 
"the  brilliancy  of  his  genius,  the  boldness  of  his  ideas, 
the  extent  and  variety  of  his  information,  and  the 
beauty  and  power  of  his  diction,  all  together  made  a 
deep  impression  upon  the  body  of  which  he  was  a 
member." 

From  1765  to  1774  he  was  devoted  to  his  profession. 
Then  came  the  troubles  of  Massachusetts,  and  Rutledge, 
who  was  a  member  of  the  South  Carolina  convention, 
proposed  that  delegates  should  be  sent  to  a  Congress 
of  all  the  Colonies.  Some  one  wished  to  limit  the  powers 
of  the  delegates,  which  Rutledge  vehemently  opposed. 
When  asked  what  shall  be  done  with  the  delegates  if 
they  betray  their  constituents,  Rutledge  turned  upon 
him  with  passionate  gesture  and  flashing  eyes,  and 
exclaimed:  "Hang  them,  sir! — hang  them!"  He  was- 
again  appointed  a  dehgate  to  this  Congress,  with  Chris 
topher  Gadsden,  Thomas  Lynch,  Henry  Middleton  and 


256  JOHN    RUTLEDGE. 

Edward  Rutledge.  This  Congress  was  composed  of 
the  greatest  men  of  all  the  Colonies.  George  Washing 
ton,  Patrick  Henry,  John  Adams,  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Judge  Chase,  Chief  Justice  Jay,  Samuel  Adams,  Roger 
Sherman,  Livingston,  etc.,  etc.  Patrick  Henry  was 
asked  on  his  return  home  whom  he  thought  the  greatest 
man  in  that  Congress.  He  replied,  "If  you  speak  of 
eloquence,  John  Rutledge  of  South  Carolina  is  the  great 
est  orator,  but  if  you  speak  of  information  and  sound 
judgment,  Colonel  Washington  is  unquestionably  the 
greatest  man  on  the  floor." 

John  Rutledge  and  John  Adams  were  the  business 
men  of  this  first  Congress.  Rutledge  was  not  a  mere 
orator  like  Patrick  Henry,  but  a  man  of  profound 
understanding,  great  learning,  and  great  statesmanship. 
On  his  return  home  he  was  elected  Governor  of  South 
Carolina,  and  therefore  his  name  was  not  signed  to  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  When  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
made  his  attack  on  Charleston  in  June,  1776,  General 
Charles  Lee  was  sent  there  to  take  command  of  the 
forces.  He  advised  Colonel  Moultrie  to  abandon  his 
Fort  on  Sullivan's  Island,  as  it  was  nothing  but  a  slaugh 
ter  pen.  Governor  Rutledge  immediately  wrote  Colonel 
Moultrie  not  to  give  up  the  fort,  unless  on  an  order 
written  by  him,  and  he  "would  cut  off  his  right  hand 
sooner  than  write  such  an  order!" 

Just  before  the  fall  of  Charleston,  Rutledge  was  clothed 
by  the  Legislature  with  dictatorial  powers,  and  he  exer 
cised  them  with  great  prudence,  ability  and  energy  for 
several  years.  When  it  was  proposed  in  the  Virginia 
Legislature  to  make  Patrick  Henry  DICTATOR,  several 
members  declared  he  should  not  live  twenty-four  hours 
after  accepting  the  Dictatorship!  The  people  of  South 
Carolina  were  not  so  terrified  at  the  appointment  of  a 
Dictator,  when  that  Dictator  was  to  be  John  Rutledge, 
whose  wisdom  and  patriotism,  sense  of  justice  and  won 
derful  sagacity  had  been  so  thoroughly  tested. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  Governor 


JOHN   RUTLEDGE.  257 

Rutledge,  after  consulting  General  Marion  as  to  its 
propriety,  issued  his  proclamation  offering  a  free  and 
full  pardon  to  all  tories  who  would  volunteer  and  serve 
in  the  army  six  months.  A  great  many  came  forward 
and  accepted  the  terms  offered.  I  am  sure  that  I  drew 
a  good  many  pensions  for  Revolutionary  soldiers  of  this 
class  immediately  after  the  passage  of  the  Pension  Act 
by  Congress.  They  all  proved  six  months7  services  very 
satisfactory,  but  could  give  me  no  satisfactory  account  of 
their  whereabouts  previous  to  their  volunteering.  I 
will  not  attempt  to  recount  the  services  of  Governor 
Rutledge  after  the  fall  of  Charleston.  Fortunately  for 
the  State,  he  was  not  in  the  city  of  Charleston  when  it 
surrendered.  His  efforts  to  redeem  the  State  by  appeals 
to  Congress,  and  to  the  Legislatures  of  Virginia  and 
North  Carolina,  and  to  the  people  of  South  Carolina, 
were  energetic  and  untiring.  Gates's  defeat  was  a  terri 
ble  blow  to  him,  and  when  Greene  came  to  take  com 
mand  of  the  Southern  army  his  spirits  revived,  for  his 
intuitive  knowledge  of  mankind  satisfied  him  that  the 
Rhode  Island  blacksmith  was  a  great  General.  And 
Greene  wrote  after  meeting  Governor  Rutledge,  that  he 
was  the  greatest  man  he  had  ever  met. 

Like  all  brave  and  patriotic  men,  Governor  Rutledge 
was  generous,  noble  hearted  and  forgiving.  He  advised 
that  the  property  of  the  loyalists  should  not  be  confis 
cated,  nor  they  themselves  exiled  from  their  country. 
Like  all  truly  great  men,  he  was  at  times  passionate  and 
impulsive,  but  forgiving.  It  is  said,  in  the  latter  part 
of  his  life  he  was  proud  and  austere.  Well  may  such  a 
man  have  been  proud  of  his  glorious  career.  At  the 
close  of  the  war  he  was  elected  Chancellor  of  the  State 
and  received  the  vote  of  South  Carolina  as  Yice-Presi- 
dent  when  Washington  was  first  declared  President. 
When  the  Federal  Judiciary  was  organized,  Washington 
appointed  him  one  of  the  Supreme  Judges.  He  was 
then  elected  Chief  Justice  of  South  Carolina,  and,  in 
1795,  was  appointed  by  Washington  Chief  Justice  of 


258  JOHN   RUTLEDGE. 

the  United  States.  He  went  on  to  Philadelphia,  and 
presided  at  one  term  of  the  court  as  Chief  Justice.  He 
was  on  his  way  to  hold  the  Federal  Court  in  North 
Carolina,  when  his  great  intellect  was  dethroned,  and  he 
attempted  to  drown  himself  near  Society  Hill,  and  was 
pulled  out  of  the  river  by  some  negroes.  He  lived  five 
years  afterwards,  but  his  life  was  a  blank  from  that  time. 

In  consequence  of  his  opposition  to  the  ratification  of 
Jay's  Treaty,  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  refused  to 
confirm  his  appointment  as  Chief  Justice.  Washington 
knew  of  his  opposition  to  this  great  Federal  measure 
before  he  made  the  appointment.  But  he  knew  the  hon 
esty  of  his  heart,  his  great  learning,  his  great  abilities, 
and  his  sterling  patriotism.  The  Senate,  however,  disre 
garded  all  these  great  qualities,  when  united  in  one 
opposed  to  their  party. 

Dr.  Ramsay  says,  in  his  history  of  South  Carolina  : 
"  While  Massachusetts  boasts  of  her  John  Adams,  Con 
necticut  of  her  Ellsworth,  New  York  of  her  Jay,  Penn 
sylvania  of  her  Wilson,  Delaware  of  her  Bayard,  Vir 
ginia  of  her  Henry — South  Carolina  rests  her  claims  on 
the  talents  and  eloquence  of  John  Rutledge." 

The  wife  of  Chief  Justice  Rutledge  was  a  MissGrimke, 
probably  the  sister  of  Judge  Grimke,  who  belonged  to  a 
Huguenot  family  which  migrated  to  South  Carolina  after 
the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  General  John 
Rutledge,  United  States  Senator  from  South  Carolina, 
was  the  son  of  Chief  Justice  Rutledge.  His  other  chil 
dren  I  am  not  able  to  mention.  When  the  lives  of  the 
Chief  Justices  of  the  United  States  was  undertaken  by 
George  Von  Sautvoored,  of  New  York,. in  1854,  he  com 
plained  to  Senator  Butler,  of  South  Carolina,  that  he 
could  get  little  or  no  information  about  Chief  Justice 
Rutledge.  His  letters,  manuscripts  and  papers  of  every 
description  were  lost  or  destroyed.  His  descendants  had 
very  meagre  information  relative  to  their  great  ancestor. 


CHARLES  COTESWOETH  PINCKNEY. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  no  one  has  undertaken  to 
write  the  life  of  this  eminent  statesman,  hero  and  patriot. 
There  are  few  illustrious  men  in  all  history  who  possessed 
more  of  the  old  Roman  in  their  composition  than  Charles 
Cotesworth.  Pinckney  of  South  Carolina.  His  grand 
father,  Thomas  Pinckney,  emigrated  from  England  to 
South  Carolina  in  1687,  only  a  few  years  after  the  first 
settlement  of  the  colony.  He  married  Mary  Cotesworth, 
and  was  a  gentleman  of  independent  fortune.  His  son 
Charles  was  Chief  Justice  of  the  colony,  and  married 
Miss  Eliza  Lucas,  daughter  of  Col.  George  Lucas,  Gov 
ernor  of  the  island  of  Antigua.  She  was  the  mother  of 
Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  and  had  the  honor  of  intro 
ducing  the  culture  of  indigo  in  South  Carolina.  Her 
father  owned  a  plantation  at  Wappoo,  and  sent  her  trop 
ical  seeds  and  fruits  to  be  planted.  This  was  before  her 
marriage  to  Chief  Justice  Pinckney.  Amongst  others 
he  sent  her  some  indigo  seed,  and  a  man  by  the  name  of 
Cromwell  to  show  her  the  process  of  extracting  the  dye 
from  the  weed. 

Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  was  born  in  Charleston, 
February  25,  1746,  and  was  taken  by  his  father  to  Eng 
land  when  seven  years  old  to  be  educated.  His  younger 
brother,  General  Thomas  Pinckney,  was  likewise  taken 
there  to  be  educated.  He  graduated  at  Oxford  at  an 
early  age  and  then  read  law  in  the  Middle  Temple.  He 
passed  over  to  France  and  spent  a  year  or  two  in  the  Royal 
Military  Academy  at  Csen.  He  returned  to  Charleston  in 
1769  and  commenced  the  practice  of  his  profession.  But 
the  troubles  between  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies  soon 
absorbed  all  of  the  young  barrister's  thoughts  and  time. 
259 


260  CHARLES   COTESWORTH   PINCKNEY. 

He  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Provincial  Congress  of 
South  Carolina  in  1775,  and  was  appointed  a  captain  in 
the  army  by  Governor  Rutledge.  Although  he  had  left 
his  native  country  when  a  child,  and  was  brought  up  in 
England,  his  love  and  affection  were  for  the  land  of  his 
birth.  His  love  and  devotion  to  liberty  were  still  stronger, 
and  no  one  ever  more  courageously  worshiped  honor 
throughout  life  than  he  did.  He  was  engaged  in  the 
capture  of  Fort  Johnson  and  the  defence  of  Fort 
Moultrie.  He  then  went  North,  and  was  aide-de-camp 
to  General  Washington  in  the  battles  of  Brandywine 
and  Germantown.  The  South  being  again  invaded,  he 
returned,  and  participated  in  the  unsuccessful  expedition 
to  Florida.  He  assisted  in  the  defence  of  Charleston 
when  attacked  by  Prevost.  He  fought  with  great  gal 
lantry  in  the  attack  on  Savannah.  He  was  in  command 
of  Fort  Moultrie  when  Charleston  surrendered.  He 
opposed  to  the  last  the  surrender  of  the  city.  It  was  not 
in  his  proud,  stubborn  nature  to  yield  to  policy.  He 
remained  a  prisoner  of  war  till  peace  was  ratified.  He 
resumed  his  practice  at  the  bar,  and  was  most  successful 
as  a  lawyer.  His  learning,  ability  and  high  character 
placed  him  by  the  side  of  John  Rutledge. 

He  was  a  member  of  the  convention  of  1788,  which 
framed  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  also 
a  member  of  the  State  convention  which  adopted  the 
Constitution.  He  was  its  strong  advocate  in  opposition 
to  Raulin  Lowndes,  who  wished  it  placed  on  his  tomb 
stone  that  he  had  opposed  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States.  General  Washington  wrote 
a  letter  addressed  jointly  to  him  and  Edward  Rutledge, 
tendering  to  one  of  them  to  be  decided  by  them  the 
position  of  a  seat  on  the  supreme  bench  of  the  United 
States,  and  they  joined  in  a  letter  to  the  President  both 
declining  the  appointment.  I  expect  there  is  no  other 
instance  on  record  of  a  high  judicial  appointment  being 
tendered  in  the  same  letter  to  two  lawyers  and  leaving 
it  with  them  to  say  which  should  accept  the  position. 


CHARLES   COTES  WORTH    PINOKNEY.  261 

General  Pinckney  also  declined  a  seat  in  Washington's 
cabinet  as  Secretary  of  War.  Whilst  in  Washington's 
military  family  he  must  have  made  a  most  favorable 
impression  on  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  Continen 
tal  army. 

In  1796  he  accepted  the  appointment  of  Minister  to 
France,  and  was  received  very  coldly  by  "  the  Secretary ?> 
then  in  power,  and  finally  ordered  to  leave  France.  He 
was  afterwards  sent  back  to  France  with  Chief  Justice 
Marshal  and  Eldridge  Gerry  as  Ministers  Plenipoten 
tiary.  They  were  given  to  understand  by  Talleyrand 
that  nothing  could  be  accomplished  without  a  bribe  in 
money.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  it  is  said  General 
Pinckney  used  the  famous  expression,  "Millions  for 
defence  but  not  a  cent  for  tribute."  The  expression  was 
worthy  of  the  patriot  and  hero,  and  has  become  histori 
cal.  But  unfortunately,  General  Pinckney  says  the  ex 
pression  was  never  used  by  him.  Governor  Middleton, 
who  was  the  nephew  of  General  Pinckney  and  his  pri 
vate  secretary  in  Paris,  told  me,  many  years  ago,  that  a 
lady  was  sent  by  Talleyrand  to  sound  the  General  on 
the  subject  of  the  American  Minister's  making  a  large 
present  in  money  to  the  French  Government..  She  was 
promptly  and  distinctly  informed  that  no  such  present 
would  be  made,  even  if  war  was  the  consequence  of  their 
refusal.  Talleyrand  afterwards  denied  that  he  had 
authorized  this  lady  to  make  any  such  proposition. 
There  was  not  a  particle  of  doubt,  however,  that  he  had 
done  so.  At  the  time  this  famous  expression  was  said 
to  have  been  used,  pounds,  shillings  and  pence  were  the 
money  currency  and  not  dollars  and  cents.  The  ex 
pression  was  so  much  in  character  with  General  Pinck 
ney  that  it  was  universally  believed  until  he  contra 
dicted  it  at  a  public  dinner.  It  was  not  consistent  with 
his  high  sense  of  honor  to  permit  a  most  flattering, 
patriotic  expression  to  be  attributed  to  him  which  he 
did  not  use,  although  it  expressed  his  feelings  and  senti 
ments.  As  Judge  Butler  once  said,  "  if  it  is  not  true,  it 
ought  to  be." 


262  CHARLES    COTES  WORTH    PINCKNEY. 

Judge  Huger  told  me  the  following  amusing  incident 
characteristic  of  General  Pinckney  whilst  in  Paris.  He 
requested  the  waiter  at  the  hotel,  the  first  night  after  his 
arrival,  to  show  him  his  bedchamber.  When  he  opened 
the  door  and  looked  around,  he  said,  "Where  is  Mrs. 
Pinckney?'7  "Oh,"  said  the  waiter,  "her  bedchamber 
is  in  another  direction."  "  Well,"  said  the  General,  to 
the  utter  amazement  of  the  valet,  "one  room  answers  for 
both  of  us."  This  was  looked  upon  as  a  decided  Ameri 
can  vulgarity.  The  polite  fashionables  of  Paris  were 
amazed  at  the  American  Minister  and  his  wife  occupying 
the  same  bedchamber.  The  story  was  not  believed.  It 
was  incredible. 

In  1800  John  Adams  and  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinck 
ney  were  the  Federal  candidates  for  President  and  Yice- 
President  of  the  United  States.  Thomas  Jefferson  and 
Aaron  Burr  were  the  Republican  candidates.  South 
Carolina  was  strongly  Republican,  and  it  was  proposed 
to  General  Pinckney  for  the  Legislature  to  cast  the  vote 
of  the  State  for  Jefferson  and  himself.  He  indignantly 
refused  any  such  arrangement,  and  said  the  State  must 
vote  for  Adams  or  not  for  him.  He  would  not  think 
of  receiving  the  vote  of  his  own  State,  unless  it  was 
given  to  the  candidate  with  whom  he  was  running.  Such 
was  the  exquisite  sense  of  honor  on  the  part  of  this  old 
hero,  patriot  and  statesman.  If  he  had  consented  to  re 
ceive  the  vote  of  South  Carolina,  he  would  have  been 
elected  Vice-President  instead  of  Aaron  Burr.  This  in 
formation  I  received  from  Chancellor  De  Sausure,  who 
was  one  of  the  actors  on  the  scene.  Where  is  the  poli 
tician  or  statesman  of  the  present  day  who  would  have 
refused  the  vote  of  his  State  for  the  Presidency  under 
these  circumstances  ?  He  was  justly  the  idol  of  Caro 
lina,  though  differing  from  Carolina  in  politics.  She 
wished  to  honor  her  illustrious  son,  but  was  unwilling 
to  honor  with  him  the  author  of  the  Alien  and  Sedition 
Laws.  His  brother,  General  Thomas  Pinckney,  was 
twice  run  by  the  Federal  party  for  the  Presidency.  The 
leading  men  of  South  Carolina  of  that  day  were  all  Fed- 


CHARLES    COTESWORTH    PINCKNEY.  263 

eralists.  They  belonged  to  the  school  of  Washington,  and 
were  in  favor  of  a  strong  Federal  government.  They  were 
opposed  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  democracy,  which  by  nullifi 
cation  and  secession,  would  have  made  the  Federal 
Union  a  rope  of  sand.  Had  they  lived  at  the  present 
day,  they  would  have  opposed  with  equal  energy  the 
consolidating  doctrines  of  President  Grant  and  the 
Republican  party.  They  adhered  to  the  constitution  as 
it  was,  and  acknowledged  all  the  sovereign  rights  of  the 
States  not  yielded  in  the  Federal  Constitution.  They 
never  would  have  tolerated  military  usurpation  or  the 
interference  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  authorities  with 
the  government  of  the  States. 

General  Pinkney  and  William  Pinckney,  of  Mary 
land,  the  most  accomplished  lawyer,  orator  and  states 
man  that  America  has  perhaps  ever  produced,  were 
descended  from  the  same  family  in  Lincolnshire,  Eng 
land,  although  they  spelled  their  family  names  differ 
ently.  This  information  is  given  by  William  Pinckney, 
after  spending  several  years  in  England  and  tracing  up 
the  origin  of  his  family.  Charles  Pinckney,  who  was 
four  times  elected  Governor  of  the  State  of  South  Caro 
lina  and  was  sent  as  Minister  to  Spain,  was  a  second 
cousin  of  General  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  and 
the  grandson  of  William  Pinckney,  his  uncle. 

If  I  am  not  mistaken,  General  C.  C.  Pinckney  mar 
ried  a  Miss  Middleton  and  had  three  daughters  but  no 
son.  Two  of  his  daughters  died  unmarried,  and  the 
third  married  Mr.  Izard,  but  left  no  issue.  Therefore 
this  great  man  has  no  descendants  now  living.  His 
brother,  General  Thomas  Pinckney,  has  a  great  many 
living  descendants. 

I  have  a  picture  of  General  C.  C.  Pinckney  which 
represents  him  stout  and  muscular,  with  a  full  face  and 
large  head,  grave,  solemn  and  dignified  in  his  appear 
ance.  He  was  a  great  reader  and  book  worm.  His 
hospitality  was  princely,  and  his  charity  unbounded. 
He  died  in  1825,  in  his  eightieth  year. 


CHRISTOPHER  GADSDEN. 

The  life  and  character  of  this  eminent  patriot,  hero, 
and  statesman,  have  been  greatly  neglected  in  South 
Carolina.  No  one  has  written  a  memoir  of  his  Revolu 
tionary  services.  In  the  "National  Portrait  Gallery" 
there  are  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  biographical 
sketches  with  likenesses  of  distinguished  American 
patriots,  heroes,  orators  and  statesmen,  but  none  of 
Christopher  Gadsden.  John  Rutledge,  Edward  Rut- 
ledge,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  Thomas  Pinckney, 
Henry  Laurens,  Francis  Marion,  Thomas  Sumter, 
Andrew  Pickens,  Hayne,  and  other  eminent  Carolinians 
are  admirably  sketched  with  the  great  men  of  other 
states  in  this  beautiful  national  work,  but  nothing  is 
said  of  General  Christopher  Gadsden.  Again,  in  the 
great  work  entitled  "American  Eloquence,"  there  are 
more  than  sixty  illustrious  lives  sketched,  and  many  of 
them  South  Carolinians,  and  yet  Christopher  Gadsden  is 
omitted.  It  is  true  that  history  has  been  more  just  to 
his  bold  and  fearless  patriotism.  Bancroft  in  his  most 
minute  and  accurate  history  of  the  United  States,  in  ten 
volumes,  does  ample  justice  to  him.  Likewise,  in  the 
history  of  South  Carolina,  Dr.  Ramsay,  his  compeer  in 
the  Revolutionary  war,  gives  his  character  and  services 
justly  and  properly. 

Christopher  Gadsden  was  the  prime  mover  of  Ameri 
can  Independence  in  South  Carolina,  as  James  Otis  was 
in  Massachusetts,  and  Patrick  Henry  in  Virginia. 
The  Rutledges,  Pinckneys,  Henry  Laurens,  and  others, 
were  with  him  heart  and  soul  in  Carolina.  So  were 
Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  John  Hancock,  Joseph 
Warren  and  others  in  Massachusetts  with  James  Otis, 
264 


CHRISTOPHER   GADSDEN.  265 

in  all  the  ardor  of  a  burning  patriotism,  and  determined 
resistance  to  British  oppression.  The  same  may  be  said 
of  the  Lees,  Washington,  Jefferson,  Mason  and  the  other 
patriots  and  leaders  of  the  rebels  in  Virginia.  They  all 
felt  and  acted  with  Patrick  Henry.  But  Otis  and  Gads- 
den  and  Henry  spoke  first  and  fired  the  public  mind  of 
their  respective  states.  They  may  properly  be  said  to 
have  sowed  the  first  seeds  of  rebellion  and  independ- 
ence.  Otis,  in  his  speech  in  1761,  against  "Writs  of 
Assistance"  before  the  Supreme  court  of  Massachusetts; 
Christopher  Gadsden  in  his  conversations  with  his  asso 
ciates  and  compeers  in  Charleston  under  the  shade  of 
his  tree  of  liberty  in  1765  ;  and  Patrick  Henry  about 
the  same  time  in  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia. 

Christopher  Gadsden  was  born  in  Charleston,  S.  C., 
in  1724.  His  father,  Thomas  Gadsden,  was  a  lieutenant 
in  the  British  navy,  and  a  gentleman  of  fortune.  It  is 
said  that  he  lost  a  large  portion  of  his  estate  in  play 
with  Admiral  Anson  on  his  visit  to  Charleston  in  1733, 
which  his  son  Christopher  afterwards  repurchased.  He 
was  sent  at  a  very  early  age  to  England  to  be  educated, 
and  became  a  finished  Greek,  Latin  and  French  scholar. 
It  seems  he  had  a  talent  for  languages,  for  during  his 
long  imprisonment  by  the  British  in  Florida,  he 
made  himself  a  good  Hebrew  and  Oriental  scholar. 
On  his  return  to  Charleston  from  England  he  was- 
placed  in  a  counting-house  in  Philadelphia,  where  he 
remained  till  he  was  twenty-one  years  old.  He  then 
visited  England  again,  and,  returning  a  passenger  on 
board  of  a  man-of-war,  he  was  appointed  purser  of  the 
vessel,  in  place  of  that  officer  who  died  on  the  passage. 
He  continued  in  the  British  Navy  two  years  and  then 
commenced  merchandise,  and  ended  by  planting  and 
factorage.  He  was  the  intimate  companion  and  bosom 
friend  of  Henry  Laurens.  They  were  both  born  repub 
licans,  and  Dr.  Ramsay  says  had  Gadsden  lived  in  the 
days  of  Charles  the  First,  he  would  have  been  another 
Hampden.  So  too  would  Henry  Laurens  have  been. 


266  CHRISTOPHER   GADSDEN. 

They  were  very  much  alike  in  their  characters  and 
somewhat  so  in  their  fortunes.  After  serving  their 
country  most  faithfully,  they  were  captured  by  the  Eng 
lish,  and  whilst  one  was  a  prisoner  in  the  tower  of  Lon 
don,  the  other  was  a  prisoner  in  the  dungeon  of  St. 
Augustine. 

In  the  year  1759,  when  Governor  Lyttleton  made  his 
•expedition  against  the  Cherokee  Indians,  Gadsden 
raised  a  company  of  artillery,  the  first  ever  organized  in 
the  Province.  This  is  said  to  be  after  many  changes 
what  is  now  called  in  Charleston  uthe  Ancient  Battal 
ion  of  Artillery."  By  the  by  I  saw  it  proposed  by  the 
Adjutant  General  the  other  day  to  change  the  name  of 
'this  "Ancient  Battalion"  and  call  it  a  regiment. 

In  1765  Gadsden,  Lynch  and  John  Rutledge  were 
appointed  delegates  from  South  Carolina  to  the  Stamp 
Act  Convention,  as  it  was  called,  when  nine  states  assem 
bled  at  the  call  of  Massachusetts  for  consultation  as  to 
their  national  and  colonial  rights.  He  had  been  in 
•correspondence  with  Samuel  Adams,  another  congenial 
spirit  of  his,  and  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  New 
England.  He  was  mainly  instrumental  in  getting  South 
Carolina  to  meet  Massachusetts,  and  if  she  had  not 
done  so  there  would  have  been  no  convention  in  1765. 
The  other  colonies  doubted  the  propriety  of  such  a  step 
at  the  time,  and  four  of  the  thirteen  did  not  send  dele- 
.gates.  The  truth,  no  doubt,  is  that  Gadsden  foresaw  at 
that  time  the  Independence  of  the  American  Colonies. 
He  did  not  think  it  right  or  possible  for  so  large  a 
country,  settled  by  free,  independent  and  intelligent 
citizens  to  be  governed  by  a  little  island,  three  thousand 
miles  distant,  with  the  Atlantic  Ocean  between  them. 

It  was  abhorrent  to  his  republican  feelings  and  his 
sense  of  justice,  to  see  the  Governors  of  the  Province, 
the  Judges  and  all  the  public  officers  appointed  by  the 
ministry  in  England.  In  a  good  government  he  would 
tiave  been  the  best  of  citizens,  but  in  an  arbitrary  and 
oppressive  government  he  would  always  have  been  an 


CHRISTOPHEK   GADSDEN.  267 

arch  rebel.  He  could  not  tolerate  any  infringement  on 
his  rights.  In  his  history  of  the  United  States,  Bancroft 
gives  the  following  character  of  Christopher  Gadsden : 
"  He  was  a  man  of  deep  and  clear  convictions,  thoroughly 
sincere,  of  an  unbending  will,  and  a  sturdy,  impetuous 
integrity,  which  drove  those  about  him  like  the  dashing 
of  a  mountain  torrent  on  an  overshot  wheel,  a  resistless 
power,  though  sometimes  clogging  with  back  water 
from  its  own  violence.  He  had  not  only  that  courage 
which  defies  danger,  but  that  invincible  persistence 
which  neither  peril  nor  imprisonment  nor  the  threat  of 
death  can  shake.  Full  of  religious  faith,  and  at  the 
same  time  inquisitive  and  tolerant,  methodical,  yet  lav 
ish  of  his  fortune  for  public  ends,  he  had  in  his  nature 
nothing  vacillating  or  low,  and  knew  not  how  to  hesi 
tate  or  feign." 

The  question  was  submitted  in  the  convention  of  1765 
whether  they  should  build  their  defence  of  American 
liberty  "on  charters  or  natural  justice  on  precedents  and 
facts,  or  on  special  privileges  or  universal  reason/' 
"Gadsden,  of  South  Carolina,"  says  Bancroft,  "giving 
utterance  to  the  warm  impulse  of  a  brave  and  noble 
nature,  spoke  against  vesting  their  defence  on  charters 
with  irresistible  impetuosity.  He  said:  'A  confirmation 
of  our  essential  and  common  rights  as  Englishmen,  may 
be  pleaded  from  charters  safely  enough,  but  any  further 
dependence  on  them  may  be  fatal.  We  should  stand 
upon  the  broad  common  ground  of  those  natural  rights 
that  we  all  feel  and  know  as  men  and  as  descendants 
of  Englishmen.  I  wish  the  charters  may  not  insnare 
us  at  last  by  drawing  different  colonies  to  act  differently 
in  this  great  cause.  Whenever  that  is  the  case,  all  will 
be  over  with  the  whole.  There  ought  to  be  no  New 
England  men,  no  New  Yorkers  known  on  the  Conti 
nent,  but  all  of  us  Americans/"  These  views  carried 
the  convention  and  were  those  of  James  Otis  and  John 
Rutledge. 

In  1774  a  congress  of  all  the  colonies  was  called,  and 


268  CHRISTOPHER   GADSDEN. 

Christopher  Gadsden  with  John  Rutledge,  Thomas 
Lynch,  Edmond  Rutledge  and  Henry  Middleton,  was 
appointed  a  delegate.  Gadsden,  true  to  the  principles 
of  1765,  contended  in  this  convention  that  the  right  to- 
regulate  trade  was  the  right  to  legislate,  and  a  right  to 
legislate  in  one  case  is  a  right  to  legislate  in  all.  He 
urged  that  General  Gage  should  be  attacked  and  routed 
from  Boston  before  reinforcements  could  arrive.  He 
contended  that  rice  should  not  be  exported  as  well  as 
other  restricted  articles.  This  would  have  sacrificed  his 
interest  as  the  owner  of  a  great  wharf  built  by  him  in 
Charleston  and  still  known  as  Gadsden's  Wharf.  It 
was  proposed  that  the  tea  destroyed  in  Boston  should  be 
paid  for.  Gadsden  said  "  don't  pay  for  an  ounce  of  the 
damned  tea!7' 

Gadsden  was  also  a  member  of  the  Congress  in  1776 
and  had  to  return  home  before  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  to  take  charge  of  his  military  command  in 
defence  of  Charleston,  when  assaulted  by  Henry  Clinton 
and  Sir  Peter  Parker.  He  presented  the  standard  to  be 
used  in  the  American  Navy  to  the  Congress  of  South 
Carolina,  then  in  session.  It  represented  in  a  yellow 
field  a  rattle  snake,  with  thirteen  full-grown  rattles, 
coiled  to  strike,  with  the  motto  "  don't  tread  on  me." 

In  1779,  when  Charleston  was  besieged  by  Prevost,  it 
was  proposed  to  surrender  the  city,  which  Gadsden 
strenuously  opposed,  and  when  it  was  decided  that 
Laurens  should  carry  this  message  to  the  enemy,  he 
scornfully  refused.  The  next  day  the  British  army  was 
withdrawn  in  consequence  of  an  intercepted  letter  from 
General  Lincoln  which  stated  that  he  was  marching  with 
a  large  army  to  the  relief  of  the  city.  When  the  surren 
der  of  Charleston  was  made,  Gadsden  was  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  the  State,  and  paroled.  Soon  afterwards  he 
was  arrested  with  thirty  or  forty  of  the  principal  citizens 
and  sent  to  St.  Augustine  without  any  cause  being 
assigned  for  this  violation  of  the  surrender.  When  they 
arrived  at  St.  Augustine  the  prisoners  were  required  to 


CHRISTOPHER   GADSDEN.  269 

give  their  pledge  not  to  violate  their  parole.  Gadsden 
replied  he  had  once  given  this  pledge  and  the  British 
had  violated  it  on  their  part  and  he  should  give  no  other. 
The  officer  informed  him  unless  he  did  this,  he  would 
be  placed  in  a  dungeon.  Gadsden  replied,  "  I  will  not. 
In  God  I  put  my  trust  and  fear  no  consequences."  He 
was  consequently  kept  in  a  dungeon  seven  or  eight 
months,  and  prohibited  all  intercourse  with  his  fellow- 
prisoners. 

When  he  was  finally  exchanged  he  returned  home  and 
was  elected  Governor,  which  office  he  declined  on  account 
of  his  age  and  infirmity.  Though  he  had  been  so  cruelly 
treated  he  was  opposed  to  the  confiscation  of  the  property 
of  the  loyalists  and  did  not  wish  them  exiled.  He 
served  in  the  State  Convention  which  ratified  the  Federal 
Constitution  and  also  in  the  convention  which  framed 
the  State  Constitution  of  1790.  He  held  very  unfavor 
able  opinions  of  lawyers  and  doctors,  and  concurred  in 
that  clause  of  Mr.  Locke's  fundamental  constitution, 
which  makes  it  "  a  base  and  vile  thing  to  plead  for 
money  or  reward."  He  survived  his  81st  year  and 
enjoyed  good  health,  "and  at  last  died,"  says  Dr. 
Ramsay,  "  more  from  the  consequences  of  an  accidental 
fall  than  the  weight  of  disease  or  decays  of  nature."  He 
was  the  grandfather  of  Bishop  Gadsden  and  General 
Gadsden  of  the  United  States  army.  Well  may  South 
Carolina  be  proud  of  this  old  hero,  patriot  and  states 
man.  It  may  with  the  strictest  truth  be  said  that  there 
was  no  fear  in  his  heroism,  no  selfishness  in  his  patriot 
ism,  no  folly  in  his  statesmanship. 


WILLIAM  H.  CRAWFORD. 

This  eminent  statesman  was  the  greatest  of  all  Geor 
gia's  distinguished  sons.  He  was  indeed  a  great  man,  a 
giant  in  intellect  as  well  as  in  size.  No  one  can  look  at 
the  noble  head  and  face  of  his  portrait  without  being 
impressed  with  his  greatness.  And  it  is  said  that  his 
large  and  well-proportioned  person  was  equally  impres 
sive.  There  was,  too,  a  charm  in  his  brilliant  conversa 
tion,  and  bright  beaming  countenance,  which  made  his 
simplicity  of  person  and  manners  perfectly  fascinating. 
In  South  Carolina  great  injustice  has  been  done  Wil 
liam  Harris  Crawford,  in  consequence  of  his  having 
been  the  rival  of  Mr.  Calhoun  for  the  Presidency,  whilst 
they  were  both  members  of  Mr.  Monroe's  cabinet.  It 
is  hard  to  do  justice  to  a  rival  in  love  or  in  politics; 
and  it  is  equally  hard  for  the  friends  of  rival  candidates 
to  appreciate  their  respective  opponents. 

It  was  the  fashion  in  South  Carolina  forty  or  fifty 
years  ago,  to  regard  Mr.  Crawford  as  an  ambitious,  cun 
ning,  and  intriguing  aspirant  for  the  Presidency.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  he  possessed  honorable  ambition  ;  but 
cunning  and  intrigue  were  foreign  to  his  open-hearted, 
frank  nature.  His  fine  person,  the  simplicity  of  his 
manners,  his  great  conversational  powers,  and  correct 
views  of  our  Federal  and  State  Governments  made  him 
a  favorite  with  all  the  members  of  Congress.  They  were 
anxious  to  nominate  him  for  the  Presidency  in  1817, 
when  Mr.  Monroe  was  nominated  in  caucus.  But  he 
said  to  his  friends,  "  nominate  Mr.  Monroe,  I  am  young 
enough  to  wait ! "  And  but  for  this,  he  would  have 
been  nominated  in  the  Congressional  caucus.  Does  this 
look  like  unholy  ambition?  The  truth  is  that  his 
270 


WILLIAM   H.    CRAWFORD.  271 

opponents  attributed  his  great  influence  over  his  associ 
ates  to  cunning  and  intrigue,  when  in  fact  it  was  owing 
to  his  great  intellectual  powers,  and  correct,  patriotic 
notions  of  our  government.  He  was  a  States'  rights  man 
when  the  fashion  of  his  great  cotemporaries,  Adams, 
Clay,  Calhoun,  Webster  and  others,  was  for  a  strong 
national  government.  He  was  more  after  the  school  of 
Mr.  Jefferson,  more  Democratic  and  States'  rights,  and 
consequently  more  popular  with  the  people  and  mem 
bers  of  Congress. 

Mr.  Crawford  was  born  in  Nelson  County,  Virginia,. 
February  24th,  1772.  When  he  was  seven  years  old  his 
father,  Jack  Crawford,  removed  with  his  family  to  Edge- 
field  District,  South  Carolina.  In  the  course  of  twelve 
months,  he  was  forced  by  the  British  troops  to  remove 
into  Chester,  and  was  taken  prisoner  and  confined  in 
Camden  jail.  In  1783  he  moved  into  Georgia  and 
settled  in  Columbia  County.  In  a  very  short  time  he 
died  there,  and  most  of  his  servants  were  swept  off  by 
smallpox.  In  order  to  assist  his  widowed  mother  in 
supporting  her  large  and  helpless  family,  he  taught 
school  several  years,  and  then  became  a  pupil  of  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Waddel,  a  famous  classical  teacher  in  the 
upper  country  and  afterwards  President  of  Athens 
College,  Georgia.  Mr.  Waddel  was  the  son  of  Mr. 
Wirt's  Blind  Preacher,  so  beautifully  and  elegantly 
sketched  in  his  "  British  Spy."  "  Socrates  died  like  a 
philosopher,  but  Jesus  Christ  like  a  God !  "  This  was 
one  of  the  blind  preacher's  expressions,  in  a  littl^lbg 
meeting-house  in  the  woods  of  Virginia.  This  preceptor 
of  young  Crawford  used  to  boast  in  his  old  age  of  the 
great  men  whom  he  had  taught  in  his  school-house  at 
Willington,  Abbeville  District,  South  Carolina.  And 
well  might  the  old  gentleman  boast  of  his  pupils, 
for  no  other  school-master  in  America  ever  had  such  a 
brilliant  galaxy  of  boys.  Among  them  were  John  C. 
Calhoun,  George  McDuffie,  Hugh  S.  Legare,  James  L. 
Petigru,  William  H.  Crawford,  Judge  Longstreet,. 


"272  WILLIAM   H.    CRAWFORD. 

Chancellor  Wardlaw,  Judge  Wardlaw,  and  many  others, 
afterwards  greatly  distinguished  in  life.  Of  all  his 
pupils  Mr.  Waddel  thought  most  highly  of  the  intel 
lectual  powers  of  William  H.  Crawford,  although  John 
•C.  Calhoun  was  his  brother-in-law. 

Mr.  Crawford  had  shown  such  capacity  for  learning 
when  a  child  that  his  father  determined  to  send  him  to 
Scotland,  and  have  him  thoroughly  educated,  but  his 
death  and  the  loss  of  his  property  rendered  this  scheme 
impracticable.  After  leaving  Mr.  WaddePs  classical 
school  young  Crawford  taught  in  an  academy  in  Augusta 
and  read  law  whilst  teaching.  How  many  great  men 
in  America  have  commenced  life  as  school  masters? 
Old  John  Adams  did,  Luther  Martin  did,  and  also 
Judge  O'Neall,  Judge  Evans,  James  L.  Petigru,  Chan 
cellor  Caldwell,  etc. 

In  the  spring  of  1799,  Mr.  Crawford  opened  his  law 
office  in  Oglethorpe  county,  without  money  and  without 
patrons;  but  his  talents,  industry  and  perseverance  soon 
made  him  friends  and  business,  and  in  1802  he  was  at 
the  head  of  his  profession.  He  represented  Oglethorpe 
-county  in  the  Legislature  for  four  years,  and  whilst  a 
member  of  that  body  acquired  his  extensive  and  perma 
nent  popularity  which  never  afterwards  left  him.  In 
1 807  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  and 
again  re-elected  in  1811  without  opposition.  His  debut 
in  the  Senate  was  in  a  discussion  with  that  veteran 
debater,  Governor  Giles  of  Virginia.  This  discussion 
gav*  him  a  high  reputation  for  talents,  learning  and 
ability,  which  he  never  lost  whilst  he  remained  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Senate.  He  was  elected  President  of  the  Sen 
ate,  and  tendered  the  office  of  Secretary  of  War  by  Mr. 
Madison,  which  he  declined,  in  1813.  He  was  then 
sent  as  Minister  to  France  and  remained  there  two  or 
three  years.  During  his  residence  in  Paris  he  formed 
a  most  intimate  friendship  with  General  Lafayette, 
and  they  continued  to  correspond  for  many  years. 

On  his  return  to  the  United  States,  he  was  appointed 


WILLIAM    H.   CRAWFORD.  273 

Secretary  of  War  and  then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  by 
Mr.  Madison.  His  friends  now  urged  him  to  let  them 
put  his  name  in  nomination  for  the  Presidency,  and  he 
promptly  refused,  as  has  been  already  stated.  The 
Congressional  caucus,  however,  came  very  near  nomina 
ting  him  over  Mr.  Monroe,  notwithstanding  his  posi 
tive  refusal.  This  showed  very  great  personal  popular 
ity,  and  he  was  then  only  forty-five  years  old.  He  was 
a  member  of  Mr.  Monroe's  Cabinet  for  eight  years,  and 
filled  with  great  ability  the  Treasury  Department.  Mr. 
Adams  was  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Calhoun  Secretary 
of  War,  and  Mr.  Wirt  Attorney-General.  What  a 
glorious  Cabinet  this  was.  It  has  never  been  surpassed. 
Three  of  the  members  were  brought  forward  as  rival 
candidates  for  the  Presidency.  In  consequence  of  Mr. 
Crawford's  long  illness  during  the  canvass  for  the 
Presidency,  his  friends  in  a  great  measure  abandoned 
him.  They  thought  it  would  be  doing  injustice  to  the 
country  to  place  a  paralytic  invalid  in  the  Presidential 
chair.  Mr.  Adams  was  elected,  and  he  earnestly  request 
ed  Mr.  Crawford  to  continue  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
notwithstanding  his  ill  health.  But  his  offer  was 
declined,  and  Mr.  Crawford  returned  to  Georgia,  where 
he  was  elected  a  judge,  and  re-elected  till  his  death  in 
1834.  At  that  time  there  was  no  Appeal  or  Supreme 
court  in  Georgia,  and  we  have  no  reports  of  Judge 
Crawford's  decisions.  His  judicial  opinion  in  the  cele 
brated  Indian  case,  the  State  vs.  Tassels,  is  referred  to 
as  being  one  of  great  ability  and  which  shows  that 
his  mind  was  not  impaired  by  his  long  illness  at  Wash 
ington.  He  had  a  holy  horror  of  listening  to  silly 
speeches  in  court.  It  must  be  very  painful  to  a  judge 
to  have  to  sit  patiently  and  hear  a  long  dull  foolish  argu 
ment  in  some  plain,  unimportant  case. 

Whilst  reading  law  in  Augusta,  Mr.  Crawford  became 
engaged  to  his  wife,  who  was  a  Miss  Giroudin.  But 
his  poverty  for  seven  long  years  prevented  his  getting 
married.  When  he  found  he  was  making  enough  by 


274  WILLIAM   H.   CRAWFORD. 

his  profession  to  support  a  wife  and  family,  he  married 
his  betrothed  and  they  lived  together  most  happily  to 
the  end  of  his  life.  They  had  eight  children,  and  it  is 
said  his  domestic  circle  presented  the  most  perfect  speci 
men  of  a  democratic  government  that  was  ever  seen. 
Father,  mother,  sons  and  daughters,  old  and  young,  all 
lived  together  as  equals.  They  discussed  family  matters 
and  took  a  vote,  the  majority  always  controlling.  Mrs. 
Crawford,  like  her  great  husband,  was  very  plain  and 
simple  in  her  dress  and  manners.  Mr.  Crawford,  like 
Col.  Benton,  assisted  very  much  in  the  education  of  his 
children.  Likewise  he  was  continually  giving  them 
good  advice. 

The  following  admirably  drawn  character  of  this 
great  man  is  taken  from  a  memoir  of  his  life  in  the 
"  National  Portrait  Gallery,"  and  was  evidently  written 
by  one  who  knew  him  well.  The  sketch  is  so  perfect 
that  I  cannot  abridge  it,  and  I  am  sure  the  reader  will 
thank  me  for  not  doing  so : 

"  Mr.  Crawford  was  a  man  considerably  above  ordinary 
height,  large,  muscular  and  well-proportioned.  His 
head  and  face  were  remarkably  striking  and  impressed 
the  beholder  at  once  with  the  belief  that  he  must  pos 
sess  more  than  ordinary  powers  of  intellect.  His  com 
plexion  was  fair,  and,  until  late  in  life,  ruddy.  His 
features  were  strong  and  regular.  When  at  rest,  they 
indicated  great  firmness  and  perseverance  of  character. 
When  he  smiled,  an  engaging  benignity  overspread  his 
whole  countenance.  His  eyes,  before  they  were  affected 
by  his  protracted  illness  at  Washington,  were  clear,  blue, 
mild,  though  radiant.  His  deportment  was  affable,  his 
step  firm,  his  gait  erect  and  manly,  but  not  ostentatious, 
indicating  courage  and  independence. 

"  His  manners,  though  free  from  stiffness  and  hauteur, 
were  never  very  graceful.  They  were  such,  however, 
as  to  make  all  about  him  feel  easy.  There  was  in  him 
a  certain  consciousness  of  superior  mind,  as  has  been 
said  of  another,  which  could  not  always  be  repressed  nor 


WILLIAM    H.    CRAWFORD.  275 

withdrawn  from  observation.  He  was  at  all  times  a 
man  of  decided  feelings — warm  in  his  attachments,  and 
vehement  in  his  resentments.  He  was  prompt  to  repel 
insults,  and  equally  prompt  to  forgive,  whenever  an 
appeal  was  made  to  his  clemency.  No  personal  labor 
was  too  great  to  be  endured,  if  by  it  he  could  elevate 
modest  merit  from  poverty  to  comfort,  or  advance  the 
interests  and  honor  of  his  friends.  No  child  of  distress 
ever  made  an  unsuccessful  appeal  to  his  charity.  His 
rule  was  to  give  something  in  every  case,  but  to  regulate 
the  amount  by  the  necessities  which  urged  the  call. 

"  Few  men  have  felt  such  perfect  contempt  for  show 
and  display  as  Mr.  Crawford.  His  dress  was  always 
plain,  and  never  in  his  way.  Indeed  he  gave  himself 
no  care  whatever  about  what  he  should  wear.  After 
marriage  he  referred  the  subject  of  dress  to  Mrs.  Craw 
ford,  who  was  as  plain  and  unaffected  in  her  taste  as 
himself.  Though  his  situation  in  public  life  often 
required  him,  out  of  respect  to  the  custom  of  the  coun 
try,  and  to  avoid  the  charge  of  eccentricity,  to  keep  up 
a  style  and  equipage  of  unrivalled  splendor,  it  was  mani 
fest  that  his  heart  was  not  in  it ;  nor  does  any  one  at  all 
acquainted  with  the  man  believe  for  a  moment  that  his 
opposition  to  these  things  proceeded  from  penuriousness 
or  any  kindred  sentiment.  He  was  a  man  of  unques 
tioned  liberality.  He  was  seldom  known  to  ask  the 
price  of  anything,  and  never  considered  anything  dear 
that  added  to  the  pleasure  and  comfort  of  himself  or 
family.  At  an  early  age  he  imbibed  the  sentiment  that 
dandyism  and  intellectuality  were  antagonistic  traits  of 
character,  and  he  was  heard  to  say  a  short  time  before 
his  death  that,  amidst  an  extensive  acquaintance  with 
men  of  distinction  in  this  country  and  in  Europe,  he  had 
seen  but  two  dandies  who  were  men  of  genius."  [It  is 
very  probable  that  William  Pinkney,  of  Maryland, 
was  one  of  the  dandies  of  genius.]  "Modest  virtue, 
sound  sense,  and  stern  integrity  were  the  surest  passports 
to  his  esteem.  With  these  a  poor  man  was  a  prince  in 


276  WILLIAM    H.    CRAWFORD. 

his  affections;  without  them,  a  prince  was  the  poorest  of 
all  beings. 

"  Mr.  Crawford's  house  has  often  been  styled  '  Liberty 
Hall'  by  those  familiar  with  the  unrestrained  mirthful- 
ness,  hilarity  and  social  glee  which  marked  his  fireside ; 
and  the  perfect  freedom  with  which  every  child,  from 
the  eldest  to  the  youngest,  expressed  his  or  her  opinion 
upon  the  topics  suggested  by  the  moment,  whether  those 
topics  referred  to  men  or  measures.  His  children  were 
always  encouraged  to  act  out  their  respective  characters, 
precisely  as  they  were ;  and  the  actions  and  sentiments 
of  each  were  always  a  fair  subject  of  commendation  or 
good-humored  ridicule  by  the  rest.  They  criticised  the 
opinions  and  conduct  of  the  father  with  the  same  free 
dom  as  those  of  each  other,  and  he  acknowledged  his 
errors  or  argued  his  defence  with  the  same  kind  of  spirit 
and  good  temper  as  distinguished  his  course  towards 
them  in  every  other  case.  The  family  government  was 
one  of  the  best  specimens  of  democracy  the  world  has 
ever  seen.  There  was  nothing  like  faction  in  the  estab 
lishment.  According  to  the  last  census,  before  marriage 
and  emigration  commenced,  the  population  was  ten, 
consisting  of  father  and  mother  and  eight  children,  of 
whom  five  are  sons  and  three  daughters.  Suffrage  on  all 
questions  was  universal,  extending  to  male  and  female. 
Freedom  of  speech  and  equal  rights  were  felt  and 
acknowledged  to  be  the  birthright  of  each.  Knowledge 
was  a  common  stock,  to  which  each  felt  a  peculiar  plea 
sure  in  contributing  according  as  opportunity  enabled 
him.  When  afflictions  or  misfortunes  came,  each  bore 
a  share  in  the  common  burden.  When  health  and  pros 
perity  returned,  each  became  emulous  of  heightening 
the  common  joy.  Chess,  draughts  and  other  games 
involving  calculation  and  judgment,  and  plays  which 
called  for  rapid  thought,  quick  perception  and  ready 
answers,  formed  sources  of  the  indoor  amusements. 
Those  requiring  rigor  of  nerve  and  agility  of  muscle 
were  performed  upon  the  green.  In  all  these  sports 


WILLIAM    H.    CRAWFORD.  277 

upon  the  green  and  in  the  house,  Mr.  Crawford  was, 
even  down  to  his  last  days,  the  companion  of  his  chil 
dren,  delighting  them  often  by  taking  part  himself. 
Though  the  disease  of  which  he  suffered  so  much  while 
at  Washington  deprived  him  of  his  activity,  his  zeal  for 
the  gratification  of  his  children,  and  his  delight  in  con 
tributing  all  he  could  to  their  happiness  knew  no  abate 
ment.  As  a  husband,  he  was  kind,  affectionate  and 
devoted.  He  was  never  ostentatious  in  his  attachments 
to  any  one,  always  evincing  his  regard  more  by  substan 
tial  beneficence  than  by  words.  No  parent  was  ever 
better  loved  by  his  children  than  he.  His  home  instruc 
tions  were  of  incalculable  advantage  to  them.  He 
never  contented  himself  with  merely  sending  them  to 
schools  of  highest  and  best  repute,  but  made  a  personal 
examination  of  them  almost  every  day,  that  he  might 
see  how  they  progressed  and  how  they  were  taughL 
He  was  in  the  habit  of  drawing  them  around  him  in  a 
class  and  requiring  Ihem  to  read  with  him.  On  these 
occasions  the  Bible  was  his  chief  class-book,  and  Job 
and  Psalms  his  favorite  portions.  At  no  time  of  his 
life  did  he  ever  lose  sight  of  the  importance  of  storing 
the  minds  of  his  children  with  virtuous  principles.  The 
strict  observance  of  truth,  the  maintenance  of  honor, 
generosity  and  integrity  of  character,  he  never  ceased  to 
enjoin  upon  them  as  indispensable  to  respectability  and 
happiness. 

"  It  is  not  within  the  knowledge  of  any  of  his  children 
that  he  was  ever  guilty  of  profane  swearing.  He  never 
made  a  profession  of  religion,  but  was  a  decided  believer 
in  Christianity,  a  life  member  of  the  American  Bible 
Society,  and  a  regular  contributor  to  the  support  of  the 
Gospel." 

When  was  there  ever  drawn  a  nobler  sketch  of  the 
head,  heart  and  person  of  a  great  man.  than  the  above 
extract  contains?  William  H.  Crawford  was,  indeed,  a 
most  lovable  and  exalted  character.  Well  may  Georgia 
be  proud  of  him.  No  wonder  that  he  won  all  hearts 


278  WILLIAM    H.    CRAWFORD. 

in  Congress  and  his  State  Legislature.  His  talents  and 
his  virtues  did  this,  and  not  that  cunning  and  intrigue 
which  rivals  attributed  to  him.  They  were  foreign  to 
such  a  nature,  and  never  were  combined  with  high  tal 
ents  and  lofty  virtues.  He  was  Jefferson's  favorite  can 
didate  for  the  Presidency  in  1824,  in  preference  to 
Adams,  Jackson,  Clay  and  Calhoun. 

Twice  was  Mr.  Crawford  engaged  in  an  affair  of 
honor.  Once  with  Van  Allen,  a  cousin  of  President 
Van  Buren ;  and  a  second  time  with  Governor  Clark, 
of  Georgia.  In  the  first,  his  antagonist  was  fatally 
wounded ;  and  in  the  second  he  himself  was  wounded 
in  the  arm.  This  latter  duel  gave  rise  to  the  Clark  and 
Troup  parties,  which  divided  Georgia  for  many  years. 

The  death  of  Mr.  Crawford  occurred  on  the  15th 
September,  1834.  He  had  started  on  his  circuit  to  hold 
court,  was  taken  sick  at  the  house  of  a  friend,  and  the 
next  day  died  of  heart  disease.  "  His  remains,"  says 
his  memoir,  written  in  1839,  "  lie  buried  under  a  plain 
mound  of  earth,  at  his  residence,  Woodlawn,  where  he 
had  lived  since  1802,  except  when  public  employment 
required  his  residence  abroad  or  in  Washington."  No 
tombstone  or  inscription  then  marked  his  grave.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  his  family  or  the  State  of  Georgia  has 
since  that  time,  erected  a  monument  over  his  grave. 


PATRICK  HENRY. 


There  is  a  Latin  maxim  that  a  man  must  be  born  a 
poet,  or  he  cannot  make  one  —  "  Poeta  nascitur  non  est." 
This  is  equally  true  as  to  the  orator.  A  man  must  be 
born  an  orator,  or  he  will  never  become  one.  Learning 
and  culture  may  greatly  improve  eloquence,  as  they  did 
in  the  case  of  William  Pinckney  of  Maryland,  and 
Hugh  S.  Legare,  of  South  Carolina.  They  may  also 
beautify  and  ornament  poetry,  as  they  did  in  Milton, 
who  possessed  all  learning  and  culture.  We  know 
nothing  of  Homer,  the  greatest  of  all  poets.  He  may 
have  been  learned  and  accomplished  in  his  day  and  time 
for  what  we  know. 

Patrick  Henry  was  a  born  orator.  He  has  the  repu 
tation  of  having  been  the  greatest  of  all  our  Revolu 
tionary  orators,  and  they  were  many  and  eloquent  and 
great.  He  never  had  much  learning  or  culture.  In 
«arly  youth  his  education  was  defective,  and  throughout 
life  he  was  lazy  and  idle.  Jefferson  says  his  associates 
were  overseers,  and  rough,  ignorant  men.  How  he 
acquired  his  agreeable  manners  and  pleasing  address  was 
a  mystery  to  him.  But  it  should  not  have  been  more 
of  a  mystery  than  his  eloquence.  Both  were  Nature's 
gifts,  born  with  him.  Very  often,  in  the  humblest 
walks  of  life,  we  meet  with  manners  and  address  which 
would  do  honor  to  a  prince.  They  are  natural,  like 
honesty  and  nobility  of  character.  Some  men  are  born 
clowns  and  fools,  and  never  can  become  anything  else. 
So,  too,  there  are  some  who  are  born  rascals  and  rogues, 
and  never  can  change  their  nature.  Education  and 
association  may  disguise  bad  qualities,  but  they  will 
occasionally  peep  out.  In  other  words,  Nature  will,  in 
the  end,  assert  herself. 
279 


280  PATRICK    HENRY. 

Mr.  Henry  was  born  May  29,  1736,  four  years  after 
the  birth  of  Washington,  in  Hanover  County,  Virginia. 
His  father,  Colonel  John  Henry,  was  a  native  of  Aber 
deen,  Scotland,  and  the  nephew  of  William  Robertson, 
the  great  historian.  Consequently,  Patrick  Henry  and 
Lord  Brougham  were  second  cousins,  both  being  grand 
nephews  of  the  historian.  It  may  likewise  be  stated 
that  Mr.  Henry  was  the  grand  uncle  of  that  brilliant 
orator  and  accomplished  scholar  and  gentleman,  Colonel 
William  C.  Preston,  United  States  Senator  from  South 
Carolina,  and  President  of  her  College.  The  father  of 
Patrick  Henry  was  a  great  loyalist  before  the  American 
Revolution,  and  took  great  pride  in  toasting  King 
George,  and  addressing  his  regiment  on  their  duty  and 
allegiance  to  the  crown.  The  mother  of  Patrick  Henry 
was  a  Winston.  She  had  married  Colonel  John  Lyrne, 
and  after  his  death,  married  Colonel  John  Henry,  who 
was  living  with  her  first  husband  at  the  time  of  his 
death.  They  had  nine  children,  and  Patrick  was  the 
second.  The  Winstous  were  remarkable  for  their  elo 
quence.  A  gentleman  said  to  Mr.  Wirt,  the  biographer 
of  Patrick  Henry,  that  William  Winston,  the  brother 
of  Mrs.  Henry,  was  the  most  eloquent  man  he  had 
ever  heard  except  Patrick  Henry. 

Colonel  John  Henry  was  in  very  moderate  circum 
stances,  and  could  not  afford  to  give  his  children  a  col 
legiate  education.  Patrick  was  sent  to  an  uold  field 
school "  until  he  was  ten  years  old.  His  father  then 
opened  a  grammar  school  in  his  own  house.  He  was 
well  educated,  and  under  his  tuition  Patrick  learned 
mathematics  and  Latin.  But  he  never  manifested  any 
disposition  to  study  or  read  whilst  a  boy.  He  was  fond 
of  hunting  and  fishing,  and  for  these  purposes  frequently 
absented  himself  from  school.  When  thirteen  years  old 
his  father  placed  him  behind  the  counter,  in  a  country 
merchant's  store.  Then,  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  he  and 
his  elder  brother,  William,  were  set  up  in  business  as 
merchants  by  their  father.  In  a  short  time  they  failed 


PATRICK    HENRY.  281 

in  business,  but  this  did  not  depress  the  spirits  or  chill 
the  affections  of  the  great  orator  in  embryo.  At  eigh 
teen  he  married  a  Miss  Shelton,  the  daughter  of  a  poor 
farmer  in  the  neighborhood.  Their  parents  settled 
them  on  a  little  farm  with  two  or  three  slaves.  But 
his  idleness  and  want  of  method  as  a  merchant  stuck 
to  him  as  a  farmer.  In  a  short  time  he  sold  his  farm, 
and  once  more  turned  merchant.  His  idle  habits  and 
his  ill  luck  followed  him  again,  and  in  a  few  years  he 
was  again  a  bankrupt.  His  kind  heart  and  generous 
nature  would  not  permit  him  to  refuse  credit  to  any  one. 
He  would  shut  up  his  store  and  be  in  the  chase  for  game, 
or  lie  all  day  on  the  banks  of  some  stream,  watching  the 
cork  on  his  line  for  aa  glorious  nibble." 

As  a  last  resort,  he  thought  he  would  turn  his  atten 
tion  to  the  law  as  a  means  of  livelihood.  He  was  then 
twenty-three  years  old,  and  no  doubt  had  several  chil 
dren.  After  reading  five  or  six  months,  he  was  reluct 
antly  admitted  to  the  bar  by  his  examiners.  Chancel 
lor  Wythe  positively  refused  to  sign  his  certificate  on 
account  of  his  ignorance  in  the  profession.  For  three 
years  he  met  with  no  success  at  the  bar.  During  this 
time  he  lived  with  his  father-in-law,  who  kept  a  hotel, 
and  he  assisted  in  the  business  of  the  house. 

The  first  case  of  any  importance  in  which  Mr.  Henry 
was  engaged  in  court  was  the  celebrated  "parsons  case." 
It  occurred  in  1763,  when  he  was  twenty-seven  years 
old.  The  Episcopal  church  was  the  established  religion 
of  Virginia,  and  the  pastor  of  each  church  received 
sixteen  thousand  pounds  of  tobacco  as  a  salary.  Tobacco 
became  very  high,  and  the  Legislature  gave  a  sum  of 
money  in  lieu  of  it.  This  act  was  vetoed  by  the  King, 
and  the  clergy  brought  suit  for  the  tobacco.  The  case 
was  argued  by  Mr.  Lewis  for  the  people  on  a  demurrer. 
The  demurrer  was  overruled,  and  Mr.  Lewis,  a  very 
distinguished  and  learned  lawyer,  abandoned  the  case  as 
hopeless.  Mr.  Henry  was  then  employed,  and  the 
court-house  was  crowded  with  anxious  spectators. 


282  PATRICK   HENEY. 

Thirty  of  the  parsons  were  present  to  witness  their  tri 
umph.  The  uncle  of  Patrick  Henry  was  one  of  them. 
He  went  to  his  uncle  and  told  him  to  go  home,  or  he 
would  hear  things  unpleasant  to  him.  His  father  was 
one  of  the  county  court  Judges.  The  son  opened  the 
case  awkwardly,  and  his  friends  hung  their  heads. 
The  parsons  looked  at  each  other  and  smiled  in  triumph. 
But  soon  a  change  came  over  them  and  the  court  and 
the  crowded  audience. 

The  following  is  Mr.  Wirt's  description  of  the  young 
barrister:  "Now  were  those  wonderful  faculties  which 
he  possessed  for  the  first  time  developed ;  and  now  was 
first  witnessed  that  mysterious  and  almost  supernatural 
transformation  of  appearance  which  the  fire  of  his  own 
eloquence  never  failed  to  work  in  him.  For,  as  his 
mind  rolled  along,  and  began  to  glow  from  its  own 
action,  all  the  exercise  of  the  clown  seemed  to  shed 
themselves  spontaneously.  His  attitude  by  degrees 
became  erect  and  lofty.  The  spirit  of  his  genius  awak 
ened  all  his  features.  His  countenance  shone  with  a 
nobleness  and  grandeur  which  it  had  never  before  exhib 
ited.  There  was  a  lightning  in  his  eyes  which  seemed 
to  rive  the  spectator.  His  action  became  graceful,  bold 
and  commanding;  and  in  the  tones  of  his  voice,  but 
more  especially  in  his  emphasis,  there  was  a  peculiar 
charm,  a  magic,  of  which  any  one  who  ever  knew  him 
will  speak  as  soon  as  he  is  named,  but  of  which  no  one 
can  give  any  adequate  description.  They  can  only 
say  that  it  struck  upon  the  ear  and  upon  the  heart  in  a 
manner  which  language  cannot  tell.  Add  to  all  these 
his  wonder-working  fancy  and  the  peculiar  phraseology 
in  which  he  clothed  his  images;  for  he  pointed  to  the 
heart  with  a  force  that  almost  petrified  it.  In  the  lan 
guage  of  those  who  heard  him  on  this  occasion,  'he  made 
their  blood  run  cold  and  their  hair  to  rise  on  end.'" 

The  parsons  could  stand  it  no  longer,  and  ran  out  of 
the  house.  The  jury  had  scarcely  left  the  bar  when 
they  returned  with  a  verdict  of  "  One  penny  damages." 


PATRICK   HENRY.  283 

A  motion  was  made  for  a  new  trial  and  refused  by  the 
court,  who  seemed  to  have  lost  the  equipoise  of  their 
judgment.  The  crowd  took  hold  of  Mr.  Henry,  carried 
him  out  of  court,  hoisted  him  on  their  shoulders,  and 
marched  through  the  streets  as  conquering  hero.  He 
was  immediately  retained  in  all  the  leading  cases  on  his 
circuit,  and  styled  "  the  orator  of  nature/' 

In  1765,  on  the  passage  of  the  Stamp  Act,  he  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses.  He  was 
almost  entirely  unknown  to  the  rich  planters  with 
whom  he  was  now  associated,  "  and  they  looked  with 
-contempt  and  scorn  on  the  awkward  youth  in  leather 
knee  breeches  and  a  homespun  coat,  who  ventured  to 
assume  the  post  of  leader  in  an  august  assemblage." 
He  wrote  hurriedly,  on  the  fly  leaf  of  an  old  book,  his 
famous  and  immortal  resolutions  against  the  right  of 
the  British  Parliament  to  tax  the  colonies.  The  best 
patriots  received  the  resolutions  with  a  tempest  of 
opposition.  They  were  declared  extreme,  impolitic  and 
dangerous.  Mr.  Jefferson  says  the  debate  was  "  most 
bloody."  In  the  midst  of  the  discussion  Mr.  Henry 
thundered  :  "Caesar  had  his  Brutus,  Charles  the  First 
his  Cromwell,  and  George  the  Third  "— "  Treason  I" 
cried  the  speaker,  "  treason  !  treason !  "  echoed  from 
every  part  of  the  House  — "  may  profit  by  their 
example.  If  this  be  treason  make  the  most  of  it ! " 
The  resolutions  were  carried  by  a  majority  of  one.  The 
sceptre  had  departed  from  the  rich  planters,  and  was 
now  wielded  by  a  county  court  lawyer.  From  this  time 
Patrick  Henry  became  a  power  in  the  State. 

In  1774  Mr.  Henry  was  appointed  by  the  Virginia 
Convention  to  meet  the  delegates  of  the  other  colonies 
in  a  Continental  Congress  in  Philadelphia.  Washington, 
Peyton  Randolph,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Pendleton, 
"Wythe  and  Bland  were  his  colleagues.  When  this 
august  assembly  met,  the  members  were  personally 
unknown  to  each  other,  and  there  was,  for  some  time 
after  their  organization,  an  awkward  and  painful  silence. 


284  PATRICK    HENRY. 

Mr.  Henry  rose,  as  if  borne  down  with  the  weight  of 
the  subject  which  had  called  them  together,  and  launched 
out  into  a  recital  of  the  colonial  wrongs.  "  Rising  as  he 
advanced/7  says  Mr.  Wirt,  "  with  the  grandeur  of  hia 
subject,  and  glowing  at  length  with  all  the  majesty  and 
expectation  of  the  occasion,  his  speech  seemed  more  than 
that  of  mortal  man.  Even  those  who  had  heard  him 
in  all  his  glory,  in  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia, 
were  astonished  at  the  manner  in  which  his  talents 
seemed  to  swell  and  expand  themselves  to  fill  the  roster 
theatre  in  which  he  was  now  placed.  There  was  no 
rant,  no  rhapsody,  no  labor  of  the  understanding,  no 
straining  of  the  voice,  no  confusion  of  the  utterance. 
His  countenance  was  erect,  his  eye  steady,  his  action 
noble,  his  enunciation  clear  and  firm,  his  mind  poised 
on  its  centre,  his  view  of  his  subject  comprehensive  and 
great,  and  his  imagination  with  a  magnificence  and  a 
variety  which  struck  even  that  assembly  with  amaze 
ment  and  awe.  He  sat  down  amidst  murmurs  of 
astonishment  and  applause;  and  as  he  had  been  before 
proclaimed  the  greatest  orator  of  Virginia,  he  was  now, 
on  every  hand,  admitted  to  be  the  first  orator  of 
America." 

Mr.  Henry  was  appointed  to  draw  up  a  petition  to 
the  king.  Here  he  failed,  and  his  draft  was  referred  to 
John  Dickinson,  who  penned  that  imperishable  docu 
ment.  Richard  Henry  Lee  followed  Mr.  Henry  in  a 
speech  of  surpassing  eloquence,  and  he  was  appointed 
to  draw  up  an  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 
His  paper  was  a  failure  also,  and  had  to  be  recast  by 
John  Jay.  After  this  the  members  of  the  Cbnventionr 
who  had  been  thrilled  with  the  eloquence  of  the  Demos 
thenes  and  Cicero  of  Virginia,  and  had  said,  "  we  might 
as  well  go  home,  for  we  are  not  able  to  legislate  with 
these  men/7  changed  their  opinions,  and  remarked,, 
"well,  after  all,  we  find  these  are  but  men,  and  in  mere 
matters  of  business  but  very  common  men." 

It  has  been  said  that  the  talents  of  speaking   and 


PATRICK   HENRY.  285 

writing  are  not  united  in  the  same  person.  But  this  is 
a  mistake;  they  were  united  in  an  eminent  degree  in 
Demosthenes  and  Cicero,  the  greatest  of  ancient  orators. 
A  man  who  speaks  well  can  write  well,  if  he  has  been 
educated  and  has  stored  his  mind  with  learning  and 
useful  information.  But  the  able  writer  may  not  be  an 
orator  at  all;  and  hundreds  of  instances  might  be 
•enumerated. 

In  1775  the  Virginia  Convention  assembled  again, 
.and  Mr.  Henry  submitted  resolutions  to  organize  the 
militia  and  put  the  Old  Dominion  in  a  condition  of 
military  defence.  This  was  alarming,  and  shocked  some 
of  the  best  patriots  in  the  convention.  It  was  then  that 
Henry  said:  "There  is  no  longer  any  room  for  hope. 
If  we  wish  to  be  free  we  must  fight — I  repeat,  sir,  we 
must  fight.  An  appeal  to  arms  and  to  the  God  of  Hosts 
is  all  that  is  left  us.  There  is  no  retreat  but  in  submis 
sion  and  slavery.  Our  chains  are  forged.  Their  clank 
ing  may  be  heard  upon  the  plains  of  Boston.  The  war 
is  inevitable — and  let  it  come!  I  repeat  it,  sir,  let  it 
come !  Gentlemen  may  cry  peace,  peace — but  there  is 
no  peace.  The  war  has  actually  begun.  The  next  gale 
that  sweeps  from  the  North  will  bring  to  our  ears  the 
clash  of  resounding  arms.  Our  brethren  are  already  in 
the  field  !  Why  stand  we  here  idle  ?  Is  life  so  dear  or 
peace  so  sweet  as  to  be  purchased  at  the  price  of  chains 
and  slavery?  Forbid  it,  Almighty  God.  I  know  not 
what  course  others  may  take,  but  as  for  myself,"  cried 
he,  with  both  arms  extended  aloft,  his  brow  knit,  every 
feature  marked  with  the  resolute  purpose  of  his  soul, 
and  his  voice  swelled  to  its  loudest  note  of  exclamation, 
•"  GIVE  ME  LIBERTY  OR  GIVE  ME  DEATH  ! " 

Henry,  Washington,  Lee  and  others  were  appointed 
to  organize  the  militia.  When  the  Governor,  Lord 
Dunmore,  sent  in  the  night  time  and  secretly  removed  a 
large  quantity  of  powder  from  the  magazine  in  Wil- 
liamsburg,  Henry  ordered  out  the  Hanover  militia,  and 
marched  at  their  head  to  recapture  the  powder.  Five 


286  PATRICK   HENRY. 

thousand  men  joined  him  on  his  march  towards  the 
capital.  He  was  anxious  to  strike  a  blow  and  make  the 
issue  at  once.  But  Lord  Dunmore  sent  messengers  to 
Henry,  and  compromised  the  difficulty  by  paying  for 
the  powder.  He  was  in  the  Congress  of  1775,  but  did 
not  make  himself  so  conspicuous.  In  1776  he  was  a 
delegate  to  the  Virginia  Convention,  and  two  months 
before  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  made,  he 
introduced  resolutions  instructing  the  Congressional 
delegates  from  Virginia  to  vote  for  Independence. 

In  1776  he  was  elected  the  first  Republican  Governor 
of  Virginia  and  was  re-elected  several  times.  In  1788 
he  was  a  member  of  the  State  Convention  called  to  con 
sider  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  He 
opposed  the  Constitution  with  all  his  eloquence  for 
several  days.  His  speeches  are  to  be  seen  in  "  Elliot's 
Debates  "  on  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution 
in  all  the  state  conventions.  It  must  be  admitted  that 
they  do  not  sustain  his  great  reputation  as  an  orator  or 
debater.  The  speeches  of  Madison  and  Chief  Justice 
Marshal  are  greatly  superior  in  every  point  of  view  to 
those  of  Mr.  Henry.  In  1795  he  was  tendered  the 
appointment  of  Secretary  of  State  by  Washington,  which 
he  declined.  He  also  declined  the  Mission  to  France 
which  was  offered  him  by  President  Adams.  In  1798 
he  was  for  the  fourth  time  elected  Governor  of  Virginia, 
which  he  also  declined.  In  1799  he  became  a  candidate 
for  the  Virginia  Senate  in  opposition  to  Madison's  reso 
lutions  on  the  rights  of  the  States.  John  Randolph 
met  him  on  this  occasion  in  the  canvass.  Henry's  speech 
was  regarded  as  a  most  powerful  one  against  the  doc 
trines  of  the  resolutions  of  1798.  An  old  man  said  to 
him  "  your  sun  has  set  in  all  its  glory."  He  was  elected 
to  the  Senate,  but  died  before  he  took  his  seat. 

Patrick  Henry  was  twice  married  and  had  fifteen 
children.  He  first  married  a  Miss  Shelton,  as  I  have 
already  stated,  and  by  her  had  six  children.  She  died 
after  he  had  become  a  great  man,  and  he  then  married 


PATRICK    HENRY.  287 

a  Miss  Dandridge,  no  doubt  a  relation  of  Mrs.  Wash 
ington's,  whose  maiden  name  was  Uandridge.  By  her 
he  had  nine  children,  six  sons  and  three  daughters  who 
all  survived  him.  After  his  death,  his  widow  married 
Judge  Winston,  a  cousin  of  Henry's.  Henry  was  a 
remarkably  kind  father  and  husband.  In  his  old  age 
he  has  been  found  lying  on  his  back  in  the  parlor  play 
ing  his  fiddle,  with  a  half-dozen  children  dancing  and 
romping  around  him  seeing  who  could  make  the  most 
noise.  He  left  all  of  his  children  rich,  says  his  biogra 
pher,  by  his  speculations  in  lands.  He  must  have  a 
great  many  descendants  now  living.  Some  years  ago  I 
was  introduced  to  a  great  grandson  of  his  who  was  the 
agent  of  a  newspaper.  He  told  me  he  did  not  like  to 
mention  his  descent,  for  he  regarded  it  a  reflection  on 
his  position  and  standing  in  the  community. 

The  following  is  a  description  of  Patrick  Henry : 
"  Nearly  six  feet  high,  spare,  raw-boned,  and  slightly 
stooping  in  his  shoulders,  he  gave  no  indication  of  the 
majesty  and  grace  which  characterized  his  appearance 
when  his  genius  was  aroused.  His  complexion  was 
sallow,  his  countenance  grave,  thoughtful,  stern  in  repose, 
and  marked  with  the  lines  of  deep  and  painful  reflec 
tion.  His  brows  were  habitually  contracted,  and  com 
municated  to  his  features  an  air  of  forbidding  sternness 
and  severity.  The  mouth,  with  closely  compressed  lips 
and  deep  furrows  at  the  corners,  was  set  in  an  expres 
sion  of  unyielding  resolution.  When  he  spoke,  however, 
a  wonderful  change  passed  over  him." 

Patrick  Henry  is  said  to  have  been  a  devout  Christian. 
He  read  a  sermon  to  his  family  every  Sunday  evening, 
and  published  at  his  own  expense  for  distribution,  "But 
ler's  Analogy."  He  was  kind,  good-natured,  and 
possessed  a  great  deal  of  dry  humor.  He  was  fond  of 
music,  affable  to  all  men,  and  had  no  pride  or  hauteur 
in  his  nature.  He  indulged  in  none  of  the  vices  of  high 
living,  then  so  prevalent  in  Virginia.  He  made  war 
against  aristocracy, and  was  emphatically  the"  tribune  of 
the  people,"  by  whom  he  was  almost  idolized. 


288  PATRICK    HENRY. 

I  had  always  been  under  the  impression  until  I  saw 
his  statue  in  Richmond,  that  he  had  a  long,  sharp  face. 
This  statue  represents  him  with  a  broad  forehead,  and  a 
full,  round  face.  His  life  has  been  written  by  two  of  the 
most  distinguished  orators  of  America,  William  Wirt 
and  Alexander  H.  Everett. 

Mr.  Jefferson  said  Patrick  Henry  was  the  greatest 
orator  the  world  had  ever  produced.  It  is  a  little 
remarkable  that  Henry,  Demosthenes  and  Cicero  were  all 
in  their  twenty-seventh  year,  when  they  first  distin 
guished  themselves  as  great  orators.  It  would  seem  from 
this  that  eloquence  of  the  highest  order  was  slow  in 
developing  itself.  Henry  Clay,  the  great  modern  orator 
of  the  West,  and  Patrick  Henry,  were  both  born  in  the 
same  county  of  Virginia,  and  almost  in  the  same  neigh 
borhood,  "  the  Slashes."  It  is  time  for  Hanover  to 
produce  another  great  orator.  Perhaps  she  will  in 
another  half  century.  There  is  no  end  to  the  produc 
tiveness  of  Virginia  in  great  men.  Illustrious  are  the 
names  of  her  sons,  George  Washington,  Thomas  Jeffer 
son,  James  Madison,  James  Monroe,  Patrick  Henry, 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  William  H.  Crawford,  Henry  Clay, 
General  Robert  E.  Lee,  Stonewall  Jackson,  Chief 
Justice  Marshall,  and  hundreds  of  others. 


ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Amongst  all  the  eminent  American  statesmen  there 
have  been  none  greater  intellectually  than  Alexander 
Hamilton.  I  well  remember  that  Governor  McDuffie, 
more  than  forty  years  ago,  expressed  this  same  opinion 
in  a  speech  which  he  made  in  Congress  on  the  tariff 
question.  Adams,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Calhoun,  Clay 
and  Webster  died  when  they  were  sixty,  seventy  and 
eighty  years  old.  But  Alexander  Hamilton  died  under 
a  false  sense  of  honor,  when  he  was  only  forty-six  years 
old.  In  that  short  period  of  human  existence,  when  the 
English  think  that  a  statesman  or  barrister  is  just  begin 
ning  to  enter  the  arena  of  fame,  Hamilton  had  achieved 
all  his  greatness  in  war,  at  the  bar,  in  the  halls  of  legis 
lation,  as  a  cabinet  minister  and  as  a  voluminous  public 
writer  cf  unsurpassed  ability.  His  writings  have  been 
published  by  his  son  in  six  large  volumes,  and  they  are 
a  monument  of  his  genius  and  ability  as  a  statesman. 

Jefferson  and  Hamilton  were  great  rivals  in  politics, 
and  bitter  enemies.  They  traduced  each  other  very 
much  in  life,  and  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Jefferson  his  calum 
nies  were  continued  after  the  death  of  his  opponent. 
Hamilton  was  at  the  head  of  the  Federal  party,  and 
Jefferson  was  the  great  leader  of  the  Republican  or 
Democratic  party.  They  were  both  members  of  Wash 
ington's  cabinet,  and  came  into  it  every  day  pitted 
against  each  other.  Washington  generally  sided  with 
Hamilton,  and  Jefferson  could  bear  his  daily  defeats  no 
longer,  and  retired  from  the  cabinet  to  organize  his 
party  more  effectually  throughout  the  United  States. 
In  the  contest  for  the  Presidency  between  Jefferson  and 
Burr,  there  is  a  noble  letter  from  Hamilton  to  Senator 
289 


290  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

Bayard  of  Delaware,  showing  his  magnanimity  and 
patriotism.  The  Federal  party  in  Congress  were  sup 
porting  Colonel  Burr  in  the  contested  election,  knowing 
that  he  had  not  received  a  single  vote  for  the  Presidency. 
Their  object  was  to  divide  and  breakdown  the  Republi 
can  party,  and  disappoint  and  mortify  its  great  leader. 
Hamilton  had  too  much  greatness  of  soul  and  love  of 
country  to  engage  in  such  a  conspiracy.  He  was  willing 
to  sacrifice  all  personal  hostility  at  the  altar  of  his  coun 
try's  good.  In  his  letter  to  Bayard  he  says :  "  Jefferson 
has  done  more  to  blacken  my  character  and  injure  my 
fame  than  any  other  man  in  America,  but  he  will  be 
governed  by  principle  if  elected  President  of  the  United 
States.  Colonel  Burr  has  no  principle,  in  morals  or 
politics,  and  if  elected,  I  firmly  believe  he  will  attempt 
the  liberties  of  the  Republic."  How  true  and  how 
prophetic  was  this  expression.  He  hated  Jefferson  with 
a  bitter  hatred,  and  at  that  time  had  no  such  feeling 
against  Burr,  but  he  knew  Colonel  Burr  to  be  a  man  of 
no  principle,  and  thought  that  he  would  attempt  the  lib 
erties  of  his  country  if  placed  in  the  Presidential  chair. 
He  thought  Jefferson  would  be  governed  by  principle 
and  the  Republic  would  be  safe  under  his  adminis 
tration.  Therefore  he  advised  the  Federal  party  to 
abandon  Colonel  Burr  and  let  Jefferson  be  declared  Pre 
sident,  as  he  had  been  unquestionably  elected.  It  would 
have  been  a  noble  act  of  magnanimity,  worth  more  in 
fame  than  the  Presidency,  if  President  Hayes  could 
have  acted  in  a  similar  manner  in  the  last  Presiden 
tial  election,  and  advised  his  Republican  party  to  let 
Governor  Tilden  be  declared  President,  as  he  was 
unquestionably  elected. 

Alexander  Hamilton  was  in  favor  of  a  strong  Fed 
eral  government,  but  he  was  no  monarchist  or  lover 
of  an  empire,  as  has  been  charged  against  him.  It  is 
true  he  doubted,  at  the  beginning  of  our  republican 
experiment,  and  so  did  Washington,  the  wisdom  and 
virtue  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  govern 


ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  291 

themselves  and  sustain  a  pure  Republican  form  of  gov 
ernment.  But  he  was,  no  doubt,  like  Wash  ington,who  said 
he  himself  was  ready  "to  lay  down  his  life  to  see  the 
experiment  have  a  fair  trial/'  At  that  time  great  allow 
ance  must  be  made  for  this  want  of  confidence  in  the 
people  to  maintain  a  Republican  form  of  government. 
Ancient  history  proved  that  all  attempts  of  this  kind 
were  short  lived  and  failures  in  the  end.  All  the  gov 
ernments  in  the  world  for  five  thousand  years  past,  had 
been,  with  few  and  brief  exceptions,  anything  but 
Republican  in  form.  It  was  not  properly  considered 
that  the  American  people  were  differently  situated  from 
all  other  nations.  They  were  all  upon  an  equality,  and 
no  great  fortunes  amongst  them.  They  were  likewise 
far  ahead  of  the  Europeans  in  general  intelligence  and 
virtue,  with  the  masses.  They  had  not  been  divided 
into  two  classes,  known  in  the  old  countries  as  the 
oppressors  and  oppressed. 

In  order  to  have  a  stable  government,  Hamilton  at 
one  time  thought  it  would  be  necessary  to  have  the  Pre 
sident  and  Senators  elected  for  life,  like  the  Judiciary. 
He  was  also  in  favor  of  giving  to  the  President  the 
appointment  of  the  Governors  of  the  States,  who  should 
have  a  veto  on  all  State  legislation.  But  he  soon  aban 
doned  all  these  notions,  and  was  a  firm  and  sincere  advo 
cate  of  the  Federal  Constitution  in  all  its  provisions. 
He  did  more  than  any  one  else  in  explaining  and  causing 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  to  be  adopted  by 
the  American  people.  For  this  purpose  he  wrote  and 
published  most  of  the  very  able  articles  now  known  as 
the  "  Federalist."  Chief  Justice  Jay  wrote  five  of  the 
numbers  and  President  Madison  twenty,  and  all  the  rest 
were  written  by  Hamilton.  It  is  more  than  likely  that 
the  Federal  Constitution  would  not  have  been  adopted, 
but  for  these  essays  explaining  every  feature  and  prin 
ciple  of  the  Federal  plan  of  government. 

Alexander  Hamilton  was  born  in  the  Island  of  Nevis, 
West  Indies,  January  11, 1757.  His  father  was  a  Scotch- 


292  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

man  and  belonged  to  the  distinguished  and  ancient  house 
of  Hamilton,  in  that  Kingdom.  He  was  a  merchant, 
failed  in  his  business,  and  passed  the  remainder  of  his 
life  in  poverty  and  dependence.  The  mother  of  Alex 
ander  was  of  French  Huguenot  descent,  and  the  daugh 
ter  of  a  doctor,  Faucette,  a  practicing  physician  in  the 
Island  of  Nevis.  She  was  a  lady  of  great  beauty  and 
great  intellect,  verifying  the  remark  that  a  great  man 
has  always  had  a  great  mother.  She  was  forced  by  her 
parents,  when  very  young,  to  give  her  hand  in  marriage 
to  a  Dane,  named  Lavine,  on  account  of  his  wealth. 
Soon,  however,  she  sued  for  a  divorce  and  was  married 
to  James  Hamilton,  the  father  of  Alexander.  She  died 
in  his  childhood,  and  her  relatives  took  charge  of  her 
infant  child.  He  was  taught  the  rudiments  of  the 
French  and  English  languages,  both  of  which  he  spoke 
fluently,  and  at  the  age  of 'twelve  years  he  was  placed 
in  a  counting-house.  He  had  no  fondness  for  the  life  of 
a  merchant,  and  a  remarkable  letter  of  his  written  at 
this  early  age,  is  given  by  his  son  in  his  history  of  the 
Republic,  as  traced  in  the  writings  of  his  father  in  six 
volumes.  In  this  letter,  addressed  to  his  dear  friend 
Edward  Stevens,  then  in  New  York,  he  says :  "  To  con 
fess  my  weakness,  Ned,  my  ambition  is  prevalent,  so 
that  I  contemn  the  grovelling  condition  of  a  clerk  or 
the  like,  to  which  my  fortune  condemns  me,  and  would 
risk  my  life,  though  not  my  character,  to  exalt  my  sta 
tion.  I  mean  to  prepare  the  way  for  futurity.  I  wish 
there  was  a  war." 

Although  he  continued  what  he  considered  his  grov 
elling  condition,  yet  he  made  such  progress  in  it  that  at 
the  age  of  thirteen  he  was  left  at  the  head  of  the  estab 
lishment  by  Mr.  Cruger,  when  he  paid  a  visit  to  New 
York.  He  employed  all  his  spare  time  in  reading.  Plu 
tarch  and  Pope  were  his  favorite  authors.  He  studied 
mathematics  and  chemistry,  and  occasionally  used  his 
pen.  An  article  written  by  him,  giving  an  account  of  a 
most  terrible  hurricane  which  visited  one  of  the  West 


ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  293 

India  Islands  in  1772,  attracted  great  public  attention, 
and  was  the  cause  of  his  being  sent  to  New  York  to 
finish  his  education.  He  was  then  only  fifteen  years 
old.  After  some  preparation  at  a  grammar  school  in 
New  Jersey,  he  entered  what  is  now  known  as  Colum 
bia  College,  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Besides  his 
regular  studies  he  attended  lectures  on  anatomy,  with 
a  view  of  studying  medicine  as  his  profession  in  after 
life.  While  thus  engaged  the  American  Revolution 
commenced,  and  young  Hamilton  addressed  a  public 
meeting  in  New  York,  which  drew  attention  to  hinu 
Soon  afterwards  he  wrote  and  published  a  pamphlet, 
in  reply  to  some  strictures  on  the  first  American  Con 
gress,  which  evinced  so  much  ability,  scholarship  and 
statesman-like  views,  that  it  was  attributed  to  Chief 
Justice  Jay. 

In  March,  1776,  when  he  was  only  nineteen  years 
old,  he  obtained  the  commission  of  a  captain  of  artil 
lery,  and  his  last  remittance  from  Santa  Cruz  was- 
spent  in  equipping  this  company.  In  the  campaign 
which  followed,  Hamilton  took  an  active  part,  and 
was  in  the  battles  of  White  Plains,  Trenton  and  Prince 
ton.  Whilst  constructing  some  earth-works,  he  attracted 
the  notice  of  Washington,  and  was  invited  by  the 
Commander-in-Chief  to  his  headquarters.  Washington 
through  life,  seemed  to  have,  like  Napoleon,  an  intui 
tive  knowledge  of  merit  and  rising  genius.  He  invited 
young  Hamilton  to  accept  a  place  in  his  military  fam 
ily  as  one  of  his  aides-de-camp.  From  that  day  to  the 
day  of  his  death,  Washington  gave  him  his  confidence 
and  patronage.  He  was  his  favorite  in  war  and  in 
civil  life.  Washington  confided  more  in  him,  and  was 
more  influenced  by  his  opinions  and  advice,  than  any 
one  else.  When  it  was  supposed  that  a  war  between 
France  and  the  United  States  was  imminent,  Wash 
ington  was  appointed  Lieutenant-General  by  President 
Adams,  with  power  to  select  all  his  general  officers. 
He  gave  Hamilton  the  first  position  in  the  army,  next 


294  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

to  himself,  and  over  the  head  of  Knox,  Pinckney  and 
the  senior  Generals  of  the  Revolution.  There  could 
not  have  been  given  any  higher  evidence  of  Wash 
ington's  confidence  in  the  genius,  patriotism  and  ability 
of  Hamilton.  The  Father  of  his  country  never  was 
known  to  bestow  office  on  an  unworthy  man.  When 
Madison  and  Monroe  called  on  him,  as  delegates  of  the 
democratic  party,  to  appoint  Colonel  Burr  Minister  to 
France,  he  said  to  them,  I  have  made  it  a  rule  through 
life  to  give  no  appointment  to  a  man  in  whose  integrity 
and  principles  I  have  no  confidence.  I  will  appoint  you, 
Mr.  Madison,  or  you,  Mr.  Monroe,  but  not  Colonel  Burr. 

In  the  organization  of  the  Federal  Government,  after 
the  first  election  of  Washington,  Hamilton  is  entitled 
to  more  credit  than  any  one  else.  His  reports  on  the 
national  debt,  foreign  and  domestic,  the  assumption  of 
the  State  debts,  the  establishment  of  a  National  Bank, 
an  excise  duty  on  domestic  spirits,  and  levying  a  duty 
on  foreign  importations,  with  a  view  to  discriminate  on 
certain  manufactures,  are  all  unsurpassed  in  ability. 
His  discriminating  protection  of  domestic  manufactures 
did  not  exceed  ten  per  cent.  No  one  would  ever  have 
complained  of  this,  but  this  protective  duty  was  after 
wards  raised  to  fifty  and  one  hundred  per  cent. 

In  1780  Alexander  Hamilton,  then  in  his  twenty- 
third  year,  married  the  second  daughter  of  General 
Schuyler,  and  thereby  became  connected  with  the  first 
and  wealthiest  families  of  New  York.  He  was  admit 
ted  to  the  bar  in  1782  and  immediately  stood  at  its 
head.  He  was  about  the  same  time  elected  by  the  New 
York  Legislature  a  member  of  the  old  Congress.  On 
his  retirement  from  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  he  resumed  the  practice  of  his  profession  in  New 
York,  and  there  came  in  competition  with  Aaron  Burr. 
Hamilton  knew  Burr  well,  and  knew  his  ambition,  his 
intrigues  and  his  utter  want  of  principle.  When  he 
lost  his  popularity  with  the  republican  party,  bv  contest 
ing  the  Presidency  with  Jefferson,  it  was  proposed  by 


ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  295 

\^>  >       1? 

the  Federal  party  of  New  York  to  elect  him  Governor 
of  that  State.  In  a  convention  of  the  Federalists  for 
the  purpose  of  nominating  Colonel  Burr  for  Governor, 
Hamilton  opposed  the  nomination  and  defeated  it.  This 
determined  Burr  to  seek  personal  revenge,  and  he  got 
hold  of  certain  expressions  of  Hamilton  which  he 
made  the  foundation  of  a  challenge.  Hamilton  was 
opposed  to  duelling,  but  said  it  was  absolutely  necessary 
to  yield  to  public  opinion,  and  that  he  might  destroy 
his  usefulness  in  future  life,  if  he  declined  to  accept  the 
challenge.  This  might  be  a  good  excuse  for  a  young 
man  just  entering  public  life.  But  Hamilton  had  passed 
through  the  whole  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  and  had 
shown  on  every  battle-field  true  courage  and  bravery. 
He  had  established,  too,  a  character  for  honor  and  truth 
that  was  above  suspicion  and  known  to  the  whole  Amer 
ican  people. 

I  remember  to  have  read  somewhere  an  account  of  a 
public  dinner  at  which  Hamilton  and  Burr  were  both 
present,  only  a  few  days  before  their  fatal  meeting. 
Hamilton  was  described  as  being  calm  and  dignified. 
No  one  would  have  supposed  that  there  was  anything 
particular  on  his  mind.  He  sang  a  song  at  the  table 
and  appeared  to  be  in  his  usual  spirits,  whilst  Burr 
appeared  nervous  and  uneasy.  Mrs.  Hamilton  lived 
fifty  years  after  the  death  of  her  husband,  and  died  when 
she  was  ninety-seven  years  old.  Thev  had  six  children. 

Hamilton  shared  in  life  the  fate  of  all  politicians  and 
statesmen.  He  was  idolized  by  his  friends  and  partisans, 
and  bitterly  hated  and  denounced  by  his  opponents  and 
•enemies.  Jefferson  did  a  great  deal  to  blacken  his 
•character,  as  he  stated  in  his  letter  to  Bayard,  urging 
the  Federalists  to  vote  for  Jefferson.  Hamilton  no 
doubt  said  some  hard  things  of  Jefferson.  But  the 
good  opinion  of  Washington  should  have  more  influ 
ence  in  forming  our  opinion  of  Hamilton  than  all  that 
his  political  opponents  have  said  against  him. 

I    remember  once,   reading  in  Jefferson's   works,  a 


296  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

remark  of  Hamilton's,  which  was  thought  to  be  very- 
odious,  and  which  I  thought  at  the  time  contained  a 
great  deal  of  truth.  Adams  remarked  that  the  British 
Government,  purged  of  its  rotten  boroughs  and  their 
corruption  would  do  very  well.  Hamilton  replied  that 
it  did  better  without  this  purging,  or  something  to  that 
effect.  The  truth  was  that  a  great  deal  of  the  talent  in 
the  House  of  Commons  came  from  these  rotten  boroughs. 
Young  men  of  promise  were  sent  from  these  rotten  bor 
oughs  who  could  not  get  into  Parliament  otherwise. 

A  writer  says  very  truly  that  friends  and  foes  united 
in  awarding  Hamilton  the  greatest  ability  as  a  public 
writer,  as  a  Cabinet  Minister,  as  a  public  speaker  and  as 
a  lawyer.  The  following  description  of  his  person  has 
been  given  by  the  same  writer:  "He  was  under  the 
middle  size,  thin  in  person  and  very  erect,  courtly  and 
dignified  in  his  bearing.  His  figure  though  slight, 
was  well-proportioned  and  graceful.  His  complexion 
was  very  delicate  and  fair,  his  cheeks  rosy  and  the  whole 
expression  pleasing  and  cheerful.  His  voice  was  musical, 
his  manner  frank  and  cordial.  He  excelled  equally  as- 
a  writer  and  speaker." 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

There  is  no  grander  character  in  all  history,  ancient 
or  modern,  than  George  Washington,  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  American  forces  during  the  Revolutionary 
war,  and  first  President  of  the  Republic  of  the  United 
States.  There  may  have  been  many  who  possessed 
more  genius  and  learning  than  "the  Father  of  Ins- 
country,  "  but  there  were  none,  no  not  ope,  who  sur 
passed  him  in  wisdom  and  unselfish  ambition,  or  virtue 
and  patriotism.  He  was  indeed  a  noble  character,  sur 
passing  all  the  military  chieftains  of  Greece  and  Rome,, 
or  modern  Europe,  in  the  higher  and  nobler  qualities 
of  human  nature.  There  have  been  statesmen  more 
philosophical  and  profound  than  Washington,  but  none 
of  them  possessed  in  so  eminent  a  degree  as  he  did  that 
purity  and  practical  good  sense,  which  are  the  basis  of 
all  wise  statesmanship.  This  is  the  estimate  of  this- 

freat  man's  character,  not  only  in  America  but  in  every 
ingdom  of  Europe. 

It  is  well  known,  however,  that  at  the  close  of  the 
Revolutionary  war,  when  General  Armstrong  wrote  his 
Newberg  address  to  the  soldiers  of  the  Continental 
army,  Washington  could  have  seized  imperial  power,, 
and  made  himself  a  throne  in  the  United  States.  But 
instead  of  doing  so  he  hastened  to  Annapolis,  where 
Congress  had  assembled,  and  resigned  his  commission 
as  commander-in-chief  of  their  armies.  How  different 
from  Caesar  and  Napoleon,  Cromwell  and  Alexander, 
and  all  the  other  great  conquerors  and  generals  of  the 
world.  Instead  of  seizing  the  sceptre  of  the  Republic, 
although  he  doubted  the  ability  of  the  people  to  govern 
themselves,  he  said  he  would  lay  down  his  life  to  test 
297 


298  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

the  experiment  which  they  were  making.  A  fair  trial 
was  given,  and  he  lived  to  see  the  glorious  results. 

Washington  Irving,  the  great  biographer  of  George 
Washington,  has  traced  his  family  in  England  through 
a  long  line  of  illustrious  ancestors,  up  to  the  century 
immediately  succeeding  the  Norman  conquest.  William 
de  Hertburn  was  the  progenitor  of  the  Washington 
family  in  England  about  the  year  1180,  seven  hundred 
years  since.  He  was  a  Norman,  and  took  his  name 
from  the  village  of  Hertburn,  on  the  palatinate,  which 
he  held  of  the  Bishop  in  knight's  fee.  This  possession 
he  afterwards  exchanged  for  the  manor  and  village  of 
Wessington.  This  old  Saxon  name  was  changed  to 
Wasington,  ftnd  finally  to  that  of  Washington.  Sir 
William  Washington  married  the  sister  of  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham,  the  favorite  of  Charles  First,  and  owing 
to  this  connection  the  Washingtons  took  sides  with  the 
King  in  the  civil  war  and  great  rebellion  of  England. 
In  order  to  escape  the  vengeance  of  Cromwell,  John  and 
Andrew  Washington,  two  brothers,  came  to  America 
and  settled  in  Virginia,  which  was  a  favorite  place  of 
refuge  for  the  cavaliers  of  England  during  the  Pro 
tectorate  of  Oliver  Cromwell.  They  arrived  in  Virginia 
in  1657,  and  purchased  lands  in  Westmoreland  County. 
John  married  Miss  Annie  Pope,  and  became  an  extensive 
planter.  His  grandson,  Augustine  Washington,  was  the 
father  of  General  George  Washington.  He  was  twice 
married,  first  to  Miss  Jane  Butler,  and  secondly  to  Miss 
Mary  Ball,  the  mother  of  George  Washington.  She 
was  a  most  beautiful  and  intellectual'  young  lady,  and 
said  to  have  been  the  belle  of  that  region  of  country. 
He  had,  by  his  first  wife,  four  children,  and  by  his  last, 
four  sons  and  two  daughters,  of  whom  George  was  the 
eldest,  born  February  22,  1732,  at  the  family  residence 
of  his  great-grandfather,  on  Bridges  Creek  where  it 
empties  into  the  Potomac. 

The  only  education  which  George  Washington  received 
was  at  an  "  old  field  school."  He  never  attempted  to 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  299 

learn  the  languages.  His  brother  Lawrence  was  sent  to 
England  and  there  received  a  finished  education,  returned 
home  and  married  the  daughter  of  the  Hon.  William 
Fairfax,  the  cousin  of  Lord  Fairfax.  His  father  died 
when  George  was  only  eleven  years  old,  and  this  sad 
event  interfered  with  his  education  abroad.  He  was 
left  entirely  under  the  charge  of  his  mother,  who  was 
a  very  strict  disciplinarian.  From  this  mother  his 
biographer  says  he  inherited  his  high  temper,  which, 
however,  he  controlled  through  life.  He  also  inherited 
from  her  his  love  of  truth,  independence  of  character, 
and  high  moral  virtues.  Whilst  a  boy  he  was  fond  of 
all  athletic  sports,  such  as  running,  leaping,  wrestling, 
pitching  quoits,  etc.  He  was  of  a  muscular  frame  and 
excelled  in  horsemanship.  His  half-brother  Lawrence 
had  raised  a  regiment  and  served  in  the  West  Indies 
under  Admiral  Vernon.  His  conversations  with  George 
on  his  return  home  inspired  him  with  military  ardor, 
which  he  displayed  at  school  as  captain  of  his  playmates. 
When  fifteen  years  old  he  obtained  a  midshipman's 
commission  in  the  English  navy,  and  was  about  setting 
sail  for  the  West  Indies  when  his  mother  revoked  her 
consent  and  induced  him  to  remain  at  home.  He  then 
turned  his  attention  to  surveying,  and  spent  a  great  deal 
of  his  time  at  Mount  Vernon  in  the  family  of  his  half- 
brother  Lawrence. 

•About  this  time,  when  he  was  about  sixteen  or  seven 
teen  years  old,  he  seems  to  have  been  desperately  in  love 
with  his  "  Lowland  Beauty."  He  composed  some 
""  homespun  poetry,"  which  he  addressed  to  her.  In  his 
letters  to  his  young  companions  he  tells  of  his  grief  and 
pain  and  despair.  He  found  in  the  family  of  William 
Fairfax,  a  most  lovely  and  interesting  young  lady,  Miss 
Carey,  the  sister  of  Colonel  George  Fairfax's  wife.  But 
he  says  he  was  afraid  to  cultivate  her  acquaintance,  as  it 
would  only  remind  him  of  his  "Lowland  Beauty,"  and 
renew  his  grief.  It  is  rather  odd  to  think  of  the  grand 
and  stately  commander-in-chief  of  the  American  forces, 


300  GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 

with  all  his  dignity  and  austerity,  having  been  a  love 
sick  swain,  writing  "  homespun  poetry "  to  his  flame,, 
and  confessing  to  his  companions  his  love,  his  grief  and 
despair.  But  Washington  was  a  man  of  strong  feelings 
and  ardent  temperament,  pure  and  natural  in  all  his 
conceptions  and  actions.  Such  a  man  is  liable  to  become 
the  very  soul  of  love.  His  "  Lowland  Beauty  "  was  a 
Miss  Grimes  of  Westmoreland,  and  afterwards  the 
mother  of  General  Henry  Lee,  the  father  of  General 
Robert  E.  Lee  of  the  Confederate  army.  This  son  of 
his  "  Lowland  Beauty  "  was  a  great  favorite  of  Wash 
ington's  in  the  army  and  through  life  on  account  of  his 
remembrance  of  his  love  for  the  mother,  as  well  as  for 
the  son's  high  moral  character  and  gallant  services. 
Verifying  the  poet's  expression  that  the  heart  that  once 
truly  loves  can  never  forget. 

Washington  spent  two  or  three  years  at  Mount  Ver- 
non,  in  the  family  of  William  Fairfax  and  occa 
sionally  in  that  of  Lord  Fairfax,  whilst  he  was  survey 
ing  his  immense  landed  estate.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
this  association  in  early  life,  with  the  proud  aristocracy 
of  England  had  something  to  do  in  forming  his  dignified 
character  and  austere  manners  in  manhood.  His  brother 
Lawrence  was  also  a  highly  accomplished  gentleman* 
Lord  Fairfax  was  a  literary  character  and  had  written 
several  numbers  of  Add  i  son's  Spectator.  He  was- 
engaged  to  be  married  to  a  beautiful  and  high-born  lady 
in  England,  the  day  appointed  for  the  wedding  and  the 
company  invited,  when  his  betrothed  abandoned  him 
for  a  Ducal  Coronet.  This  was  such  a  mortification  tc* 
his  Lordship  that  he  determined  to  abandon  civilization 
and  flee  to  America,  where  he  had  inherited,  through  hi& 
mother,  who  was  a  sister  to  Lord  Culpepper,  one  of  the 
first  Governors  of  Virginia,  an  extensive  landed  estate* 
He  brought  with  him  a  fine  library,  and,  after  spending 
some  time  with  his  cousin,  William  Fairfax,  at  Bellvoir 
near  Mount  Vernon,  he  settled  in  the  Shenandoah  Val 
ley,  at  a  place  called  Green  Court,  and  spent  his  time  in 
hunting  and  reading. 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON.  301 

The  health  of  Lawrence  Washington  becoming  very 
feeble  he  went  to  the  West  Indies  and  took  with  him 
his  half-brother  George.  This  was  the  only  time  that 
Washington  was  ever  out  of  the  United  States.  Law 
rence  died  soon  after  his  return  to  Virginia,  leaving  a 
widow  and  daughter,  and  by  his  will  gave  all  of  his 
estate  to  George  in  case  his  daughter  died  in  infancy. 
The  widow  and  daughter  both  died  soon  afterwards,  and 
George  took  possession  of  Mount  Vernon  and  purchased 
a  good  deal  of  lands  adjoining.  He  also  added  wings 
to  the  house  which  was  originally  a  very  small  and 
plain  building.  It  still  had  the  appearance  of  a  very 
humble  mansion  for  so  great  a  man,  in  1867,  when  I 
had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  it,  and  spending  a  day  and 
night  there.  Everything  was  out  of  repair,  the  lawn, 
the  garden  and  outbuildings,  were  all  neglected.  There 
was  no  portico  or  piazza  to  the  front  of  the  house,  but  a 
long  piazza  in  the  rear  which  commanded  a  magnificent 
view  of  the  Potomac  river,  and  vessels  sailing  on  it. 
The  bed-chamber  of  Washington,  from  which  you  can 
see  miles  down  the  river,  was  kept  open  for  visitors  to 
look  at,  and,  likewise  the  large  dining-room  added  by 
the  General.  The  beautiful  Italian  marble  mantel-piece 
in  this  room  had  been  barbarously  mutilated  by  visitors 
who  had  taken  pieces  of  it  to  carry  home  and  show  as 
relics.  Such  is  the  morality  of  civilized  human  nature. 
The  key  of  the  Bastile  in  Paris  was  hanging  over  the 
mantel-piece,  protected  by  wire  from  being  stolen  or 
carried  off.  It  was  presented  to  Washington  when  the 
Bastile  was  destroyed. 

Washington  spent  three  years  in  surveying  the  wild 
lands  of  Lord  Fairfax,  and  was  a  most  accurate  surveyor. 
He  was  accurate  and  systematic  in  everything  through 
out  his  whole  life,  public  and  private.  And  this  was 
one  cause  of  his  great  success.  He  taught  himself  early 
in  life  to  submit  to  any  hardship  or  deprivation.  In  a 
letter  written  to  a  friend  whilst  making  his  survey  he  says : 
"Since  October  last  I  have  not  slept  above  three  or  four 


302  GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 

nights  abed;  but  after  walking  a  good  deal  all  the  day, 
I  have  lain  down  before  the  fire  on  a  little  hay,  straw, 
fodder  or  bear  skin,  whichever  was  to  be  had,  with  man, 
wife  and  children,  like  dogs  and  eats,  and  happy  is  he 
who  gets  the  berth  nearest  the  fire." 

When  Washington  was  only  nineteen  he  was  commis 
sioned  as  major  and  sent  with  a  small  force  to  look  after 
the  French  on  the  Ohio.  He  captured  the  Fort 
Duquesne.  The  commander,  Tremonsville,  and  ten  of 
his  men,  were  killed  and  twenty-two  taken  prisoners 
and  sent  to  William sburg.  He  was  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  colonel  and  had  a  force  of  four  hundred  men. 
In  the  meantime  the  French  forces  had  been  increased 
and  attacked  him  in  Fort  Necessity.  He  had  to  capitu 
late  but  on  the  most  favorable  terms,  and  retired  with 
his  command  to  Virginia.  In  what  is  known  as  "  Brad- 
dock's  war,"  he  acted  as  aid  to  the  General,  and  after 
his  disastrous  defeat  by  the  Indians,  Washington  saved 
the  remnant  of  his  army. 

In  February,  1756,  Washington  made  a  hurried  visit 
to  General  Sherley,  in  Boston,  who  had  been  appointed 
commander-in-chief  of  all  the  British  forces.  His 
object  was  to  have  settled  a  question  of  precedence 
between  officers  commanding  Provincial  forces,  and 
those  commissioned  by  the  Crown.  On  his  way  to  and 
from  Boston,  he  was  the  guest  of  Beverly  Robinson  in 
New  York,  who  had  been  his  school-fellow  in  their 
younger  days.  He  was  the  brother  of  the  Speaker  of 
the  House  of  Burgesses  in  Virginia,  who  made  the 
memorable  remark :  "  Sit  down,Colonel  Washington,  your 
courage  is  only  equaled  by  your  modesty."  This  was 
said  when  Washington  was  attempting  to  return  thanks 
to  the  House  for  their  complimentary  resolutions,  and 
became  so  confused  that  he  could  not  proceed.  At  the 
house  of  Mr.  Beverly  Robinson  he  became  acquainted 
with  his  sister-in-law,  Miss  Mary  Phillipse,  whose 
great  personal  charms  made  a  conquest  of  his  heart. 
Five  or  six  years  had  elapsed  since  his  unfortunate  love- 


GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  303 

scrape  with  the  "  Lowland  Beauty."  But  again  he  was 
destined  to  be  disappointed.  His  brother  aid  at  Brad- 
dock's  defeat,Colonel  Morris,became  his  rival  and  the  hus 
band  of  the  young  lady.  In  1758,  two  years  afterwards, 
he  became  engaged  to  his  wife,  Mrs.  Martha  Custis, 
daughter  of  Colonel  Dandridge.  She  was  about  twenty- 
five  years  old  and  had  four  children,  but  still  handsome 
and  interesting.  I  have  heard  of  another  love  affair  of 
Washington's  with  Miss  Bird,  of  Virginia.  It  would 
seem  from  all  this  that  he  was  not  insensible  to  female 
charms,  and  the  young  ladies  whom  he  addressed  were 
not  conscious  of  his  future  greatness,  or  his  addresses 
would  not  have  been  rejected. 

Washington  was  for  several  years  after  his  marriage 
a  member  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses.  In  1774 
he  was  appointed  a  delegate  to  the  first  Continental 
Congress,  and  in  1775  was,  on  motion  of  John  Adams, 
appointed  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  Colonial  and 
Continental  forces.  This  was  soon  after  the  battle  of 
Bunker's  Hill.  He  immediately  proceeded  to  Boston 
and  took  command  of  the  army  there.  On  the  evacua 
tion  of  Boston  by  the  British,  he  marched  his  army  to 
New  York.  But  it  is  impossible  in  a  sketch  of  this 
character  to  follow  him  through  a  seven  years'  war  and 
give  an  account  of  his  battles.  No  General  ever  showed 
more  perseverance,  patriotism  and  wisdom,  and  firmness 
under  the  most  trying  and  distressing  circumstances. 
In  the  winter  of  1777  at  Valley  Forge,  his  army  was 
reduced  to  about  three  thousand  half-clad  and  half- 
starved  soldiers,  whose  tracks  in  the  snow  were  traced 
by  the  blood  of  their  bare  feet.  The  British  army  which 
he  had  to  oppose,  consisted  of  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand 
well-disciplined  troops,  and  supplied  with  all  the  neces 
saries  of  an  army.  Intrigues  and  plots  in  Congress  and 
in  the  army  were  formed  against  him.  General  Gates 
after  his  success  at  Saratoga,  attempted  to  undermine 
his  popularity ;  and  Generalise,  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth,  was  strongly  suspected  of  playing  false  to  him. 


304  GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 

Chancellor  De  Saussure  told  me  many  years  ago  the 
following  anecdote  relative  to  Washington  and  Lee  at 
the  battle  of  Monmouth.  There  was  an  old  officer  of 
Washington's  who  was  devoted  to  him  and  said  he  was 
a  model  man  in  every  respect.  This  officer  was  habitu 
ally  profane  in  his  language  in  conversation.  Long 
after  the  war  was  over  a  friend  thought  to  rebuke  him 
for  his  profanity, and  said,  "you  never  heard  Washington 
curse  or  swear.7-  The  old  officer  hesitated  a  moment,  and 
replied,  "  never  but  once,  sir.  That  was  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  and  I  never  heard  good  cursing  before  or 
since;  he  swore  like  an  angel."  This  was  a  burst  of 
passion  at  General  Lee  for  not  bringing  up  his  com 
mand  in  time  to  take  part  in  the  battle.  General  Lafay 
ette  said  he  called  Lee  "  a  damned  paltroon."  Another 
version  is  that  Washington  dashed  up  to  Lee,  and  using 
•emphatic  language,  inquired  why  he  had  not  brought 
up  his  division  sooner.  Lee  replied  he  did  riot  think 
it  prudent.  Washington,  with  an  insinuation  of  coward 
ice,  remarked  :  "  you  have  been  extremely  prudent,  Gen 
eral  Lee."  Thereupon  Lee  straightened  himself  up,  and 
replied,  "I  know  of  no  one,  sir,  who  possesses  more  of 
that  rascally  virtue  than  your  Excellency."  It  was  not 
cowardice  on  the  part  of  General  Lee,  but  treachery. 
He  thought  by  delay  Washington  would  have  to  retreat 
and  then  he  would  come  in  arid  gain  all  the  credit  of 
the  victory.  General  Charles  Lee  was  an  English 
officer  and  appointed  second  in  command  to  Washington. 
Factssince  developed  show  that  he  was  a  traitor  through 
out  the  war  till  he  was  suspended  of  his  command  by 
a  court  martial.  On  hearing  the  sentence  of  the  court, 
he  said,  "  I  wish  I  was  a  dog  so  that  I  could  not  call 
man  my  brother." 

During  the  whole  war  Washington  returned  home 
but  once.  If  his  example  had  been  followed  by  every 
officer  and  soldier  in  the  Confederate  army  results 
might  have  been  different.  After  the  close  of  the  war 
Washington  retired  to  Mount  Vernon,  and  for  five  or 


GEORGE   WASHINGTON..  305 

six  years  enjoyed  the  peace  and  quiet  of  domestic  hap 
piness.  He  always  took  a  great  interest  in  agriculture 
and  the  improvement  of  his  farm.  The  Commissioners 
of  Maryland  and  Virginia  met  to  arrange  about  the 
boundary  of  the  two  States,  and  after  they  had  transacted 
their  business  they  paid  a  visit  to  Mount  Vernon,  and 
it  was  there  decided,  with  the  consent  of  Washington, 
that  a  convention  of  the  States  should  be  called  to 
amend  the  Articles  of  Confederation.  Five  States  sent 
delegates  for  this  purpose,  who  met  at  Annapolis,  and 
proposed  that  all  the  States  should  send  delegates  to 
meet  in  New  York.  Washington  consented  to  be  a 
member  of  this  convention,  and  was  unanimously  elected 
President  of  it.  No  doubt  his  name  attached  to  the 
Federal  Constitution  gave  it  great  consideration  with 
the  people.  There  was  great  opposition  to  the  adoption 
of  the  Federal  Constitution  in  all  of  the  States.  The 
people  thought  it  was  encroaching  on  the  rights  of  the 
States,  and  would  end  in  a  monarchy. 

When  adopted  there  was  no  division  as  to  who  should 
be  the  President.  Washington  was  unanimously  elected 
and  with  great  reluctance  consented  to  serve.  Patriotic 
motives  alone  induced  him  to  continue  in  the  office  a 
second  term.  He  selected  a  very  able  cabinet.  Jeffer 
son,  who  had  more  learning,  democracy,  tact  and 
diplomacy  than  any  one  else,  was  appointed  Secretary 
of  State.  Alexander  Hamilton,  who  had  more  intel 
lectual  ability  and  conservatism  than  all  others,  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury  Department. 
General  Knox,  an  officer  of  genius  and  experience,  was 
appointed  Secretary  of  War.  Edmund  Randolph,  a 
great  lawyer,  orator  and  statesman,  was  Attorney- 
General.  In  his  cabinet  he  would  always  ask  the 
opinion  of  each  member,  and  then  make  up  his  own 
decision.  It  was  said  that  Jefferson  would  try  to 
impress  his  own  opinions  on  the  members  of  his 
cabinet. 

It  would  seem  that  Washington's  life  was  a  most 


306  GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 

glorious  and  happy  one.  But  he  was  known  to  say 
that  he  would  not  be  willing  to  live  his  life  over  again. 
Franklin  said  he  would  be,  if  permitted  to  make  some 
corrections  in  the  second  edition.  What  corrections 
were  there  for  Washington  to  make  in  his  pure,  moral 
and  patriotic  life  ?  He  is  said  to  have  been  a  sincere 
Christian  and  communicant  of  the  Episcopal  Church. 
He  died  in  the  sixty-eighth  year  of  his  life,  in  December, 
1799.  I  have  no  doubt  he  was  killed  by  his  physicians. 
They  bled  him  to  death  to  stop  a  cold.  He  said  to  Dr. 
Craik,  "  I  die  hard,  but  I  am  not  afraid  to  go."  To 
Mr.  Lear,  his  private  secretary,  he  said,  "  I  am  going, 
have  me  decently  buried,  and  do  not  let  my  body  be 
put  into  the  vault  till  three  days  after  I  am  dead."  He 
inquired  of  Mr.  Lear  if  he  understood  him,  and  on 
being  assured  he  did,  he  said,  "  it  is  well."  These  were 
his  last  words.  He  died  without  a  struggle. 

The  following  description  is  given  of  his  person  : 
"  In  stature  he  was  six  feet  two  inches  high,  his  person 
in  youth  spare,  but  well-proportioned,  and  never  too 
stout  for  prompt  and  easy  movement,  his  hair  was 
brown,  his  eyes  blue  .and  far  apart,  his  hands  large,  his 
arms  uncommonly  strong,  the  muscular  development  of 
his  frame  perfect.  He  was  a  bold,  graceful  horseman, 
and  followed  the  hounds  with  eagerness  and  spirit.  He 
was  scrupulously  attentive  to  the  proprieties  of  dress 
and  personal  appearance.  His  manner  was  gracious 
and  gentle,  especially  toward  the  young,  with  a  certain 
military  reserve  in  public  circles.  He  was  not  voluble 
in  conversation,  nor  yet  unduly  taciturn."  He  had  no 
children,  and  emancipated  all  of  his  slaves  at  his  death. 
He  was  as  General  Henry  Lee  said  in  his  oration  on 
his  death,  "  First  in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first  in  the 
hearts  of  his  countrymen/'  His  life  and  character  are 
the  admiration  not  only  of  America,  but  of  Europe  and 
the  whole  civilized  world. 

Howdon's  statue  of  Washington  in  the  capital  at 
Richmond  is  said  to  be  the  most  accurate  representation 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  307 

of  him  that  we  have.  I  have  seen  this  statue  several 
times  and  examined  it  closely.  It  does  not  seem  to  me 
to  be  a  fair  representation  of  his  majestic  form  and 
intellectual  features.  The  head  is  not  large,  and  the 
forehead  is  retreating.  The  figure  is  altogether  stiff 
and  not  graceful.  The  likenesses  of  Washington  are 
very  different,  especially  those  taken  when  he  was  a 
young  man,  and  those  taken  in  after  life.  Those  taken 
in  old  age  are  most  commonly  seen  in  engravings  and 
books.  His  appearance  when  a  young  man  is  much 
more  striking,  according  to  his  likenesses  seen.  The 
best  engraving  I  have  ever  seen  of  Washington  is  that 
in  Irving's  Life  of  him.  It  comes  up  to  my  idea  of 
the  majesty  and  dignity  of  the  man. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

This  illustrious  philosopher,  statesman,  patriot  and 
philanthropist,  is  better  known  throughout  the  civilized 
world  than  any  other  American,  save  perhaps  Wash 
ington,  the  hero  and  founder  of  the  Republic.  Frank 
lin's  experiments  and  discoveries  in  natural  philosophy, 
and  his  useful  inventions,  induced  the  great  Earl  of  Chat 
ham  to  declare  in  the  British  Parliament  that  he  ranked 
with  Newton,  Boyle,  and  the  greatest  names  that  had 
ever  adorned  philosophy.  His  useful  inventions,  simple 
experiments,  and  grand  discoveries  in  science,  have  made 
his  name  familiar  not  only  to  the  learned  and  scientific, 
but  to  the  intelligent  masses  of  mankind  all  over  the 
world.  The  humblest  peasant  in  Europe  who  never  heard 
of  Jefferson,  Hamilton  or  Adams,  knows  Franklin  by 
his  experiments  and  discoveries  in  electricity,  his  light 
ning  rod,  and  his  useful  inventions. 

The  early  life  of  Franklin  was  written  by  himself, 
and  is  one  of  the  best  known  and  most  interesting  of  all 
autobiographies.  But  his  modesty  prevented  his  con 
tinuing  his  life  after  he  had  achieved  his  greatness.  He 
was  willing  to  tell  the  world  of  his  humble  origin,  the 
poverty  and  difficulties  of  his  early  life,  his  laborious 
industry  as  a  mechanic,  his  own  errors  and  misfortunes. 
But  that  natural  unobtrusive  modesty,  which  always 
belongs  to  true  greatness,  would  not  permit  him  to  tell 
the  honors  paid  him  and  the  fame  awarded  him  as  a 
patriot,  statesman,  philosopher  and  benefactor  of  man 
kind.  This  was  unfortunate  so  far  as  the  reading  world 
is  concerned.  Autobiography  is  the  most  interesting  of 
all  histories,  and  especially  so  of  a  great  man.  He 
knows  his  own  life,  of  course,  better  than  any  one  else, 
308 


BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN.  309 

and  can  give  his  history  more  correctly  and  more 
minutely. 

James  Parton,  however,  has  written  a  life  of  Benjamin 
Franklin,  which,  in  a  great  measure,  is  a  continuation  of 
his  early  autobiography.  This  gentleman  seems  to  have 
a  wonderful  talent  for  writing  the  lives  of  great  men, 
His  "Life  of  Andrew  Jackson,"  in  three  volumes,  his 
"Life  and  Times  of  Aaron  Burr/7  and  his  "Life  of 
Benjamin  Franklin,"  in  two  volumes,  are  unsurpassed 
in  interest  as  biographies.  He  has  a  knack,  somehow, 
of  making  everything  interesting  that  he  tells  or  touches. 
We  all  know  how  differently  the  same  facts  or  story 
told  by  different  persons  will  impress  our  minds.  Whilst 
one  in  his  narrative  thrills  our  hearts  with  the  deepest 
interest,  another  may  put  us  to  sleep  in  telling  the  same 
story,  or  relating  the  same  facts.  Mr.  Parton  never  lets 
the  interest  of  his  work  abate  from  beginning  to  end. 
The  reader  does  not  wish  to  lay  down  the  book  till  he 
finishes  it. 

Mr.  Parton  not  only  has  great  tact  in  arranging  his 
facts,  and  clothing  them  in  beautiful  language,  but  his 
research  in  hunting  up  and  collecting  his  facts  is  worthy 
of  all  praise  in  one  who  undertakes  to  write  the  life  of 
a  great  man.  He  has  traced  the  family  of  Dr.  Frank 
lin  in  England  for  many  generations  through  several 
centuries.  The  ancestors  of  the  great  American  sage 
were  blacksmiths  for  centuries,  at  Eaton,  a  small  village 
sixty  miles  from  London,  in  Northamptonshire,  the  cen 
tral  county  of  England.  They  were  all  worthy,  indus 
trious  mechanics  and  sincere  Protestants.  They  had  a 
Bible  concealed  in  a  stool  with  a  lid  over  it,  and  if  any 
one  came  whilst  they  were  reading  it,  the  lid  was  shut 
down  and  the  good  book  concealed  from  the  Catholics. 

It  is  a  little  remarkable  that  the  ancestral  family  of 
George  Washington  should  have  lived  also  for  centuries 
in  the  same  county  and  same  neighborhood  with  that  of 
Benjamin  Franklin,  before  their  removal  to  America. 
The  Franklins  were  all  adherents  of  Oliver  Cromwell, 


310  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

whilst  the  Washingtons  took  sides  with  King  Charles 
the  first.  In  settling  in  America  the  two  families  showed 
their  political  and  religious  biases.  Washington's  great 
grandfather  being  a  Cavalier,  sought  refuge  from  the 
persecution  of  Cromwell  in  the  Colony  of  Virginia, 
where  the  Church  of  England  was  the  established  reli 
gion,  and  where  the  great  Protector's  authority  was  never 
recognized.  In  consequence  of  this,  Virginia  was  dubbed 
"  The  Old  Dominion,"  a  title  which  she  proudly  boasts 
at  the  present  day.  The  father  of  Franklin  being  a 
Puritan  and  "Round  Head,"  sought  religions  freedom 
in  Boston,  Massachusetts,  a  town  then  about  the  size  of 
Greenville,  containing  six  thousand  inhabitants. 

The  accomplished  biographer  of  Benjamin  Franklin 
says :  "  The  ancestors  of  the  two  men  who  were  most 
influential  upon  the  early  fortunes  of  the  United  States, 
lived  for  several  generations  in  the  same  county,  North 
amptonshire,  the  central  county  of  England.  But 
though  the  two  families  lived  within  a  few  miles  of  each 
other,  they  were  separated  by  a  social  interval  that  was 
impassable.  Washington,  as  Mr.  Irving  with  such  fond 
minuteness  relates,  was  of  gentle  lineage.  Knights, 
abbots,  lords  of  the  manor  valiant,  defenders  of  cities 
and  partakers  of  the  spoils  of  conquest,  have  the  name  of 
Washington,  whose  deeds  and  honors  are  recorded  in 
ancient  parchment,  upon  memorial  brass  and  monu 
mental  stone.  Franklin,  on  the  contrary,  came  of  a  long 
line  of  village  blacksmiths.  A  Franklin  may  have 
tightened  a  rivet  in  the  armor  or  replaced  a  shoe  upon 
the  horse  of  a  Washington,  or  doffed  his  cap  to  a  Wash 
ington  riding  past  the  ancestral  forge ;  but  until  Post 
master  Franklin  met  Colonel  Washington  in  the  camp 
of  General  Braddock,  in  1755,  the  two  races  had  run 
their  several  ways  without  communion."  What  an 
expressive  commentary  is  this  upon  monarchical  and 
republican  institutions. 

The  grandfather  of  Dr.  Franklin,  whose  name  was 
Thomas  Franklin,  seems  to  have  elevated  his  family 


BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN.  311 

somewhat  by  the  kindness  and  patronage  of  Squire  Pal 
mer,  who  lent  them  books,  and  no  doubt  fostered  the 
talent  which  had  lain  dormant  in  the  family  for  many 
years.  His  son  Thomas,  uncle  of  Dr.  Franklin,  learned 
the  blacksmith's  trade  in  his  father's  shop,  but  aided  by 
Squire  Palmer,  he  became  a  conveyancer,  "something  of 
a  lawyer,  clerk  of  the  county  court,  and  clerk  to  the 
Archdeacon,  a  very  leading  man  in  county  affairs,  and 
much  employed  in  public  business."  John,  Benjamin 
and  Josiah,  the  other  sons  of  Thomas  the  elder,  became 
dyers  and  abandoned  the  anvil  and  hammer.  Josiah 
was  the  father  of  Dr.  Franklin,  and  was  born  in  1655. 
He  married  in  Banburg,  where  he  had  learned  the  trade 
of  dyer.  In  1685,  Josiah  Franklin  bade  farewell  to 
England  and  came  with  his  wife  and  three  children  to 
America.  Finding  no  employment  as  a  dyer,  he  set  up 
in  business  as  a  tallow  chandler  and  soap  boiler.  It  is 
said  that  a  moderate  prosperity  rewarded  his  diligence 
and  skill  in  Boston.  His  English  wife  died  after  giving 
birth  to  seven  children,  leaving  him  a  widower  of  thirty- 
five,  with  six  living  children.  He  was  good  looking, 
intelligent,  and  thrifty,  and  made  haste  before  the  year 
was  out  to  marry  Abiah  Folger,  then  twenty-two  years 
old.  She  became  the  mother  of  Dr.  Benjamin  Franklin 
and  nine  other  children.  Her  father  "Peter  Folger 
was,"  says  Mr.  Parton,  "worthy  of  being  called  the 
grandfather  of  Dr.  Franklin."  A  cotemporary  describes 
him  as  "  a  learned  and  godly  Englishman."  He  wrote 
poetry,  and  was  opposed  to  the  shameful  iniquity  of  per 
secuting  Baptists  and  Quakers  for  opinion's  sake.  His 
grandson  Benjamin  used  to  quote  his  poetry  on  this 
subject  and  boast  of  his  liberal  principles.  We  do  not 
get  much  information  from  any  source  relative  to  Frank 
lin's  mother,  but  there  is  no  doubt  she  was  a  woman  of 
remarkable  natural  abilities  and  strong  character.  She 
could  not  otherwise  have  given  birth  to  such  a  son. 
History  records  no  instance  of  a  great  man  being  born 
of  an  ordinary  mother. 


312  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

There  is  an  amusing  story  told  of  Franklin's  return 
ing  to  his  mother  after  an  absence  of  many  years,  to 
test  the  natural  love  or  storgee  of  the  Greeks  for  one's 
offspring.  He  did  not  make  himself  known  to  his 
mother  and  she  treated  him  with  great  coldness,  express 
ing  an  opinion  that  he  was  a  suspicious  character,  and 
that  she  did  not  like  his  looks.  This  satisfied  Franklin 
that  there  was  no  instinctive  love  of  offspring.  The 
storgee  of  the  Greeks  was  a  poetical  fiction.  This  story 
is  universally  believed,  but  his  biographer  says  there  is 
not  a  word  of  truth  in  it. 

There  is  another  coincidence  between  Washington  and 
Franklin  worthy  of  notice.  Their  ancestors  not  only 
lived  in  the  same  neighborhood  in  England  for  centuries, 
and  emigrated  to  America  about  the  same  time,  but 
they,  Franklin  and  Washington,  were  both  sons  of  a 
second  marriage  of  elderly  fathers  to  young  mothers. 
Both  sons  lost  the  counsel  and  advice  of  their  fathers  in 
early  youth.  In  Washington's  case  his  father  died 
when  he  was  only  ten  or  twelve  years  old.  Franklin 
ran  away  from  his  father  whilst  he  was  in  his  teens  and 
came  to  Philadelphia  to  seek  his  fortune.  Neither 
father  nor  mother  exercised  any  influence  over  him. 
But  it  is  said  that  Washington's  mother  after  the  death 
of  his  father,  held  a  tight  rein  over  him,  and  used  to 
chastise  him  when  he  was  fifteen  or  sixteen  years  old. 
In  those  days  parents  did  not,  in  the  language  of  scrip 
ture,  "  spare  the  rod  and  spoil  the  child." 

Benjamin  Franklin  was  born  January  6th,  1706, 
and  was  the  eighth  child  of  his  mother  and  the  fifteenth^ 
of  his  father.  He  had  two  sisters  born  after  him.  One 
of  them,  Jane,  was  the  pet  and  beauty  of  the  family. 
She  was  his  favorite  sister  and  affectionate  correspondent 
for  sixty  years.  In  one  of  his  letters  to  her  whilst  in 
Philadelphia,  after  an  absence  of  many  years,  he  writes 
her  that  he  had  understood  she  had  grown  to  be  a  great 
beauty  and  was  quite  a  belle  in  Boston.  He  had  been 
thinking  of  a  suitable  present  to  make  and  was  somewhat 


BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN.  31  '& 

embarrassed  to  decide  what  it  should  be.  Finally  he 
had  concluded  to  send  her  a  spinning-wheel  and  a  pair 
of  cards.  He  said  they  might  be  useful  although  they 
were  not  ornamental.  What  would  a  modern  belle 
think  of  receiving  such  a  present  from  a  brother  at  the 
present  time.  But  in  those  days  there  were  no. spinning 
jennies  and  cotton  factories.  Homespun  was  worn  as 
an  every-day  dress  by  even  beauties  and  belles.  Times 
have  changed.  But  Franklin  may  have  written  the 
letter  to  his  sister  as  a  joke,  and  probably  did.  He  was,, 
however,  through  life,  a  great  utilitarian,  and  scorned 
all  extravagance  and  ostentation.  Great  men  always  do. 

The  education  of  Franklin  was  very  limited,  and  he 
was  taken  from  school  at  ten  years,  to  assist  his  father 
in  making  candles  and  boiling  soap.  At  one  time  his 
father  intended  to  educate  him  for  the  ministry.  He 
had  shown  a  remarkable  aptitude  for  learning  when  a 
very  small  boy,  and  always  stood  at  the  head  of  his 
class.  It  is  doubtful  if  his  father's  wishes  had  been 
carried  out,  whether  he  would  have  been  as  distinguished 
in  the  Church  as  he  was  in  philosophy  and  diplomacy.. 
His  mind  does  not  seem  ever  to  have  had  a  very  reli 
gious  turn. 

The  trade  of  a  tallow  chandler  and  soap  boiler  did  not 
suit  Benjamin,  and  his  father  took  him  around  to  seethe 
other  trades  in  Boston.  At  length  it  was  determined  to 
bind  him  as  an  apprentice  to  his  brother,  who  was  a 
printer  and  editor  of  a  newspaper.  This  suited  his 
genius  much  better  and  gave  him  an  opportunity  of 
reading.  He  proposed  to  his  brother  to  allow  him  one- 
half  of  what  he  was  paying  for  his  board  and  he  would 
board  himself.  This  arrangement  was  made,  and 
instead  of  going  to  dinner  Benjamin  would  get  himself 
a  slice  of  bread,  a  cup  of  water  and  a  handful  of  raisins. 
He  would  stay  in  the  office  and  read  whilst  the  others 
were  gone  for  their  dinners.  About  this  time  he  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  a  sin  to  make  flesh  a  part 
of  our  food.  He  did  not  think  it  right  for  one  animal 


314  BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN. 

to  eat  another.  Both  were  equally  entitled  to  life,  as 
the  gift  of  nature  and  God.  But  on  seeing  a  large  fish 
opened,  which  had  been  feasting  on  the  small  fry,  he 
concluded  that  if  one  fish  was  permitted  to  eat  another, 
it  was  not  against  nature's  laws  for  him  to  eat  another 
animal.  From  that  time  he  always  ate  as  other  people 
did.  He  was  also  at  this  time  a  great  temperance  man 
and  eschewed  not  only  spirituous  liquors,  but  beer,  ale, 
wine,  etc.  He  proved  to  the  London  printers  that  he 
was  much  stronger  than  they  were,  although  they  used 
stimulants  and  he  did  not.  In  after  life,  however,  he 
abandoned  his  notions  about  drinking  as  he  had  done  in 
youth  about  not  eating  flesh. 

The  reading  of  Franklin  whilst  an  apprentice  was 
very  extensive,  and  he  also-  tried  his  hand  at  poetry. 
His  father  put  a  stop  to  his  writing  doggerel  rhyme, 
and  "thereby,"  said  he,  "I  escaped  being  a  poet."  He 
and  his  brother  had  some  difference  and  his  brother 
beat  him.  He  said  this  early  subjection  to  tyranny 
made  him  quick  in  after  life  to  resist  arbitrary  power. 
His  indentures  had  been  cancelled  and  he  quit  his 
brother.  But  not  being  able  to  get  employment  in 
Boston  as  a  printer,  he  went  to  Philadelphia.  Of  his 
first  entrance  into  the  city  of  Brotherly  Love  he  gives 
an  amusing  and  ludicrous  account  in  his  autobiography. 
He  was  very  hungry  and  bought  three  loaves  of  bread. 
His  pockets  being  filled  with  shirts  and  stockings,  he  put 
a  loaf  under  each  arm  and  commenced  eating  the  third 
as  he  passed  up  Market  street.  Miss  Read,  his  future 
wife,  saw  him  as  he  passed  her  father's  house  and  noticed 
his  uncouth  and  eccentric  appearance.  He  gave  his 
bread  to  a  poor  woman,  and  walked  into  a  Quaker 
meeting-house  where  he  fell  into  a  sound  sleep. 

Franklin  soon  obtained  work  and  engaged  board  at 
Mr.  Read's,  his  future  father-in-law.  The  Governor  of 
the  Province,  Sir  William  Keith,  read  some  of  his  letters, 
called  to  see  him  and  invited  him  to  his  house.  His 
Excellency  was  so  much  pleased  with  his  talents  and 


/ 

BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN.  315 

. 


attainments  that  he  proposed  setting  him  up  in  business 
for  himself.  Relying  on  the  Governor's  promises  he 
started  to  England  to  purchase  all  the  material  for 

•       i  •  1  1    1  •     1     •  TT  1 1 


printing  and  publishing  a  newspaper.  He  was  then 
eighteen  years  old,  and  had  engaged  himself  to  marry  Miss 
Read.  On  arriving  in  London  he  found  the  Governor 
had  furnished  no  funds  to  purchase  type,  press,  etc.,  and 
was  not  able  to  do  so.  He  got  employment,  however,  as 
a  journeyman  printer,  fell  into  bad  habits,  neglected 
writing  to  Miss  Read,  and  she,  supposing  herself  aban 
doned  by  Franklin,  was  induced  to  marry  another  man. 
In  a  short  time  she  separated  from  her  husband,  having 
heard  he  had  another  wife  living.  He  went  off  to  the 
West  Indies  and  was  never  heard  of  afterwards. 

Franklin  remained  in  London  eighteen  months,  and 
returned  to  Philadelphia.  Miss  Read  was  sad  and 
broken-hearted,  and  he  determined  to  make  amends  for 
his  past  mistreatment  of  her,  and  they  were  married 
the  first  of  September,  1730.  She  made  him  an  excellent 
wife,  and  they  lived  together  most  happily  till  her  death, 
which  occurred  many  years  afterwards,  whilst  he  was  in 
London,  and  after  he  had  acquired  fortune  and  fame  as 
one  of  the  first  philosophers  of  the  age,  and  benefactors  of 
mankind.  They  had  but  one  child  who  lived  to  be 
grown.  She  married  Mr.  Bache  and  has  numerous 
descendants  now  living  in  Philadelphia.  His  son,  who 
was  Governor  of  New  Jersey,  was  illegitimate,  and  110 
one  ever  knew  who  his  mother  was,  says  his  biographer. 
Franklin  had  brought  him  up  and  gave  him  a  finished 
education.  He,  too,  had  an  illegitimate  son,  William 
Temple  Franklin,  an  accomplished  young  gentleman, 
who  was  his  grandfather's  private  secretary,  and  remained 
steadfast  to  him  and  the  independence  of  his  country, 
when  his  father,  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey,  took  sides 
with  the  British  government  and  made  hiuiself  very 
odious  to  the  people  and  Congress.  The  name  of 
Franklin  is  now  extinct.  The  Governor  was  for  many 
years  a  pensioner  on  the  English  government,  and  died 


316  BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

without  issue,  except  his  illegitimate  son,  who  also  dierf 
without  leaving  children. 

There  is  no  one  who  ever  left  the  impress  of  his  char 
acter  on  a  city  more  marked  than  Franklin  did  his  on 
the  city  of  Philadelphia.  He  effected  improvements  in 
the  city  watch  and  established  a  fire  company.  He  was 
the  founder  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  and  of 
fche  American  Philosophical  Society.  He  invented  the 
economical  stove  which  bears  his  name.  He  got  up  a 
subscription  and  established  a  public  library  in  the  city. 
In  fact  he  was  the  originator  of  all  Philadelphia's  early 
improvements. 

In  1750  Franklin  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Penn 
sylvania  Legislature,  and  appointed  a  commissioner  for 
making  an  Indian  treaty.  In  1753  he  was  appointed 
deputy  Postmaster-General  for  America.  He  was  ap 
pointed  a  delegate  in  1756  to  the  general  Congress  at 
Albany.  In  that  Congress  he  proposed  a  plan  of  union 
for  the  Colonies  which  was  adopted,  but  afterwards- 
rejected  by  both  England  and  the  Colonies.  As  Post 
master-General  it  became  his  duty  to  assist  in  the  march 
of  Braddock's  army  against  the  Indians.  He  met  Gen 
eral  Braddock  in  Maryland  and  advised  him  against  his- 
expedition  which  proved  so  disastrous.  After  the  defeat 
of  Braddock  he  organized  the  militia  for  the  defence  of 
the  Colony,  and  was  appointed  general  of  the  army. 
This  position  he  declined. 

He  now  pursued  his  experiments  in  electricity  and 
made  himself  famous  as  a  philosopher.  Honors  and 
medals,  degrees  and  memberships  of  learned  societies,, 
were  conferred  on  him.  He  was  appointed  agent  for 
the  Colonies  of  Pennsylvania,  Massachusetts,  Maryland 
and  Georgia,  to  represent  their  interests  in  England. 
He  arrived  in  London  July  27,  1757,  and  honors  and 
compliments  awaited  him.  Oxford  and  Edinburgh 
conferred  on  him  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws.  The 
great  and  learned  men  of  England  sought  his  acquaint 
ance.  After  remaining  in  England  five  years,  and. 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  317 

.adjusting  all  the  business  of  the  Colonies,  he  returned 
.home  in  1762  and  received  their  vote  of  thanks.  But 
new  troubles  broke  out  between  the  Mother  Country  and 
her  Colonies,  and  he  was  sent  back  again  in  1764.  The 
project  of  taxing  the  Colonies  had  been  announced  and 
he  was  indefatigable  in  showing  its  unconstitutionality. 
He  was  examined  before  the  House  of  Commons  on  the 
subject  of  repealing  the  Stamp  Act,  and  acquired  great 
fame  by  his  answers  and  explanations.  It  was  said  that 
his  examination  was  like  that  of  a  parcel  of  school  boys 
examining  their  teacher  and  master.  He  said  loyalty 
had  been  the  pride  of  the  Americans.  Thinking  to  catch 
him  in  squinting  at  treason,  they  enquired  what  then 
was  the  pride  of  the  Americans  now?  His  reply  was  to 
wear  their  old  clothes  until  they  could  make  new  ones. 

Nine  years  before  the  declaration  of  American  Inde 
pendence,  Franklin  saw  that  it  would  come  and  ought 
to  come.  He  said  whilst  in  England  to  his  friends 
returning  to  America,  "go  home  and  get  children.  They 
will  be  needed  for  the  defence  of  their  country  and  her 
liberties."  He  hated  tyranny  and  oppression  in  every 
form,  and  was  always  prompt  and  fearless  in  resisting 
them.  "  Resistance  to  tyrants  is  obedience  to  God,"  was 
his  motto.  Great  efforts  were  made  whilst  he  was  in 
England  to  win  him  over  to  the  government.  They 
heaped  honors  and  rewards  on  him,  made  his  son  Gov 
ernor  of  New  Jersey,  appointed  him  Postmaster-General 
of  America,  and  still  he  remained  firm  and  true  to  his 
•country.  They  complained  of  his  ingratitude.  He  told 
them  that  he  knew  it  was  a  maxim  of  their  former  prime 
minister,  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  that  every  man  had  his 
price.  But,  said  he,  u  what  would  satisfy  a  mouse  an 
elephant  could  not  feel."  Leaving  them  to  infer  that 
they  had  not  yet  given  him  enough.  But  they  had 
sagacity  to  perceive  that  ertough  could  never  be  given 
him. 

Franklin  returned  from  England  in  May,  1775,  and 
took  his  seat  in  the  Continental   Congress  to  which  he 


318  BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN. 

had  been  elected  in  his  absence.  He  was  again  appoint 
ed  a  member  of  the  Congress  which  declared  American 
Independence,  and  signed  the  same.  He  had  long  pre 
viously  urged  this  Declaration  of  Independence.  He  was 
then  sent  as  Commissioner  to  Paris,  afterwards  plenipo 
tentiary  and  commissioner  for  negotiating  peace.  He 
signed  the  treaty  by  which  Great  Britain  acknowledged 
the  Independence  of  the  United  States.  No  one  ever 
created  a  greater  commotion  in  the  social  circles  of  Paris 
than  Dr.  Franklin.  He  did  not  return  to  Philadelphia 
till  1785.  He  was  then  elected  President  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  afterwards  a  member  of  the  convention  which 
framed  the  Federal  Constitution.  He  died  April  17, 
1790,  and  twenty  thousand  persons  attended  his  funeral. 

In  1846  I  visited  Philadelphia  for  the  first  time,  and 
whilst  there  I  hunted  up  the  house  in  which  Franklin 
lived.  It  had  been  converted  into  a  grocery,  but  seemed 
to  be  in  good  repair.  I  then  went  to  his  grave  in 
the  church  yard.  There  was  a  broad  marble  slab  cov 
ering  his  and  his  wife's  grave.  Their  names  were  cut 
on  the  slab.  I  thought  how  humble  this  monument  to 
greatness  was.  But  it  was  in  character  with  the  sim 
plicity  of  Franklin.  He  wanted  no  monument  to  per 
petuate  his  fame.  The  Latin  line  by  a  French  statesman 
embodies  it  all,  and  is  beautifully  expressed — tf  Eripuit 
caelo  fulmen,  sep-tremque  tyrannis" 

In  his  youth  and  early  manhood  Franklin  was  stout 
and  athletic,  with  a  handsome  face,  as  represented  in  his 
likenesses.  He  was  five  feet  ten  inches  high.  His  com 
plexion  was  light  and  his  eyes  grey.  In  manners  he 
was  simple,  aifable  and  charming.  He  charmed  all  Paris 
with  his  manners  and  conversation.  Whilst  a  journey 
man  printer  in  London,  an  old  woman  reduced  his  board 
two  or  three  shillings  on  account  of  the  pleasure  she 
derived  from  his  conversation.  In  the  character  of 
Washington  there  was  grandeur  and  dignity.  In  the 
character  of  Franklin  all  was  simplicity  and  affability. 
Washington  inspired  awe  and  admiration  ;  and  Franklin 


BENJAMIN    FKANKLIN.  319 

love  and  respect.  Washington  would  receive  no  com 
pensation  for  all  his  public  services,  and  presents  made 
him  by  the  State  of  Virginia,  he  gave  as  endowment  to 
a  college  at  Lexington,  named  after  him.  Franklin 
received  compensation  for  his  public  services,  and  gave 
it  as  a  fund  to  be  loaned  out  to  poor  mechanics  in  Bos 
ton  and  Philadelphia. 

There  was  a  great  fund  of  good  humor  in  this  old 
patriot  and  philosopher.  He  had  a  happy  knack  of 
illustrating  his  views  by  a  story  or  anecdote,  which  was 
always  apropos.  Mr.  Jefferson  tells  the  following 
incident  of  Franklin  when  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  was  under  discussion  in  the  Continental  Con 
gress.  Mr.  Jefferson,  as  chairman  of  the  committee 
appointed  to  draw  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  had 
submitted  his  draft  to  the  committee,  which  was  adopted 
by  them  and  reported  to  the  Congress.  In  the  discus 
sion  of  this  declaration  various  amendments,  alterations, 
and  erasures  were  proposed.  Jefferson  was  sitting  near 
Franklin,  and  the  old  philosopher  saw  that  he  was  in 
great  torture.  By  way  of  consoling  him  Franklin  told 
him  the  following  story :  John  Smith,  a  hatter  in 
Philadelphia,  had  a  beautiful  sign-board  painted  in  the 
following  words  :  "  John  Smith,  hatter,  makes  and  sells 
hats  for  cash."  He  showed  his  sign  to  a  friend,  who 
suggested  that  the  word  "  hatter  "  was  superfluous,  as  he 
stated  that  he  made  hats,  consequently  the  word  "  hatter  " 
was  erased  from  the  sign,  which  then  stood — "  John 
Smith  makes  and  sells  hats  for  cash."  Another  friend 
suggested  that  it  was  a  matter  of  no  consequence  to  the 
purchaser  of  a  hat  whether  it  was  made  by  John 
Smith  or  any  one  else,  consequently  the  word  "  makes" 
was  stricken  out,  and  the  sign  was,  "John  Smith  sells 
hats  for  cash."  A  third  friend  suggested  that  no  one 
expected  to  buy  a  hat  on  a  credit,  and  therefore  the 
words  "for  cash"  were  erased.  The  sign  then  read, 
"  John  Smith  sells  hats."  Another  friend,  looking  at 
the  sign,  said  no  one  expects  you  to  give  him  a  hat,  and 


320  BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN. 

therefore  the  word  "sells"  was  stricken  out.  After  all 
these  suggestions  had  been  adopted  the  sign-board  was 
simply,  "  John  Smith,  hats."  Nothing  was  said  about 
making  or  selling. 

After  Braddock's  defeat  the  Indians  were  committing 
great  depredations  on  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
Franklin,  like  a  true  patriot,  as  he  was,  organized  a 
militia  force  to  defend  the  Province.  He  had  the  honor 
of  being  appointed  a  general  to  command  the  forces 
thus  raised.  One  day  whilst  in  service,  the  chaplain 
came  to  him  and  complained  that  he  could  not  get  the 
soldiers  to  attend  ruormng  prayers,  and  wished  Frank 
lin  to  have  them  punished  for  neglect  of  duty.  He 
very  coolly  heard  the  chaplain  state  his  grievance  and 
propose  his  remedy,  and  said  he  did  not  like  to  punish 
his  soldiers  if  they  could  be  induced  otherwise  to  per 
form  their  duty.  He  then  requested  the  chaplain  to 
give  notice  that  the  rations  of  rum  would  be  dealt  out  to 
the  soldiers  the  next  morning  immediately  after  prayers. 
In  the  evening  the  chaplain  told  Franklin  that  his 
suggestion  had  been  adopted,  and  that  it  had  worked 
like  a  charm.  There  was  not  a  man  missing  that 
morning  at  prayers.  All  were  attentive  and  devout. 

Franklin  did  not  like  to  see  anything  commenced  and 
not  completed,  nor  did  he  like  to  see  a  work  half  done 
through  laziness.  In  order  to  illustrate  his  notion  on  this 
subject  he  told  the  story  about "  the  speckled  axe."  A  lazy 
fellow  once  asked  the  blacksmith  if  he  could  not  make 
the  whole  axe  bright  like  the  edge  ?  "  Oh,  yes,"  said 
the  smith,  "  if  you  will  turn  the  grindstone  I  will  make 
the  sides  as  bright  as  the  edge."  The  fellow  commenced 
turning,  and  the  blacksmith  put  the  side  of  the  axe  on 
the  grindstone  and  bore  down  very  hard  on  it.  After 
a  while  the  lazy  fellow  got  tired  of  turning  the  grind 
stone  and  proposed  to  stop.  The  blacksmith  told  him 
that  the  axe  was  now  speckled  and  not  bright.  The 
fellow  replied  that  he  believed  he  liked  a  speckled  axe 
better  than  a  bright  one.  Franklin  said  it  was  so  with 
the  world,  a  majority  of  mankind  liked  "  speckled  axes." 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  321 

Whilst  Franklin  was  agent  for  the  colonies  and 
resisting  the  right  of  Great  Britain  to  tax  them  without 
representation,  the  government  replied  that  the  colonies 
were  all  settled  by  English  subjects,  and  of  course  the 
mother  country  had  a  right  to  nake  them  pay  taxes. 
In  order  to  show  the  absurdity  of  this  alleged  right, 
Franklin  caused  to  be  published  one  morning  in  the 
London  papers  a  proclamation  which  he  had  drawn  for 
the  King  of  Prussia.  This  paper  set  forth  that  England 
had  been  settled  by  the  Saxons,  and  as  Prussia  was  the 
mother  country,  she  had  a  right  to  tax  the  people  of 
England.  This  fictitious  proclamation  was  drawn  with 
all  the  formality  possible.  It  stated  that  neither  King 
Frederick  nor  his  ancestors  had  heretofore  exercised  this 
right ;  but  that  Prussia  had  lately  expended  large  sums 
in  defending  Great  Britain  against  France,  and  she 
ought  to  defray  as  a  colony  of  Prussia  the  expenses  of 
the  war. 

Franklin  says  he  was  sitting  with  a  parcel  of  gentle 
men  the  morning  this  proclamation  made  its  appearance, 
and  a  member  of  the  club  who  was  always  anxious  to 
be  the  first  to  tell  the  news,  came  running  into  the  room 
and  said :  "  Most  extraordinary  news  this  morning. 
Prussia  has  issued  a  proclamation  levying  a  tax  on 
England."  All  seemed  astounded,  and  asked  for  it  to 
be  read.  Franklin  appeared  to  be  as  much  astonished 
as  the  rest  of  them.  But  before  the  proclamation  was 
read  through,  one  of  the  gentlemen  looked  at  Franklin 
and  said :  "  This  is  some  of  your  American  humor." 

When  Franklin  had  formed  a  treaty  of  alliance  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  France,  he  had  to  present 
himself  at  the  French  Court  as  the  American  Minister. 
The  court  costume  required  a  wig  well  powdered.  He 
engaged  one  to  be  made,  which  was  brought  home  the 
evening  of  his  presentation.  The  wig  maker  tried  to 
fit  it  on  his  head  but  could  not.  At  last  Franklin  sug 
gested  that  it  was  too  small.  "  No,  sir,"  said  the  man, 
"  the  wig  is  not  too  small,  but  your  head  is  too  large." 


322  BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN. 

He  finally  gave  up  the  wig  and  the  court  dress,  and 
presented  himself  in  a  plain  suit  of  black,  which  was 
greatly  admired  for  its  republican  simplicity.  He 
became  the  lion  of  the  city  of  Paris,  and  was  visited 
and  admired  by  all  the  nobility  and  literati  of  France. 
When  he  and  Voltaire  met  at  some  public  gathering 
they  were  made  to  kiss  and  embrace  each  other  amidst 
the  applause  of  the  multitude. 

The  ladies,  too,  paid  Franklin  as  much  homage  as  the 
men.  His  fame  as  a  philosopher  and  his  republican 
simplicity  made  them  all  court  him.  Amongst  these 
ladies  there  was  an  old  duchess  of  large  fortune,  the 
widow  of  Helvetius,  the  philosopher,  who  seems  to  have 
fallen  in  love  with  him  in  his  seventy-sixth  year. 
Franklin  humored  her  with  the  following  dream  :  He 
said  he  found  himself  in  the  other  world,  and  in  com-* 
pany  with  the  philosopher  Helvetius.  Franklin  told 
him  that  he  had  seen  a  few  days  since  his  widow  in 
Paris.  Helvetius  replied  that  he  had  now  taken  to 
himself  another  wife,  whom  he  would  introduce  to  him. 
What  was  his  surprise  and  amazement  when  he  found 
this  other  wife  of  Helvetius  to  be  no  one  else  than  his 
own  wife,  who  had  died  ten  or  fifteen  years  since.  He 
immediately  claimed  her  as  belonging  to  him.  But  she 
replied  that  she  had  lived  with  him  forty  or  fifty  years, 
had  died,  and  was  now  married  to  Helvetius  whom  she 
loved  very  much,  and  could  not  separate  from  him.  On 
awakening  from  his  dream  Franklin  suggested  that  it 
would  be  right  and  proper  for  him  to  take  Helvetius's 
widow  to  wife  whilst  they  continued  to  live  in  this 
world. 

Mrs.  John  Adams  met  this  old  duchess,  and  was 
astonished  at  the  lady's  free  ways.  She  says,  "she 
entered  the  room  with  a  careless,  jaunty  air ;  upon  see 
ing  ladies  who  were  strangers  to  her,  she  bawled  out : 
'  Ah,  mon  dieu,  where  is  Franklin  ?  Why  did  you  not 
tell  me  there  were  ladies  here  ?  How  do  I  look/  said 
she,  taking  hold  of  a  chemise  made  of  tiffany,  which  she 


BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN.  323 

had  over  a  blue  lute  string,  and  which  looked  as  much 
upon  the  decay  as  her  beauty,  for  she  was  once  a  hand 
some  woman ;  her  hair  was  frizzed ;  over  it  she  had  a 
small  straw  hat,  with  a  dirty  gause  half  handkerchief 
round  it,  and  a  bit  of  dirtier  gause  than  ever  my  maids 
wore  was  bowed  on  behind.  She  had  a  black  gause 
scarf  thrown  over  her  shoulders.  She  ran  out  of  the 
room ;  when  she  returned  the  Doctor  entered  at  one 
door,  she  at  the  other,  upon  which  she  ran  forward  to 
him,  caught  him  by  the  hand,  *  Hold,  Franklin/  then 
gave  him  a  double  kiss,  one  upon  each  cheek,  and 
another  upon  his  forehead.  When  we  went  into  the 
room  to  dine  she  was  placed  between  the  Doctor  and 
Mr.  Adams.  She  carried  on  the  chief  conversation  at 
dinner,  frequently  laying  her  hands  on  the  Doctor,  and 
sometimes  spreading  her  arms  upon  the  backs  of  both 
the  gentlemen's  chairs,  then  throwing  her  arm  carelessly 
upon  the  Doctor's  neck." 

Mrs.  Adams's  New  England  notions  of  propriety  were 
greatly  shocked,  although  Dr.  Franklin  had  told  her 
that  this  lady  was  a  genuine  French  woman,  and  one 
of  the  best  women  in  the  world.  She  says  but  for  this 
she  would  have  taken  her  for  one  of  the  worst.  "  After 
dinner  she  threw  herself  upon  a  settee,  where  she  showed 
more  than  her  feet."  I  forbear  to  make  further  ex 
tracts  from  Mrs.  Adams's  description  of  Madame  Helve- 
tius,  and  I  think  she  herself  transcended  New  England 
decency  in  giving  it  even  in  a  letter  to  a  lady. 

Franklin  was  a  great  economist  of  time  as  well  as  of 
money.  This  feeling  seemed  to  have  been  with  him 
when  a  boy.  His  father  was  a  New  England  Puritan, 
and  said  long  graces  at  the  table  three  times  a  day. 
When  he  was  salting  away  his  meat,  Franklin  suggested 
to  his  father  that  he  might  save  a  good  deal  of  time  if 
he  would  say  grace  over  the  whole  of  it  at  once. 

Whilst  Franklin  was  clerk  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Legislature,  a  very  promising  and  talented  young 
member  whom  Franklin  did  not  know,  made  a  speech 


324  BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN. 

against  his  re-election.  This  alarmed  the  young  printer 
and  philosopher  in  embryo,  and  he  thought  he  would 
conciliate  him.  But  instead  of  doing  so  by  showing  a 
favor  to  the  young  member,  he  sought  a  favor  of  him. 
Franklin  "knew  human  nature  as  well  as  if  he  had 
made  it,"  as  my  friend  Colonel  Irby  once  said  to  me  in 
regard  to  himself.  He  knew  that  a  man  who  does  a 
favor  is  apt  to  remember  it  longer  than  the  one  who 
receives  the  favor.  In  other  words,  we  are  more  apt  to 
love  those  to  whom  we  have  been  kind,  than  those  who 
have  been  kind  to  us.  Franklin  therefore  wrote  him  a 
polite  note,  requesting  to  borrow  a  rare  book  which  he 
understood  the  young  member  had  in  his  library.  The 
book  was  lent,  read,  and  returned  with  many  thanks. 
This  induced  the  member  to  speak  to  Franklin  when 
they  met,  and  they  became  intimate  and  strong  friends 
through  life.  How  much  better  was  all  this  than  for 
Franklin  to  have  resented  the  young  member's  opposi 
tion  to  him  and  been  enemies  through  life  ? 

The  Americans  in  Paris,  who  were  associated  with 
Franklin  as  commissioners,  ministers,  etc.,  were  jealous 
of  his  overshadowing  reputation,  and  some  of  them 
were  offended  with  him  because  he  would  not  advance 
money  for  their  salaries,  which  Franklin  thought  he 
had  no  right  to  do.  It  is  evident  to  one  who  reads 
John  Adams's  diary  in  Paris  that  he  did  not  like  to  see 
the  old  philosopher  placed  so  much  above  himself. 
Izard,  Pringle,  and  Bee  of  South  Carolina  were  his 
open  enemies.  This  induced  Mrs.  Bache,  Franklin's 
daughter,  to  say  one  day  that  she  hated  all  South  Caro 
linians  from  B  to  Izard. 

The  labors  of  Franklin  as  American  Commissioner 
and  Embassador  at  the  French  Court  were  herculean 
and  invaluable  towards  securing  the  independence  of 
the  United  States,  and  providing  money  for  the  prosecu 
tion  of  the  war.  They  may  be  said  to  have  been  almost 
as  important  as  Washington's  services  in  the  army.  He 
borrowed  and  procured  for  Congress  millions  of  dollars, 


BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN.  325 

and  his  reputation  and  influence  had  much  to  do  in 
forming  an  alliance  with  France  and  securing  her 
acknowledgment  of  the  independence  of  the  colonies. 

Notwithstanding  Franklin's  sceptical  notions  on  re 
ligion,  he  was  always  a  great  favorite  with  the  most 
distinguished  clergymen  of  England  and  America.  He 
and  Whitfield  were  great  friends ;  and  when  Whitfield 
was  getting  up  a  subscription  to  found  some  charitable 
institution  in  Georgia,  Franklin  tried  to  persuade  him 
that  the  institution  should  be  located  in  Philadelphia. 
This  proposition  Whitfield  refused,  and  Franklin  de 
termined  not  to  give  anything.  But  he  went  to  hear 
Whitfield's  sermon  on  the  subject,  and,  after  listening 
awhile,  he  thought  when  the  hat  was  brought  around 
he  would  throw  in  some  coppers  he  had  in  his  pocket, 
He  listened  awhile  longer,  and  said  to  himself  that  he 
would  give  his  silver  change  also.  But  before  Whitfield 
had  concluded,  he  determined  to  throw  in  his  gold  and 
empty  his  pockets.  ' 

Some  one  asked  Franklin  one  day  what  was  the  differ 
ence  between  orthodoxy  and  heterodoxy  ?  He  replied,. 
"  orthodoxy  is  my  doxy  and  heterodoxy  is  your  doxy."" 
A  gentleman  in  Philadelphia  submitted  to  Franklin  a 
manuscript  book  against  the  Christian  religion.  Frank 
lin  advised  him  to  burn  it,  and  said  that  the  people 
were  bad  enough  with  religion,  and  would  be  a  great 
deal  worse  without  it.  He  said  he  attended  church  at 
one  time  very  regularly,  and  heard  so  much  dogmatism., 
so  much  about  faith  and  election  and  creeds,  and  so 
little  about  the  practical  duties  of  life,  virtue,  morality, 
charity,  and  doing  good  to  our  fellow-creatures,  that  he 
ceased  to  attend  church  altogether,  but  paid  all  denomi 
nations.  Whilst  in  England  he  wrote  his  daughter  that 
she  must  be  constant  in  her  attendance  at  church,  and 
advised  her  to  go  to  the  Episcopal  Church,  for  whose 
service  he  had  great  admiration.  He  formed  for  his 
own  worship  a  service  very  similar  to  that  of  the  Epis 
copal  Church,  and  this  service  he  repeated  to  himself 


326  BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN. 

very  often  in  private.  He  likewise  kept  a  table  or  memo 
randum,  in  which  he  inserted  every  day  the  faults  or 
sins  committed  by  him.  He  had  it  ruled  off  under 
different  heads,  and  would  make  a  dot  for  every  offence 
under  that  head.  If  everybody  were  to  pursue  this 
course  some  would  have  a  great  many  dots  in  the  course 
of  a  year. 

In  order  to  illustrate  the  wickedness  of  this  world, 
he  writes  a  story  of  a  young  angel  being  sent  to  the 
earth  on  some  important  business,  with  an  old  courier 
spirit  as  a  guide.  They  happened  to  light  where  the 
fleets  of  Rodney  and  De  Grasse  were  fighting.  The 
angel  said  to  the  courier  spirit,  "  You  blundering  block 
head,  instead  of  conducting  me  to  the  earth,  you  have 
brought  me  into  hell."  "No,  sir,"  said  the  guide, 
"  this  is  the  earth,  and  those  are  men  ;  devils  never  treat 
one  another  so  cruelly ;  they  have  more  humanity  !  " 

One  day  some  one  was  lecturing  Franklin  on  the 
freedom  of  speech  and  the  freedom  of  the  press.  Frank 
lin  said  they  were  very  good  things,  but  the  freedom  of 
the  cudgel  ought  to  go  with  them. 

Whilst  a  very  young  man,  editing  a  paper  in  Phila 
delphia,  he  wrote  and  published  a  fictitious  speech  of 
Dolly  Baker,  indicted  for  bastardy  in  one  of  the  New 
England  States,  which  was  brought  up  in  judgment 
against  him  in  after  life.  The  speech  is  published  in 
"  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,"  and  is  nothing  more  than 
what  a  humorous  young  editor  might  have  said  for  the 
amusement  of  his  readers.  The  punishment  of  having 
a  bastard  child  was  being  tied  to  the  end  of  a  cart  and 
whipped  through  the  streets.  Dolly  defends  herself 
very  well.  She  says  that  whilst  she  is  brought  into 
court  to  be  ignominiously  punished,  her  partner  in  the 
crime  has  been  honored  with  a  seat  on  the  Bench.  She 
does  not  think  this  just  and  equitable.  If  she  had  stopped 
here,  all  would  have  applauded  the  speech.  But  she 
goes  on  to  say  that  she  was  only  obeying  the  law  of 
nature  and  the  command  of  Scripture  to  multiply  and 


BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN.  327 

replenish  the  earth.  She  was  willing  to  have  married 
her  seducer,  but  he  was  not,  and  no  one  else  had  ever 
sought  her  hand  in  marriage.  She  therefore  thought 
she  was  excusable  in  obeying  the  law  of  nature  and  the 
command  of  Scripture. 

When  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  about 
being  signed,  John  Hancock,  the  President  of  Congress, 
said:  "  We  must  be  unanimous  and  all  hang  together." 
"  Yes,"  said  Franklin,  ".we  must  indeed  hang  together, 
or  we  shall  all  hang  separately."  The  strongest  evi 
dence  Franklin  could  give  of  his  patriotism  was  shown, 
when  he  set  out  for  France,  shortly  after  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence.  He  collected  all  of  his  money, 
amounting  to  fifteen  thousand  dollars,  and  invested  it  in 
Government  funds.  He  was  never  penurious,  although 
a  great  economist.  He  took  pleasure  in  doing  good 
with  his  money,  instead  of  foolishly  spending  it  in 
extravagance  or  luxury.  He  never  would  take  out  a 
patent  for  any  of  his  useful  inventions.  His  stove  and 
his  lightning  rod  would  have  realized  him  a  princely 
fortune. 

Whilst  in  England  before  the  war  he  got  possession 
of  Governor  Hutchinson's  infamous  letter  urging  troops 
to  be  sent  to  Boston.  These  letters  he  enclosed  to  a 
friend  in  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts.  They  pro 
duced  a  terrible  hub-bub  both  in  Old  and  New  England. 
A  gentleman  charged  another  with  having  stolen  them, 
and  a  duel  ensued.  It  was  about  to  be  repeated,  when 
Franklin  came  forward  and  avowed  that  he  himself  had 
sent  the  letters.  This  brought  him  before  the  Privy 
Council  of  England,  and  his  commission  of  Postmaster- 
General  of  America  was  taken  from  him.  Wedderburn, 
the  Attorney-General,  abused  him  most  shamefully ; 
called  him  a  man  of  three  letters — per — a«thief.  Frank 
lin  was  at  that  time  dressed  in  a  black  velvet  coat. 
When  he  was  going  to  sign  his  name  to  the  treaty  be 
tween  Great  Britain,  France,  and  the  United  States,  he 
retired  to  his  dressing-room  and  put  on  that  same  old 


328  BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN. 

black  coat,  and  then  sat  down  and  signed  his  name  as 
American  Minister  to  the  treaty  which  acknowledged 
the  independence  of  his  country  by  Great  Britain. 

Whilst  in  London  he  uncorked  a  bottle  of  wine  which 
'had  been  sent  him  from  America.  Several  of  his  friends 
were  present,  and  in  the  bottle  were  three  flies.  He  took 
them  out  and  put  them  in  the  sun.  Two  of  the  flies 
came  to  life  and  flew  off,  the  third  did  not  revive.  This 
made  Franklin  express  the  wish  that  he  could  be  put  in 
a  pipe  of  wine,  kept  a  hundred  years,  and  then  brought 
to  life  again,  so  that  he  might  see  what  improvements 
had  been  made  in  his  country  during  that  time.  What 
a  glorious  treat  it  would  be  to  the  old  patriot  to  revisit 
America  now,  after  the  lapse  of  almost  a  century  since 
his  death.  How  amazed  he  would  be  to  see  the  tele 
graph  in  operation,  the  steamboats  running,  the  telephone 
operating,  the  great  telescope  of  Herschel  bringing  to 
view  new  planets,  the  wonderful  improvements  in  print 
ing,  the  increase  of  our  population  from  three  millions 
to  forty  millions,  the  extension  of  the  Republic  from  the 
Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  the  towns  and  cities  which  have 
sprung  up  with  their  hundreds  of  thousands  of  inhab 
itants,  where  all  was  a  vast  wilderness  when  his  spirit 
left  this  earth.  How  pleased,  too,  would  the  old  philoso 
pher  be  to  see  the  descendants  of  his  only  child  now 
numbering  one  hundred  and  fifty.  This  wonderful 
increase  of  his  own  progeny  would  forcibly  remind  him 
of  his  witticism  to  Lord  Howe  when  his  lordship  said : 
"  America  can  confer  upon  Great  Britain  more  solid 
advantages  than  money — it  is  her  commerce,  her  strength, 
her  men  that  we  chiefly  want/7  "  By  my  Lord/7  said 
Franklin,  "  we  have  in  America  a  considerable  manu 
factory  of  men"  He  would  certainly  think  the  Ameri 
cans  had  followed  his  advice  when  he  said  to  some 
friends  returning  to  America  before  the  Revolutionary 
war,  "  Go  home  and  tell  the  people  to  get  children  as 
fast  as  they  can,  so  that  we  may  be  strong  enough  to 
resist  the  tyranny  and  oppression  of  Great  Britain." 


WILLIAM   PINKNEY. 

This  eminent  statesman  and  diplomatist  was,  perhaps^ 
the  most  accomplished  orator  and  lawyer  that  America 
has  ever  produced.  In  a  sketch  of  him  in  the  National 
Portrait  Gallery,  the  writer  says:  "Mr.  Pinkney's 
mind  was  of  the  highest  cast  of  intellectual  power,  solid 
as  well  as  brilliant ;  combining  the  fruits  of  laborious 
industry,  with  extraordinary  natural  talents.  Endowed 
with  something  of  the  enlarged  philosophy,  the  exube 
rant  metaphor,  and  the  gorgeous  rhetoric  of  Burke,  the 
chaste  and  proud  sentiments  of  Canning,  the  lofty  and 
impassioned  declamation  of  the  younger  Pitt,  the  bril 
liant  illustration  of  Sheridan,  the  ardent  enthusiasm  of 
Fox,  and  the  rapid  elegance  of  Erskine,  the  eloquence 
of  Mr.  Pinkney  was  founded  upon  his  own  model,  and 
abounded  probably  with  more  advantages  than  that  of 
any  of  the  orators  we  have  mentioned." 

I  remember  when  I  was  a  boy  at  school,  at  Asheville, 
hearing  Governor  Swain  read  a  speech  of  John  Ran 
dolph,  announcing  the  death  of  William  Pinkney,  a 
senator  from  Maryland,  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  United  States.  His  eulogy  was  most  glowing 
and  unmeasured  in  extolling  his  learning,  his  eloquence, 
his  statesmanship  and  high  character.  If  I  mistake 
not,  he  pronounced  him  the  greatest  of  all  American 
orators,  and  the  most  learned  and  accomplished  of  her 
lawyers. 

Mr.  Pinkney  had  spent  ten  or  fifteen  years  in  Eng 
land  as  commissioner  and  plenipotentiary  at  the  court 
of  St.  James,  and  during  all  that  time  he  was  most 
laboriously  engaged  in  perfecting  himself  in  his  pro 
fession  as  a  lawyer  and  orator.  He  was  a  constant 
attendant  on  all  the  great  debates  in  the  British  Parlia- 
329 


330  WILLIAM    PINKNEY. 

ment,  and  observed  closely  the  characteristics  of  all  the 
distinguished  speakers  in  both  Houses.  His  education 
had  been  defective  in  early  life,  but  he  made  himself, 
whilst  in  England,  an  accomplished  scholar,  learned  in 
Latin  and  the  modern  languages. 

The  father  of  William  Pinkney  was  an  Englishman, 
settled  in  Maryland  some  years  before  the  Revolutionary 
war,  and  adhered  to  the  Royal  Government  in  that  strug 
gle.  His  property  was  all  confiscated,  and  he  was  left  very 
poor,  with  a  large  family  to  support.  Consequently  he 
could  not  give  his  sons  a  collegiate  education.  But, 
like  Franklin  and  thousands  of  others  of  the  greatest 
men  of  the  world,  William  Pinkney  educated  himself. 
His  family  was  an  old  one  in  England,  and  came  over 
with  William  the  Conqueror  from  Normandy.  The 
South  Carolina  Pinckneys,  although  they  spell  their 
name  differently,  are  a  branch  of  the  same  family.  This 
was  ascertained  by  General  Pinckney  whilst  American 
minister  at  the  court  of  St.  James,  and  whilst  Mr.  Wil 
liam  Pinkuey  was  at  the  same  time  in  London  as  Ameri 
can  commissioner  under  Jay's  Treaty.  They  both 
recognized  their  relationship. 

William  Pinkney  was  born  at  Annapolis,  Maryland, 
March  17th,  1764,  and  entered  King  William  School, 
in  his  native  town,  where  he  remained  till  he  was  thir 
teen  years  old.  This  was  in  the  midst  of  the  Revolu 
tionary  war,  and  young  Pinkney's  feelings  were  all  on 
the  side  of  his  country,  and  differing  with  those  of  his 
father.  His  mother  is  said  to  have  been  a  lady  of  very 
superior  intellectual  endowments.  She  died  early,  but 
her  virtues,  her  training  of  her  children,  and  her 
memory  were  cherished  by  her  accomplished  son  through 
life  with  the  tenderest  affection.  He  likewise  loved 
most  ardently  the  place  of  his  birth,  and  thought  there 
was  no  place  on  earth  equal  to  Annapolis.  This  was 
the  feeling  he  frequently  expressed  in  his  letters  whilst 
amid  all  the  splendor,  fashion,  and  gaiety  of  England. 
He  seems  to  have  had  the  organ  of  locality  strongly 


WILLIAM   PINKNEY.  331 

developed  in  his  nature,  as  well  as  a  warm  and  affec 
tionate  heart. 

It  is  remarkable  that  William  Pinkney,  with  all  of 
his  great  talents,  learning,  eloquence,  and  statesmanship, 
should  have  been  an  exquisite,  priding  himself  on  the 
scrupulous  neatness  and  fit  of  his  dress.  A  great  mind 
is  the  rarest  thing  in  the  world  to  be  associated  with  a 
fop,  who  is  generally  a  trifling  being,  with  neither 
learning  nor  talents.  William  H.  Crawford,  of  Georgia, 
one  of  the  greatest  men  of  America,  used  to  say  that  in 
all  of  his  intercourse  with  the  distinguished  men  of 
Europe  and  the  United  States,  he  had  never  known  but 
three  who  were  dandies  or  prided  themselves  on  their 
•dress.  I  have  no  doubt  Mr.  Pinkney  was  one  of  the 
three,  and  who  the  other  two  were  I  cannot  imagine. 
Charles  J.  Fox  did,  at  one  period  of  his  life,  affect  to  be 
scrupulously  neat  in  his  dress. 

My  old  and  revered  friend,  Judge  Gantt,  was  a 
native  of  Maryland,  and  read  law  in  William  Pinkney's 
office.  He  told  me  a  great  deal  about  Pinkney,  his 
appearance,  dress,  conversation,  etc.  The  Judge  said 
Pinkney  was  about  his  size,  height,  and  make,  and  it 
was  said  they  resembled  each  other  very  much.  I 
should  suppose  from  all  the  likenesses  that  I  have  seen 
of  Mr.  Pinkney  that  there  was  a  resemblance  between 
Judge  Gantt  and  himself.  Their  persons  stout  and 
well  built,  their  faces  full  and  broad,  and  their  features 
and  expression  of  countenance  were  alike.  In  voice, 
too,  they  may  have  resembled  each  other.  Pinkney's 
voice  was  sweet  and  melodious  in  an  eminent  degree. 
Judge  Gantt  had  a  very  fine  voice  and  was  eloquent  at 
the  Bar. 

We  know  very  little  of  Mr.  Pinkney's  history  till 
he  commenced  reading  law  with  Judge  Chase.  He  first 
commenced  the  study  of  medicine,  but  soon  found  that 
it  was  not  congenial  with  his  talents  or  nature.  After 
his  admission  to  the  Bar,  in  1786,  he  established  himself 
in  Harford  county,  and  was  elected  a  member  of  the 


332  WILLIAM   PINKNEY. 

State  Convention  in  1788,  called  for  the  purpose  of  rati* 
fying  the  Federal  Constitution.  "  His  first  efforts  at  the 
Bar/7  says  Wheaton,  his  biographer,  "  seem  to  have 
given  him  a  commanding  attitude  in  the  eyes  of  the 
public.  His  style  of  speaking  was  very  melodious,  and 
seemed  a  most  winning  accompaniment  to  his  pure  and 
effective  diction.  His  elocution  was  cairn  and  placid — 
the  very  contrast  of  that  strenuous,  vehement,  and  em 
phatic  manner  which  he  subsequently  adopted." 

He  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  House  of  Delegates 
of  Maryland,  in  1788,  and  continued  to  represent  the 
county  of  Harford  in  that  body  till  1792.  He  married 
a  sister  of  Commodore  Rodgers  in  1789,  and  the  next 
year  was  elected  a  member  of  Congress,  but  declined  on 
account  of  professional  duties.  In  1792  he  was  a 
member  of  the  executive  council  of  Maryland.  In  1796 
he  was  appointed  by  Washington  one  of  the  commis 
sioners  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  under  Jay'& 
Treaty,  and  remained  in  London  discharging  the  duties 
of  that  position  till  1804.  In  1805  he  was  appointed 
attorney-general  of  the  State  of  Maryland.  In  1806  he 
was  appointed  minister  to  England,  and  remained  there 
in  that  capacity  till  1811.  On  his  return  home  he  was 
elected  a  member  .of  the  State  Senate,  and  appointed  by 
Madison  attorney-general  of  the  United  States.  This 
office  he  resigned  in  1813,  when  Congress  passed  an  act 
requiring  the  attorney-general  to  reside  in  Washington. 
He  had  moved  to  Baltimore,  and  had  a  practice  which 
he  could  not  give  up.  When  Maryland  was  invaded 
by  the  British  army,  he  formed  a  volunteer  company, 
and  fought  gallantly  at  Bladensburgh,  where  he  was 
severely  wounded.  In  1816  he  was  appointed  by  Presi 
dent  Monroe  minister  plenipotentiary  to  Naples  and 
Russia.  In  1818  he  returned  home,  and  was  elected  to 
the  United  States  Senate  in  1820.  There  he  made  his 
immortal  speech  on  the  Missouri  Compromise,  the  great 
est  speech  ever  delivered  in  the  United  States  Senate. 


WILLIAM    PINKNEY.  333 

Governor  Burton,  of  North  Carolina,  gave  me  an 
account  of  this  speech  forty  years  since.  He  said  he  was 
at  that  time  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
in  Congress.  There  was  great  anxiety  to  hear  Pinkney, 
and  the  Senate  chamber  and  galleries  were  crowded  to 
excess.  Governor  Burton  sat  down  on  the  carpet,  the 
only  seat  he  could  get.  He  said  the  first  part  of  Pink- 
ney's  speech  was  entirely  rhetorical  and  fanciful,  and  he 
thought  to  himself  what  a  fool  he  was  to  be  sitting  in 
the  middle  of  the  Senate  chamber  on  the  carpet  listening 
to  such  a  speech.  But  soon  afterwards  Pinkney  entered 
into  the  argument  of  the  case,  and  he  was  thrilled  and 
overwhelmed  by  his  logic  and  eloquence.  This  great 
and  wonderful  speech  is  published  in  full  in  Pinkney's 
Life,  by  his  nephew,  the  Rev.  William  Pinkney,  D.D. 

In  one  of  his  letters  to  his  brother,  written  whilst  he 
was  commissioner  in  London,  he  tells  of  his  disappoint 
ment  in  listening  to  Fox,  Erskine,  Grey,  and  Dundas. 
William  Pitt  was  the  only  orator  who  came  up  to  his 
expectations.  John  Quincy  Adams  was  once  asked  by 
General  Waddy  Thompson  who  was  the  greatest  orator 
he  ever  heard,  and  he  replied, "  William  Pitt,  immeasur 
ably  ! "  Pinkney  says  in  this  letter :  "  I  have  heard 
Mr.  Fox  on  the  most  interesting  and  weighty  subjects, 
without  discovering  that  he  is  an  orator.  I  have  heard 
Mr.  Grey  on  the  same  occasions,  without  thinking  him 
above  mediocrity.  Mr.  Pitt,  indeed,  has  not  disap 
pointed  me.  He  is  truly  a  wonderful  man.  I  never 
heard  so  clear  and  masterly  a  reasoner,  or  a  more 
effectual  disclaimer.  I  could  sit  forever  to  listen  to  Mr. 
Pitt.  In  argument  he  is  beyond  example,  correct  and 
perspicuous,  and  in  declamation  energetic  and  command 
ing.  His  style  might  serve  as  a  model  of  classical 
elegance.  I  have  heard  Mr.  Erskine  once,  and  thought 
nothing  of  him.  But  at  the  Bar  he  is  said  to  be 
formidable  and  eloquent.  Mr.  Secretary  Dundas  is 
mediocre." 


334  WILLIAM   PINKNEY. 

Mr.  Pinkney  had  contracted  in  early  life  the  habit  of 
chewing  tobacco,  and  found  it  almost  impossible  to  break 
himself  of  it.  In  the  higher  classes  of  society  in  Eng 
land,  the  use  of  tobacco  in  any  way  was  considered  intol 
erably  vulgar  and  disgusting.  It  was  disgraceful  for  it 
to  be  known  that  a  gentleman  chewed  tobacco.  He  says 
when  he  did  so,  he  took  the  precaution  not  only  of  retir 
ing  to  a  private  room,  but  of  locking  the  door,  in  order 
to  keep  it  a  secret  from  the  servants.  Finally  he  gave 
up  chewing  and  commenced  smoking,  but  still  he  had 
to  do  this  in  secret,  or  lose  caste  in  genteel  society.  I 
heard  a  young  gentleman  say  forty  or  fifty  years  ago 
that  he  was  smoking  a  cigar  as  he  walked  along  in  Lon 
don,  and  that  he  attracted  as  much  attention  as  if  he 
had  been  an  elephant.  Everybody  stared  at  him  and 
some  even  stopped  to  look  at  him. 

In  writing  from  Russia  Mr.  Pinkney  gives  a  sketch 
of  the  Emperor  Alexander,  his  mother  and  his  wife, 
which  is  really  a  gem.  His  description  of  the  reigning 
Empress  is  beautiful :  "  She  combines  every  charm  that 
contributes  to  female  loveliness  with  all  the  qualities 
that  peculiarly  become  her  exalted  station.  Her  figure 
although  thin,  is  exquisitely  fine.  Her  countenance  is  a 
subduing  picture  of  feeling  and  intelligence.  Her  voice 
is  of  that  soft  and  happy  tone  that  goes  directly  to  the 
heart,  and  awakens  every  sentiment  which  a  virtuous 
woman  can  be  ambitious  to  excite.  Her  manner  cannot 
be  described  or  imagined.  It  is  so  graceful,  so  unaffect 
edly  gentle,  so  winning  and  yet  so  dignified,  that  (I  had 
almost  said)  an  angel  might  copy  it  and  improve  his 
own.  Her  conversation  is  suited  to  this  noble  exte 
rior,"  etc.,  etc. 

I  have  said  that  William  Pinkney  was  perhaps  the 
most  accomplished  orator  and  lawyer  that  America  had 
ever  produced.  In  support  of  this  opinion  I  will  quote 
the  judgment  of  others.  Judge  Story  says:  "His 
genius  and  eloquence  were  so  lofty,  I  might  almost  say 
unrivalled,  his  learning  so  extensive,  his  ambition  so 


WILLIAM   PINKNEY.  335 

elevated,  his  political  and  constitutional  principles  so 
truly  just  and  pure,  his  weight  in  public  councils  so 
decisive,  his  character  at  the  bar  so  peerless  and  com 
manding,  that  there  seems  now  left  a  dismal  and  per 
plexing  vacancy.  Never  do  I  expect  to  hear  a  man  like 
Pinkney  again.  He  was  a  man  who  scarcely  appears 
once  a  century." 

John  Randolph,  who  was  not  accustomed  to  eulogise 
any  one,  but  always  took  more  pleasure  in  criticising  and 
finding  fault,  says  of  Pinkney  :  "  I  will  not  say  that  our 
loss  is  irreparable,  because  such  a  man  as  has  existed 
may  exist  again.  There  has  been  a  Homer,  there  has 
been  a  Shakespeare,  there  has  been  a  Milton,  there  has 
been  a  Newton.  There  may  be  another  Pinkney,  but 
there  is  none  now." 

Chief  Justice  Marshall  was  equally  eulogistic  of  the 
eloquence,  learning  and  ability  of  Pinkney.  He  had 
indeed  every  requisite  of  an  orator.  His  person  was 
noble,  his  manner  commanding,  his  voice  sweet  and 
melodious,  his  learning  profound  and  extensive,  his 
imagination  brilliant  and  dazzling,  his  flow  of  language 
the  most  pure  and  correct,  easy  and  graceful,  his  pas 
sions  strong  and  powerful,  and  his  heart  filled  with  love 
and  affection  for  his  country,  and  the  liberty  and  happi 
ness  of  mankind.  No  bad  man  can  be  a  great  orator. 
He  must  feel  himself  the  great  truths  he  utters,  or  he 
cannot  make  others  feel  them.  At  the  bar,  in  arguing 
the  most  abstruse  questions  of  law,  he  is  said  to  have 
thrown  around  them  a  magic  charm  which  interested 
every  one.  Eloquence  is  said  to  be  that  power  which 
moves  and  sways  the  multitude,  and  this  Pinkney  had 
in  a  pre-eminent  degree,  whilst  at  the  same  time  his 
logic  and  reasoning  were  irresistible  to1  the  intellectual 
and  cultured. 

Mr.  Pinkney  was  an  accomplished  gentleman,  as  well 
as  an  accomplished  orator  and  lawyer.  His  manners 
were  uniformly  kind  and  courteous,  and  respectful  in 
argument.  On  one  occasion,  however,  he  was  disre- 


336  WILLIAM   PINKNEY. 

spectful  to  Thomas  Addis  Emmet,  the  great  Irish  patriot 
and  orator.  In  the  course  of  his  argument  he  alluded 
to  Emmet's  being  a  refugee  and  exile  from  his  country. 
In  reply  the  Irish  orator,  who  was  always  happy  in  his 
repartee,  and  prompt  in  resisting  a  reflection,  said :  "  May 
it  please  your  Honors,  I  know  not  where  the  honorable 
gentleman  learned  his  manners ;  but  if  in  his  late  ex 
perience  at  Foreign  Courts  he  obtained  them  there,  I 
am  sure  he  could  have  kept  no  company,  and  if  he  took 
them  with  him,  it  is  a  great  pity  he  did  not  leave  them 
there."  This  retort  delivered  with  a  slight  brogue  was 
very  effectual  and  drew  from  Mr.  Pinkney  the  amende 
honorable  in  most  feeling  and  beautiful  terms.  He 
avowed  his  regret  that  he  should  have  indulged  in  a 
seemingly  unkind  criticism  upon  his  illustrious  oppo 
nent,  who  was  an  honor  to  any  age  or  country  and  for 
whose  character  and  talents  and  learning  he  had  the 
highest  regard. 

I  have  spoken  of  Mr.  Pinkney  as  the  most  accom 
plished  orator  and  lawyer  that  America  has  ever  pro 
duced.  But  he  was  a  great  statesman  as  well  as  an 
accomplished  orator  and  profound  lawyer.  His  views 
in  regard  to  the  constitutional  powers  of  our  complex 
system  of  government  and  its  policy,  were  just  and  cor 
rect.  He  was  a  stern  advocate  for  the  rights  of  the 
States  and  the  union  of  the  States.  They  were  one  and 
inseparable  in  his  judgment.  Whilst  he  denied  the 
constitutional  power  of  the  Federal  Government  to 
oppress  the  States,  he  did  not  believe  in  the  constitu 
tional  right  of  the  States  to  break  up  the  Union.  His 
great  speech  on  the  Missouri  question  embodies  fully  his 
opinions  in  regard  to  our  National  State  Governments. 
His  letter  to  Mr.  Madison,  in  1806,  from  London,  gives 
the  views  of  a  patriot  and  statesman  in  regard  to  our 
national  honor  and  duty. 

Mr.  Pinkney  was  a  profound  scholar,  though  his  early 
education  had  been  neglected.  Like  Franklin,  he  edu 
cated  himself  thoroughly  and  profoundly.  No  one  had 


WILLIAM   PINKNEY.  337 

a  more  correct  use  of  the  English  language.  Whilst  in 
London,  as  American  Commissioner,  he  felt  keenly,  on 
some  occasion,  his  want  of  a  knowledge  of  the  Latin 
language,  and  he  determined  to  study  it  and  learn  it 
thoroughly,  which  he  did. 

As  a  diplomatist  Mr.  Pinkney  was  likewise  distin 
guished  at  the  Courts  of  England,  Russia  and  Naples. 
In  the  language  of  Judge  Story  he  was  "  one  who,  while 
abroad,  honored  his  country  by  an  unparalleled  display 
of  diplomatic  science,  and  on  his  return,  illuminated  the 
halls  of  justice  with  an  eloquence  of  argument  and 
depth  of  learned  research  that  have  not  been  excelled 
in  our  day." 

"  His  personal  appearance,"  says  his  biographer, 
"  possessed  a  goodly  degree  of  dignity  and  grace.  Tall 
and  finely  formed,  with  a  head  exquisitely  shaped,  fore 
head  high,  broad,  massive  and  slightly  retreating,  eyes 
of  the  softest  blue,  rather  heavy  in  repose,  but  capable 
of  the  intensest  and  most  varied  expression  when  roused 
in  excitement  of  debate,  a  mouth  of  uncommon  sweet 
ness  and  flexibility,  soft  brown  hair,  scarcely  tinged  with 
gray  when  death  laid  him  low,  and  characteristic  neat 
ness  and  elegance  of  dress — he  was  a  man  remarkable 
to  look  upon."  It  is  said  he  was  never  talkative,  but 
when  disengaged  by  the  press  of  business  he  was  the 
light  and  life  of  society.  On  such  occasions  his  wit 
sparkled  and  flashed,  giving  to  the  conversation  an  in 
describable  charm,  not  unlike  intellectual  fascination. 
He  was  a  great  admirer  of  the  ladies.  "  He  had  with 
out  doubt,"  says  his  nephew,  "  formed  his  opinion  of  the 
mind  and  heart  of  woman  from  the  noblest  specimen ; 
and  knew  by  early  experience  that  there  was  nothing 
too  abstruse  or  sublime  for  the  one  to  grasp,  or  too 
magnanimous,  exalted  or  ennobling  for  the  other  to 
grasp."  But  he  ridiculed  in  one  of  his  speeches  the 
idea  of  a  lady's  exercising  the  right  of  suffrage.  He 
predicted  at  some  future  time  this  revolting  idea  would 
be  advocated.  It  has  been  both  in  England  and 


338  WILLIAM   PINKNEY. 

America  within  the  last  few  years.  When  it  is  adopted, 
the  refinement  and  delicacy  of  woman,  which  are  her 
most  lovable  characteristics,  will  be  gone. 

As  a  man,  he  was  warm  hearted,  noble  and  generous, 
and  a  staunch  friend  to  those  whose,  adoption  he  had 
tried,  but  not  over  quick  to  make  new  ones.  As  a  hus 
band  and  father  he  was  most  tender,  loving  and  affec 
tionate.  His  letter  to  his  brother  on  the  training  up 
and  education  of  children  deserves  to  be  read  by  every 
parent. 

Mr.  Pinkney  died  February  25,  1822,  in  the 
fifty-eighth  year  of  his  age.  What  would  he  have  been 
had  he  lived  to  the  age  of  Lord  Brougham,  ninety- 
four?  He  sat  up  very  late  the  night  before  he  was 
taken  ill,  reading  the  "  Pirates,"  then  just  published, 
and  seemed  a  good  deal  excited  by  the  story.  From 
that  time  till  his  death  he  was  mostly  in  a  state  of  de 
lirium.  He  left  a  wife  and  two  children.  The  whole 
country  was  in  mourning  at  his  death  in  the  midst  of 
his  fame  and  glory.  He  was  then  engaged  in  preparing 
a  great  speech  to  be  delivered  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  which  it  is  said  would  greatly  have  in 
creased  his  fame  as  a  statesman. 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

This  illustrious  statesman  and  patriot  immortalized 
his  name  early  in  life  by  writing  the  "  Declaration  of 
American  Independence."  Had  he  never  done  any 
thing  more  as  a  statesman  in  after-life,  his  name  would 
have  descended  to  the  latest  posterity  as  immortal.  It 
was  a  much  greater,  bolder,  and  more  patriotic  act  than 
that  of  Magna  Charta,  obtained  by  the  proud  barons  of 
England  at  Jftunnymede  from  their  pusillanimous  King 
John.  This  only  secured  the  liberty  of  a  kingdom, 
whilst  the  other  gave  birth  to  a  great  republic,  destined 
to  be  in  the  future,  in  territory,  wealth,  population,  and 
intelligence,  as  well  as  in  liberty,  virtue,  and  religion, 
the  most  magnificent  empire  that  the  sun  ever  shone 
upon.  No  act  of  any  people  in  ancient  or  modern  his 
tory  is  comparable  to  it  in  its  consequences  and  example 
to  mankind.  Well,  then,  may  the  name  of  its  author  be 
immortal  and  remembered  in  all  time  to  come.  It  will 
ever  be  dear  to  all  Americans  and  to  every  lover  of  lib 
erty  and  free  institutions  throughout  the  world. 

In  the  old  Continental  Congress,  after  they  had 
solemnly  resolved  to  declare  the  independence  of  the 
Colonies,  and  their  final  and  everlasting  separation  from 
the  mother  country,  Jefferson,  Adams,  Franklin,  and 
others  were  appointed  a  committee  to  draw  up  their 
Declaration  of  Independence.  Jefferson  submitted  his 
draft  to  the  committee,  and,  after  slight  alterations  were 
agreed  on  and  reported  to  Congress,  it  was  adopted  by 
Congress,  signed  by  all  the  members,  and  published  to 
the  world  on  the  4th  day  of  July,  1776. 

This  bold  and  defiant  Declaration  of  Independence  was 
received  throughout  the  Colonies  with  patriotic  rapture 
339 


340  THOMAS   JEFFEESON. 

and  enthusiasm  and  ratified  by  each  one  of  the  United 
States  almost  unanimously.  No  one  thought  then  of 
criticising  its  language  or  sentiments.  This,  however, 
has  been  severely  done  since  by  a  great  many  of  the 
most  eminent  American  statesmen  and  literary  men, 
and,  it  would  seem,  properly  done.  Some  years  since, 
as  I  was  walking  the  streets  of  Philadelphia  with  that 
literary  gentleman  and  leader  of  society  in  the  city  of 
"  Brotherly  Love,"  the  Honorable  J.  Francis  Fisher, 
he  stopped  me,  pointing  to  a  little  house  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  street,  and  said:  "There  is  the  house  in 
which  that  grand  lie  was  written,  declaring  that  all  men 
were  created  equal!  It  is  false  in  every  particular," 
said  Mr.  Fisher.  "No  two  men  are  equal  in  any 
respect,  much  less  all  mankind  in  every  respect.  Some 
are  good  and  virtuous,  and  some  are  bad  and  vicious ; 
some  are  intellectual,  and  others  are  fools  and  idiots ; 
some  are  strong  and  powerful  and  endowed  with  extra 
ordinary  physical  strength,  whilst  others  are  weak  and 
feeble;  some  are  born  to  wealth  and  a  glorious  inherit 
ance,  others  are  the  heirs  of  poverty  and  infamy.  All 
men  are  not  created  equal,  and  it  is  a  great  falsehood  to 
say  so."  These  were  the  sentiments  of  a  most  intelli 
gent  and  high-toned  gentleman. 

A  few  years  before  Mr.  Calhoun's  death  he  told  me 
that  he  was  making  a  speech  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  and  criticising  the  language  of  Mr.  Jefferson  in 
his  Declaration  of  Independence.  He  said  he  was  pre 
vented  by  the  presence  of  ladies  in  the  gallery  from  ex 
pressing  himself  as  he  wished  to  do.  He  not  only  wished 
to  controvert  the  idea  that  all  men  were  created  equal, 
but  he  denied  that  men.  were  created  at  all.  He  said 
there  had  been  no  creation  of  men  since  that  of  Adam 
and  Eve.  Men  were  not  created,  nor  were  they  born 
men  !  Babies  were  born,  and  only  babies.  They  grew 
to  be  men  afterwards. 

When  South  Carolina  voted  Mr.  Jefferson's  heirs  ten 
thousand  dollars  because  he  was  the  author  of  the  Dec- 


THOMAS   JEFFERSON.  341 

laration  of  Independence,  Chancellor  Harper  spoke  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  a  very  poor  State 
paper  for  the  great  occasion  which  called  it  forth.  I 
have  always  supposed  that  Mr.  Jeiferson  only  intended 
to  say  that  all  men  were  equally  entitled  to  participate 
in  their  governments ;  in  modern  language,  "  equal 
before  the  law." 

Thomas  Jeiferson  was  born  April  2,  1743,  in  Albe- 
marle  County,  Virginia.  His  father,  Colonel  Peter 
Jeiferson,  was  a  man  of  influence  and  fortune,  and  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses.  Like  Washington, 
he  commenced  life  as  a  surveyor,  with  a  common  Eng 
lish  education.  Peter  was  a  very  large  man,  and  a 
giant  in  strength.  He  could  turn  on  end  two  hogsheads 
of  tobacco  at  the  same  time,  each  weighing  one  thousand 
pounds.  The  family  of  Jeiferson  came  from  Wales  and 
settled  in  Virginia  when  there  were  only  six  hundred 
inhabitants  in  the  whole  province.  One  of  the  JefiPer- 
sons  was  a  member  of  the  first  legislative  body  that  ever 
assembled  in  Virginia,  which  was  in  1619,  eleven  years 
after  the  first  settlement.  The  mother  of  Thomas  Jeifer 
son  was  a  Randolph,  and  belonged  to  an  aristocratic 
family  which  traced  their  lineage  back  to  the  Earl  of 
Murray,  connected  with  the  most  distinguished  peerages 
in  Scotland  and  England  and  with  royalty  itself.  She 
is  said  to  have  been  a  very  beautiful  woman,  and  was 
born  in  England,  and  was  well  educated  and  fond  of 
writing  letters ;  she  was  a  good  Virginia  housewife  and 
an  intellectual  woman.  Her  family  and  position  in 
society  enhanced  that  of  her  husband's. 

Thomas  Jeiferson  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  his  father 
when  he  was  twelve  or  thirteen  years  old ;  but  his 
mother  lived  to  see  him  distinguished  as  a  member  of 
the  old  Continental  Congress  which  declared  the  Colo 
nies  free  and  independent  States.  His  father  directed 
that  he  should  have  a  finished  education,  and  Jeiferson 
said,  in  after  life,  that  he  valued  this  more  than  if  he 
had  left  him  his  whole  estate.  Accordingly,  in  1760,' 


342  THOMAS   JEFFERSON. 

he  entered  Mary  and  William  College.  On  his  way  to 
college  he  stopped  at  Colonel  Dandridge's  to  spend  his 
Christmas,  and  there  met  a  broken  merchant,  "whose 
passion/7  says  Jefferson,  "was  fiddling,  dancing  and  plea 
santry."  He  and  Jefferson  struck  up  an  intimacy  which 
lasted  throughout  their  lives.  This  broken  merchant 
was  Patrick  Henry.  Some  time  afterwards  he  called 
on  Jefferson  in  Williamsburg,  and  informed  him  that 
he  had  been  reading  law,  and  had  come  down  to  be  ad 
mitted  to  the  bar. 

Jefferson's  maternal  relations  who  resided  in  Wi  Hams- 
burg,  and  who  belonged  to  the  most  aristocratic  society 
there,  paid  him  great  attention  and  introduced  him  to 
Governor  Fauquier,  from  whom  it  is  said  Jefferson  first 
obtained  his  sceptical  notions  in  religion.  He  was  a 
hard  student  in  college,  although  he  entered  into  all  the 
gaiety  and  fashion  of  the  city,  then  the  seat  of  govern 
ment.  Whilst  in  college  Jefferson  fell  desperately  in 
love  with  Miss  Rebecca  Burwell,  who  partially  engaged 
herself  to  him,  and  then  after  years  of  love,  deserted 
him  and  married  another.  Little  did  the  young  lady 
think  that  she  was  giving  up  a  future  President  of  the 
United  States  for  an  ordinary  humdrum  husband.  It 
would  seem  from  the  early  disappointments  of  Wash 
ington  and  Jefferson  in  love  that  the  young  ladies  of 
Virginia  had  not  the  sagacity  of  Mrs.  John  Adams 
of  Massachusetts.  Jefferson  at  this  time  was  only  eigh 
teen  or  nineteen  years  old,  and  he  did  not  get  married 
till  he  was  twenty-nine.  Then  he  took  a  widow  twenty- 
three  years  old,  with  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  slaves 
and  forty  thousand  acres  of  land.  Her  maiden  name 
was  Wayles  and  her  first  husband's  name  was  Skelton. 
She  was  a  beautiful  and  accomplished  lady.  Jefferson's 
fortune  at  the  time  of  his  marriage  was  about  equal  to  his 
wife's,  and  his  income  at  the  bar  was  very  considerable. 

Henry  S.  Randall,  the  biographer  of  Mr.  Jefferson, 
describes  the  person  and  appearance  of  the  future  Presi 
dent  at  this  time,  as  follows  :  "  His  appearance  was  en- 


THOMAS   JEFFEKSON.  343 

gaging  and  he  was  generally  a  favorite  with  the  ladies. 
His  face  though  angular,  and  far  from  beautiful,  beamed 
with  intelligence,  with  benevolence  and  with  cheerful 
vivacity  of  a  happy  and  hopeful  spirit.  His  complexion 
was  ruddy  and  delicately  fair  ;  his  reddish  chestnut  hair 
luxuriant  and  silken.  His  full,  deep-set  eyes,  the  pre 
vailing  color  of  which  was  a  light  hazle,  were  peculi 
arly  expressive.  He  stood  six  feet  two  and  a  half  inches 
in  height,  and  though  very  slim  at  this  period  his  form 
was  erect  and  sinewy,  and  his  movements  displayed 
elasticity  and  vigor.  He  was  an  expert  musician  and  a 
fine  dancer,  a  dashing  rider,  and  there  was  no  manly  ex 
ercise  in  which  he  could  not  play  well  his  part.  His 
manners  were  unusually  graceful,  but  simple  and  cor 
dial.  His  conversation  was  charming.  His  temper 
gentle,  kindly  and  forgiving.  There  is  not  an  instance 
on  record  of  his  having  been  engaged  in  a  personal  ren 
counter,  or  his  having  suffered  personal  indignity.  He 
never  gambled  or  was  able  to  distinguish  one  card  from 
another.  He  had  an  aversion  to  strong  drinks,  and  his 
mouth  was  unpolluted  by  oaths  or  tobacco." 

This  life  of  Jefferson,  in  three  large  volumes,  is  a 
most  admirable  work,  nobly  vindicating  the  character  of 
Jefferson,  and  minutely  and  accurately  portraying  his 
whole  life,  public  and  private.  I  met  the  author  in  the 
Charleston  Convention  in  1860,  and  he  sought  an  intro 
duction  to  me  as  one  of  the  committee  on  credentials, 
for  the  purpose  of  giving  me  some  of  the  incidents  in 
the  life  of  Fernando  Wood,  who  headed  a  delegation 
contesting  the  seats  of  the  regular  nominees.  I  was 
greatly  disappointed  in  the  appearance  of  Mr.  Randall. 
I  had  just  read  his  life  of  Jefferson  and  imagined  he 
was  a  pale-faced,  slender  and  intellectual-looking  gentle 
man,  perhaps  in  bad  health,  from  long  and  laborious 
study.  I  found  him  stout,  well-built,  with  a  round, 
ruddy  face,  looking  more  like  a  New  York  alderman  or 
retired  merchant  than  a  student  or  literary  gentleman. 
He  was,  however,  pleasant,  intellectual,  and  I  have  no 


344  THOMAS   JEFFERSON. 

doubt  a  finished  scholar,  and  a  learned  and  laborious  gen 
tleman.  We  seldom  form  a  correct  picture  in  our  imag 
ination  of  any  one  whom  we  have  not  seen. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  reading  in  college  and  whilst  studying 
law  was  very  extensive  and  varied.  History,  philosophy, 
science,  fiction,  poetry,  and  the  French,  Italian  and 
Spanish  languages,  as  well  as  Greek  and  Latin,  were  all 
studied  or  read.  Ossian's  Poems  were  first  published 
about  that  time,  and  he  pronounced  Ossian  "  the  great 
est  poet  that  ever  existed.7'  Later  in  life  he  changed 
his  opinion  and  seldom  referred  to  the  poem.  He  read 
law  with  Chancellor  Wythe,  who  had  the  reputation  of 
being  the  purest  man  and  the  ablest  lawyer  in  Virginia. 

Although  no  great  speaker,  Jefferson  was  very  success 
ful  at  the  Bar  as  long  as  he  continued  to  practice  his 
profession.  It  is  stated  that  he  averaged  three  thousand 
dollars  in  cash  every  year  from  the  time  he  was  admitted 
till  he  gave  up  his  profession.  This  was  doing  very 
well  for  the  times.  His  great  success  in  life  was  owing 
»to  his  conversational  powers,  his  talent  for  writing 
letters  and  his  democratic  principles.  He  was  a  born 
Democrat,  although  his  kindred  and  associates  were  all 
of  the  old  Virginia  aristocracy. 

In  1769  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Burgesses  at  the  age  of  twenty-six.  At  the  session  of 
1773  Jefferson  conceived  the  idea  of  appointing  a  com 
mittee  of  correspondence  and  introduced  a  resolution  to 
that  effect.  He  was  a  great  manager  and  had  great  tact 
in  his  management.  These  committees  of  correspondence 
united  all  the  colonies  and  stirred  them  up  to  resistance 
to  the  legislation  of  the  British  Parliament.  The 
Governor  immediately  dissolved  the  Legislature  and  the 
members  were  all  re-elected.  Jefferson  proposed,  in  con 
sequence  of  the  passage  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  a  day 
of  fasting,  humiliation  and  prayer.  This  caused  the 
Governor  to  dissolve  the  Legislature  once  more.  A 
Convention  of  the  people  was  then  called,  and  Jefferson 
was  elected  a  member  of  it,  and  being  unable  to  attend 


THOMAS   JEFFERSON.  345 

the  Convention  he  sent  a  paper  which  was  in  fact  a 
Declaration  of  Independence.  This  paper,  though  not  • 
adopted,  was  published,  and  caused  Jefferson  to  be 
denounced  in  England  as  a  bold  traitor.  He  was  elected 
a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress  in  1775  in  place- 
of  Peyton  Randolph,  who  declined  to  serve  longer.  He 
made  his  mark  in  this  Congress  as  soon  as  he  took  hia- 
seat,  although  he  never  made  a  set  speech. 

In  1776  he  resigned  his  seat  in  Congress  and  went 
into  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  for  the  purpose  of 
reforming  her  laws.  He  introduced  four  bills,  one  to 
cut  off  estates,  another  to  destroy  the  right  of  primo 
geniture,  a  third  to  give  religious  liberty  and  repeal  the 
establishment  of  the  Episcopal  Church  as  the  religion 
of  the  State,  and  a  fourth  to  prohibit  the  importation 
of  slaves  into  Virginia.  These  bills  rendered  him  very 
unpopular  with  the  wealthy  old  Virginians,  who> 
wished  to  entail  their  property,  make  their  oldest  son 
a  man  of  fortune  at  the  expense  of  all  the  rest  of  their 
children,  have  a  church  established  like  old  England, 
and  purchase  more  slaves  to  increase  their  wealth. 

In  June,  1779,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected  Governor 
of  the  State,  at  a  time  of  most  imminent  peril,  whilst 
Virginia  was  invaded  and  ravaged,  north  and  south,. 
by  Arnold  and  Tarleton.  He  conducted  the  affairs  of 
the  State  with  prudence  and  energy,  and  secured  the 
thanks  of  the  Legislature  at  the  expiration  of  his  term 
of  office.  In  1783  he  was  again  elected  a  member 
of  Congress,  and  prepared  the  beautiful  address  to 
Washington  on  his  surrendering  his  commission  as 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army.  In  1784  he  was 
appointed  plenipotentiary  minister  to  France,  with  Dr. 
Franklin  and  Mr.  Adams,  where  he  remained  till  1789, 
when  he  returned  to  the  United  States  and  was 
appointed  by  General  Washington  Secretary  of  State. 
In  1793  he  resigned  his  office  and  retired  to  private 
life.  He  was  then  elected  Vice-President,  and  in  1800 
President  of  the  United  States.  He  was  re-elected  at 


346  THOMAS   JEFFERSON. 

the  expiration  of  his  first  term,  and  then  retired  from 
•  public  life  altogether.  The  last  years  of  his  life  were 
spent  in  founding  the  Virginia  University.  He 
requested  that  the  only  inscription  on  his  tombstone 
should  be  that  he  was  the  author  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  and  the  founder  of  the  Virginia  Uni 
versity.  He  died  on  the  4th  of  July,  1826,  in  the  eighty- 
fourth  year  of  his  age. 

Like  all  great  men,  and  especially  great  statesmen 
and  politicians,  Mr.  Jefferson  had  his  calumniators  and 
detractors.  He  organized  the  Democratic  party,  which 
still  exists,  maintaining  the  same  political  principles 
which  it  first  adopted,  and  were  so  dear  to  Mr.  Jefferson 
that  he  embodied  them  in  his  first  Inaugural  Address 
as  President  of  the  United  States.  "Equal  and  exact 
justice  to  all  men  of  whatever  state  or  persuasion,  reli 
gious  or  political ;  peace,  commerce  and  honest  friend 
ship  with  all  nations  entangling  alliances  with  none; 
the  support  of  the  State  Governments  in  all  their  rights, 
as  the  most  competent  administration  for  our  domestic 
concerns,  and  the  surest  bulwarks  against  anti-republican 
tendencies  ;  the  preservation  of  the  general  government 
in  its  whole  Constitutional  vigor  as  the  sheet  anchor 
of  our  peace  at  home  and  safety  abroad ;  a  jealous  care 
of  the  rights  of  election  by  the  people ;  a  mild  and  safe 
corrective  of  abuses  which  are  lopped  by  the  sword  of 
revolution  when  peaceable  remedies  are  unprovided ; 
absolute  acquiescence  in  the  decisions  of  the  majority ; 
the  vital  principle  of  republics,  from  which  there  is  no 
appeal  but  to  force  the  vital  principle  and  immediate 
point  of  despotism ;  a  well-disciplined  militia ;  the 
supremacy  of  the  civil  over  the  military  authority ; 
economy  in  the  public  expense ;  the  honest  payment  of 
•debts;  encouragement  of  agriculture  and  commerce;  the 
diffusion  of  information ;  freedom  of  religion,  freedom 
of  the  press,  and  freedom  of  the  person  under  the  pro 
tection  of  habeas  corpus,  and  trials  by  juries  impartially 
selected." 


THOMAS   JEFFERSON.  347 

Alexander  Hamilton,  the  great  intellectual  rival  of 
Mr.  Jefferson,  was  at  the  head  of  the  opposition  to  the 
Democratic  or  Republican  party,  and  organized  the  old 
Federal  party,  which  was  at  first  a  party  of  gentlemen, 
patriots,  heroes  and  statesmen.  They  were  in  favor  of 
a  strong  Federal  government,  a  liberal,  or  latitudinarian 
construction  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  These  two 
parties  have  ever  since  divided  the  American  people 
and  still  divide  them.  The  old  Federal  party  disgraced 
themselves  by  enacting  the  alien  amd  sedition  laws,  by 
opposing  the  war  of  1812,  and  by  their  strong  national 
predilections.  They  have  changed  their  party  name 
very  often  within  the  last  seventy-five  years,  and  dis 
graced  every  name  they  ever  assumed.  President 
Grant  capped  the  climax  of  Federal  infamy  by  tramp 
ling  on  the  rights  of  the  States  and  placing  the  military 
authority  above  the  civil. 

Nor  has  the  Democratic  party  been  free  from  grievous 
errors.  Mr.  Jefferson  carried  his  States7  rights  doctrine 
so  far  as  to  contend  for  the  right  of  nullification  and 
.secession  on  the  part  of  the  States.  This  would  make 
the  Federal  Union  a  rope  of  sand,  liable  to  be  destroyed 
by  every  State  in  the  Union  at  any  time. 

In  1819  the  Mecklenburg  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence  was  discovered,  which  purported  to  have  been 
adopted  on  the  20th  of  May,  1775,  more  than  one  year 
before  Mr.  Jefferson  wrote  his  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence.  The  similarity  in  language  between  these  two 
papers  induced  many  persons  to  charge  Mr.  Jefferson 
with  plagiarism.  This  annoyed  him  very  much,  and  he 
declared  that  he  had  never  seen  or  heard  of  the  Meck 
lenburg  Declaration  before.  John  Adams  made  the 
same  assertion.  Mr.  Randall  in  his  life  of  Jefferson 
explains  this  matter  very  satisfactorily.  There  was  a 
public  meeting  at  Charlotte,  the  county  seat  of  Meck 
lenburg,  on  the  30th  of  May,  1775,  when  very  spirited 
resolutions  were  adopted,  amounting  to  a  Declaration  of 
Independence,  drawn  by  Ephraim  Brevard.  These 


348  THOMAS   JEFFERSON. 

resolutions  were  published  at  the  time  of  adoption  in  a 
North  Carolina  paper  and  also  in  England.  When  old 
Mr.  Natt  Alexander  died  there  was  found  amongst  his 
papers  this  famous  Declaration  of  Independence,  said 
to  have  been  adopted  on  the  20th  of  May,  1775,  and 
which  the  old  gentleman  says,  "to  the  best  of  his 
recollection,"  is  the  substance  of  the  Mecklenburg 
Declaration  of  Independence.  The  old  man  had 
evidently  been  reading  Jefferson's  Declaration  for 
thirty  or  forty  years  and  copied  it  in  part.  The  Decla 
ration  was  never  published  like  the  resolutions  and 
evidently  never  had  any  existence  till  written  out  by 
Mr.  Alexander.  Bancroft  takes  this  view  of  the  matter 
in  his  history  of  the  United  States  and  ignores  the 
meeting  on  the  20th  of  May,  and  the  Declaration 
entirely.  My  friend,  Governor  Swain, of  North  Carolina,, 
spent  a  good  deal  of  time  in  investigating  this  vexed 
question,  and  came  to  the  same  conclusion  with  Ban 
croft  and  Randall. 

The  administration  of  Jefferson,  for  eight  years,  as 
President  of  the  United  States,  was  most  popular  and 
successful.  He  restored  the  Government  to  its  true 
Republican  principles,  and  purchased  a  territory  almost 
as  large  as  the  original  thirteen  States.  A  dozen  inde 
pendent  sovereign  States  have  been  or  will  be  formed 
out  of  this  magnificent  empire  and  added  to  the  Federal 
Union.  Measures  were  adopted  for  the  speedy  payment 
of  the  National  debt,  a  most  salutary  reduction  of  the 
expenses  of  the  Government  was  made,  surplus  offices 
were  abolished,  and  executive  patronage  reduced,  the 
Tripolitan  aggressions  gallantly  chastised,  commerce 
extended,  and  the  peace  of  the  Republic  maintained. 

Mr.  Jefferson  was  a  philosopher  and  a  man  of  science^ 
as  well  as  a  statesman.  He  was  elected  as  the  successor 
of  Franklin  and  Rhittenhouse,  President  of  the  Ameri 
can  Philosophical  Society.  He  had  great  mechanical 
genius  as  well  as  literary  taste.  His  writings  have 
been  published  in  nine  large  volumes.  In  his  retire- 


THOMAS   JEFFERSON.  349 

ment  at  Monticello  he  kept  an  open  house  and  enter 
tained  an  immense  number  of  visitors  with  great 
.hospitality.  He  was  kind  and  affectionate  in  his  family ; 
having  lost  his  wife  after  being  married  only  ten  years, 
he  devoted  himself  to  the  education  and  bringing  up  of 
his  two  little  daughters,  and  never  married  again.  His 
temper  was  calm,  sedate  and  philosophical.  No  one 
remembers  ever  to  have  seen  him  in  a  passion.  In  this 
respect  he  was  the  superior  of  Washington.  He  regarded 
religion  as  a  matter  of  conscience  between  every  one  and 
his  God,  and  neither  man  nor  government  had  any 
right  to  interfere  in  the  matter.  His  great  hospitality, 
benevolence  and  indorsing  for  his  friends  ruined  him 
iinancially,  and  he  died  insolvent.  Such  was  the 
of  Monticello  and  the  great  Apostle  of  Liberty. 


JAMES  MADISON. 

The  commonwealth  of  Virginia  has  been  proudly 
styled  "the  mother  of  States  and  statesmen."  She  is 
justly  entitled  to  this  mark  of  distinction.  Virginia 
gave  to  the  Federal  Union  the  States  of  Kentucky, 
Ohio,  Illinois  and  Indiana.  She  gave  the  Republic 
Patrick  Henry,  whose  fiery  eloquence  first  sowed  broad 
cast  the  seeds  of  rebellion  against  Great  Britain's 
tyranny  and  oppression  which  ripened  into  American 
Independence.  She  gave  the  Colonies,  at  the  com 
mencement  of  the  Revolution,  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  their  armies  who  led  them  to  victory  and 
achieved  their  independence,  and  won  for  himself  the 
appellation  of  ".Father  of  his  country,"  "  First  in  war, 
first  in  peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen." 
An  illustrious  statesman  of  hers  drew  the  immortal 
Declaration  of  Independence.  And  another  son  of  the 
Old  Dominion  has  been  properly  termed  "  the  father 
of  the  American  Constitution."  Seven  of  the  Presi 
dents  of  the  Republic  were  born  in  the  State  of  Vir 
ginia  ;  and  all  the  other  States,  now  thirty-nine  in  num 
ber,  have  only  furnished  eleven  Presidents. 

James  Madison,  the  fourth  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  subject  of  our  present  sketch,  is  justly 
entitled  to  be  called  the  "father  of  the  Federal  Consti 
tution."  He  saw  the  imperfection  of  the  old  Articles 
of  Confederation  which  made  the  general  government 
dependent  on  the  States  for  the  enforcement  of  its  laws 
and  the  collection  of  its  revenues.  This  voluntary 
obedience  on  the  part  of  the  States  did  very  well  whilst 
they  were  struggling  for  independence  and  overrun  by 
the  armies  of  Great  Britain.  But  no  sooner  was  danger 
removed  than  they  became  remiss  in  their  contributions 

35° 


JAMES   MADISON.  351 

for  the  support  of  the  General  Government  and  regard 
less  of  its  injunctions  and  legislation.  Mr.  Madison, 
proposed  a  convention  of  all  the  States  at  Annapolis  in 
1786  for  the  purpose  of  amending  the  Articles  of  Con 
federation.  He  was  appointed  a  delegate  to  this  Con 
vention  by  the  State  of  Virginia.  But  only  five  States 
sent  delegates,  and  he  then  proposed  another  Convention 
to  meet  in  Philadelphia.  The  States  were  all  urged  to- 
be  represented  in  this  Convention.  Madison  was  again 
appointed  a  delegate  with  Washington  and  other  distin 
guished  statesmen  of  the  Old  Dominion.  All  the  States 
sent  delegates  to  this  Convention  except  Rhode  Island. 
She  was  so  much  pleased  with  the  Articles  of  Confeder 
ation  that  she  was  unwilling  to  have  them  altered  or 
amended. 

Madison  was  the  ruling  spirit  in  this  Convention,  and 
had  the  Constitution  formed  according  to  his  views  of  a 
complex  republican  government.  When  the  Federal 
Constitution  was  adopted  by  the  Convention  he  knew 
there  would  be  great  opposition  to  it  by  many  of  the 
States,  and  misconstruction  of  its  powers.  He  and 
Alexander  Hamilton  and  John  Jay  agreed  to  write 
articles  explaining  every  section,  which  they  did  with 
great  ability.  These  articles  were  collected  and  pub 
lished  as  the  Federalist,  and  did  insure  the  ratification 
of  the  Constitution  by  the  several  States.  Mr.  Jeffer 
son  said  these  essays  had  removed  a  great  many  of  his 
objections.  He  was  in  France  at  the  time  the  Conven 
tion  met.  Thousands  of  others  expressed  the  same  sen 
timent.  When  the  Virginia  Convention  met  to  consider 
the  Federal  Constitution,  Mr.  Madison  was  a  member 
of  it.  He  and  Chief  Justice  Marshall  were  its  great 
advocates,  and  Patrick  Henry  and  George  Mason  were 
its  greatest  opponents.  Finally  the  Constitution  was 
adopted  by  a  majority  of  only  ten  votes.  No  doubt 
the  arguments  and  explanations  of  Madison  and  Mar 
shall  secured  this  small  majority. 

James  Madison  was  born  March  16th,  1751,  at  the 
house  of  his  maternal  grandmother,  in  King  George 


352  JAMES   MADISON. 

county,  Virginia.  His  father,  James  Madison,  lived 
in  Orange  county  at  that  time,  and  his  son  James  con 
tinued  to  live  there  all  his  life  except  when  engaged  in 
public  affairs.  The  Madisons  were  among  the  first 
.settlers  in  Virginia.  The  State  Paper  Office  at  London 
contains  a  list  of  all  the  colonists  in  1622,  and  amongst 
them  is  the  name  of  Captain  Isaac  Madison.  In  1653 
there  was  a  patent  taken  out  by  John  Madison  between 
the  North  and  York  Rivers.  This  John  was  the  great, 
great  grandfather  of  President  Madison.  His  mother's 
maiden  name  was  Con  way,  and  she  lived  to  be  ninety- 
seven  years  old.  His  father  died  just  as  he  was 
appointed  Secretary  of  State  by  Mr.  Jefferson.  But  his 
mother  lived  to  see  him  twice  elected  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  then  a  retired  farmer.  She  lived  in 
the  same  house  with  him  all  her  life,  and  was  treated 
with  the  greatest  tenderness  by  him  and  his  accomplished 
lady. 

In  the  life  of  Madison,  by  the  Honorable  William  C. 
Rives,  it  is  stated  that  a  gentleman  who  was  visiting 
Mr.  Madison,  asked  to  see  his  mother,  who  was  then 
ninety-seven  years  old.  She  was  reclining  on  a  couch 
reading  a  book  which  she  closed,  and  took  up  her  knit 
ting  after  the  gentleman  was  introduced  to  her.  She 
said  her  health  was  good,  and  she  spent  her  time  very 
pleasantly  reading  and  knitting.  The  old  lady  expressed 
herself  under  many  obligations  to  Mrs.  Madison,  her 
daughter-in-law,  for  all  her  kindness  and  attention  to 
her.  She  said  her  eyesight  was  good.  The  father  of 
Madison  was  a  gentleman  of  large  fortune,  but  never 
•engaged  in  politics.  Feeling  the  great  misfortune  of 
not  having  been  educated  himself,  he  determined  to  give 
all  of  his  sons  a  collegiate  education. 

Mr.  Madison's  health  was  always  delicate  and  his 
parents  concluded  that  it  would  not  be  safe  to  send  him 
from  the  mountains  to  William  and  Mary  College,  and 
therefore  he  entered  Princeton  College,  and  graduated 
there  in  1771  under  the  Presidency  of  Dr.  Witherspoon. 


JAMES    MADISON.  353 

There  grew  up  between  Madison  and  the  Doctor,  who 
was  a  Scotchman,  a  very  strong  friendship  and  attach 
ment  which  continued  throughout  their  lives.  Madison 
used  to  tell  a  great  many  stories  on  the  old  gentleman 
and  imitate  his  Scotch  brogue.  After  leaving  college 
Madison  went  home  and  commenced  a  course  of  reading, 
which  embraced  law,  theology  and  philosophy.  His 
object  was  to  prepare  himself,  not  for  the  bar  or  pulpit, 
but  for  the  life  of  a  statesman. 

In  1776,  when  he  was  twenty-five  years  old,  he  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  Legislature.  His  modesty  and 
diffidence  prevented  his  speaking  or  attempting  to  speak 
in  the  House  of  Burgesses.  This  displeased  his  con 
stituents  and  at  the  next  election  he  was  beaten.  The 
cause  assigned  for  his  defeat  was  that  he  would  not 
treat  and  had  made  no  speeches  in  the  Legislature.  It 
is  very  probable  that  if  he  had  treated  liberally,  his 
constituents  would  have  excused  his  not  speaking.  The 
Legislature,  however,  elected  him  a  member  of  the 
Council,  and  he  continued  in  this  position  whilst  Henry 
and  Jefferson  were  Governors  of  Virginia.  It  is  said 
his  services  in  Council  were  indispensable  to  Governor 
Henry.  Whilst  a  member  of  this  small  body  he  learnt 
to  speak,  and  in  after  life  became  one  of  the  greatest 
debaters  in  Congress.  No  one  surpassed  him  in  making 
a  calm,  lucid  argument. 

In  1780  he  was  elected  a  member  of  Congress  and 
continued  in  the  old  Continental  Congress  for  four  or 
five  years.  After  the  ratification  of  the  Federal  Con 
stitution  he  was  a  candidate  for  the  United  States  Senate 
and  beaten.  The  Republicans  were  in  a  majority  in  the 
Legislature,  although  the  Federalists  had  adopted  the 
Constitution.  His  constituents  elected  him  to  the  House 
of  Representatives  in  Congress,  where  he  became  distin 
guished  as  a  leader  and  debater.  He  remained  in  Con 
gress  during  the  whole  of  Washington's  administration, 
and  acted  with  the  Republican  party.  But  so  mild  was 
he  in  his  opposition  that  he  retained  the  respect  and 


354  JAMES   MADISON. 

esteem  of  both  Washington  and  his  old  friend  Alexander 
Hamilton.  He  became  the  fast  friend  and  political 
follower  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  was  organizing  the  Re 
publican  or  States'  Rights  party  in  opposition  to  John 
Adams  and  Alexander  Hamilton,  the  leaders  of  the 
Federal  party. 

In  1799  Madison  went  into  the  Virginia  Legislature 
once  more  to  defend  his  celebrated  Virginia  Resolutions. 
He  made  an  elaborate  report  on  them  which  has  become 
the  text  book  of  the  States'  Rights  party  all  over  the 
Union.  The  Republican  party  was  successful  in  the 
Presidential  election  of  1800,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  was 
elected  over  John  Adams.  He  appointed  Madison 
Secretary  of  State,  and  he  had  to  take  up  his  residence 
in  Washington,  where  he  remained  for  sixteen  years  as 
Secretary  of  State  and  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  where  Mrs.  Madison  became  as  distinguished  as  her 
husband  for  her  brilliant  levees  and  entertainments. 

Mr.  Madison  did  not  get  married  until  he  was  forty- 
three  years  old,  and  he  then,  like  Washington,  Jefferson, 
Franklin,  Jackson, and  other  great  men,  married  a  widow 
sixteen  years  younger  than  himself.  Mrs.  Madison's 
maiden  name  was  Payne.  Her  father  was  a  Virginian, 
who  became  an  abolitionist,  emancipated  his  slaves,  and 
moved  to  Philadelphia.  There  his  daughter  married  a 
young  Quaker  lawyer  by  the  name  of  Todd,  who  died 
a  few  years  after  his  marriage,  leaving  his  widow  with 
one  child,  a  son.  She  was  a  most  charming  and  accom 
plished  woman,  and  surpassed  all  the  ladies  who  have  ever 
been  occupants  of  the  Presidential  mansion  in  graceful, 
easy  and  cordial  manners.  There  was  said  to  have  been 
a  striking  contrast  between  her  fascinating  reception, 
and  the  cold,  stiff,  formal  ones  of  Mrs.  Washington's. 
The  one  was  all  grace,  and  the  other  all  dignity.  She 
made  every  one  easy  and  happy  who  approached  her. 

The  Hon.  William  C.  Preston  used  to  give  an  amus 
ing  account  of  his  introduction  to  Mrs.  Madison.  He 
was  a  large,  overgrown  boy,  and  went  to  Washington 


JAMES    MADISON.  355 

during  Madison's  administration.  His  father  gave  him 
a  letter  to  the  member  of  Congress  from  that  district, 
and  requested  him  to  introduce  his  son  to  the  President 
and  his  lady.  The  member  very  kindly  and  patroni 
zingly  carried  young  Preston  to  the  White  House,  and 
as  Sirs.  Madison  came  into  the  room  with  a  book  in  her 
hand,  she  said  :  "  I  require  no  introduction  to  Mr. 
Preston,  and  think  I  ought  to  know  him,  as  I  was  the 
first  person  in  the  world  who  ever  saw  him."  She  told 
him  that  he  must  take  up  his  abode  with  her,  and 
that  she  had  some  young  ladies  from  Virginia  who 
would  make  his  stay  pleasant.  No  excuse  or  refusal 
would  she  receive,  and  the  young  gentleman  remained 
at  the  White  House  two  or  three  weeks,  enjoying  him 
self  most  pleasantly.  The  member  of  Congress  was 
greatly  surprised  at  the  result  of  his  condescending 
patronage  to  one  of  his  young  constituents.  He  seemed 
rather  displeased  that  his  young  protege  should  have  met 
with  such  honors  at  court.  It  divested  him  of  all  the 
gratitude  which  he  expected  for  having  honored  so 
highly  his  young  constituent. 

Mrs.  Madison  must  have  experienced  a  great  contrast 
between  her  staid  Quaker  home  in  Philadelphia  and  the 
excitement  and  brilliancy  of  the  Presidential  mansion. 
She  must  have  thought  there  was  a  great  difference  be 
tween  her  first  and  second  marriage.  The  one  was  not 
congenial  to  her  spirit  and  nature,  whilst  the  other  lent 
enchantment  to  her  life  and  developed  her  soul  and 
thoughts.  It  is  said  that  a  woman  always  values  and 
loves  her  first  husband  most,  and  man  his  last  wife.  It 
is  doubtful  whether  Mrs.  Madison  would  have  been 
willing  to  exchange  her  second  husband  for  her  first. 
And  the  same  doubt  may  very  well  be  expressed  as  to 
Mrs.  Washington,  Mrs.  Jefferson,  Mrs.  Franklin,  Mrs. 
Jackson,  and  Josephine  Bonaparte.  Mrs.  Madison  sur 
vived  her  illustrious  husband  fifteen  or  sixteen  years, 
and  was  eighty-two  years  old  when  she  died. 

By  the  Colonial  charter  of  Virginia,  the  Episcopal 
Church  was  the  established  religion  of  the  Province. 


356  JAMES    MADISON. 

In  1774  the  Baptists  were  persecuted,  and  seven  or  eight 
of  their  ministers  thrown  into  jail  near  where  Madison 
resided.  This  was  abhorrent  to  his  nature,  and  he  ex 
pressed  himself  in  very  strong  terms  against  this  perse 
cution  of  religious  liberty.  In  one  of  his  letters  to  his 
friend  Bradford,  of  Philadelphia,  he  uses  the  following 
language :  "  That  diabolical,  hell-conceived  principle  of 
persecution  rages  among  some ;  and,  to  their  eternal  in 
famy,  the  clergy  can  furnish  their  quota  of  imps  for  such 
purposes.  There  are  at  this  time,  in  the  adjacent  county, 
not  less  than  five  or  six  well-meaning  men  in  close  jail 
for  publishing  their  religious  sentiments,  which,  in  the 
main,  are  very  orthodox.  I  have  neither  patience  to 
hear,  talk,  or  think  of  anylhing  relative  to  this  matter." 
He  afterwards  had  the  gratification  of  passing  in  the 
Legislature  one  of  the  bills  drawn  by  Mr.  Jefferson 
restoring  religious  toleration  to  the  State  and  disestab 
lishing  the  Episcopal  Church.  No  one,  after  that  law 
had  passed,  was  bound  to  support  any  sect.  All  had  the 
right  to  support  such  preachers  as  they  liked  and  were 
not  required  to  support  any  others.  The  Baptists  had  a 
right,  as  well  as  all  other  denominations,  to  preach  with 
out  molestation.  It  is  remarkable  that  Jefferson  and 
Franklin,  whose  religious  notions  were  skeptical,  should 
have  been  the  great  champions  of  religious  freedom  in 
America. 

Madison  was  a  singularly  pure,  chaste,  moral  man,  and 
devoted  to  civil,  political,  and  religious  liberty.  He  was 
also  one  of  the  most  diffident  and  modest  of  men,  but  as 
firm  a  man  in  carrying  out  his  principles  as  ever  lived. 
He  hated  with  a  bitter  hatred  all  wars, and  it  was  neces 
sity  alone  which  made  him  give  his  reluctant  consent  to 
the  war  with  Great  Britain  in  1812.  Mr.  Clay,  Mr. 
Calhoun,  Mr.  Lowndes,  Judge  Cheves,  and  Felix 
Grundy  were  most  vehement  in  urging  a  declaration  of 
war  for  months  before  they  could  get  President  Madison 
to  consent  to  it.  Had  this  declaration  of  war  been  post 
poned  a  few  weeks  longer,  the  repeal  of  the  Berlin  and 


JAMES    MADISON.  357 

Milan  Decrees  by  Bonaparte,  and  consequently  the 
revocation  of  the  orders  in  Council  by  England,  which 
did  take  place,  would  have  superseded  the  necessity  of 
war. 

Mr.  Madison  was  elected  President  of  the  United 
States  in  1808,  to  succeed  Mr.  Jefferson,  by  a  large 
majority  of  the  electoral  votes.  He  received  122  out  of 
175  of  the  votes  cast.  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney 
received  47.  In  1800  this  distinguished  son  of  South 
Carolina  received  64  votes  for  President,  and  if  he  had 
permitted  South  Carolina  to  vote  for  him  without 
voting  for  John  Adams,  he  would  have  had  72  votes 
and  been  Vice- President.  Jefferson  received  only  73. 
votes  in  this  election.  In  1812  Madison  was  re-elected 
by  a  still  larger  vote  over  De  Witt  Clinton.  Madison 
received  128  votes  and  Clinton  89.  The  Federalists 
made  strong  opposition  to  him  on  account  of  the  war. 

The  war  of  1812,  into  which  Mr.  Madison  was  most 
reluctantly  forced  by  his  party,  proved  a  great  event  in 
the  history  of  the  United  States,  and  was  termed  our 
Second  War  of  Independence.  It  gave  the  Republic 
national  character  abroad  for  honor  and  pluck  and 
taught  the  mistress  of  the  seas  a  lesson  by  our  brilliant 
naval  victories  which  she  will  not  soon  forget. 

Governor  Middleton  once  mentioned  to  me  that  in 
searching  over  his  father's  old  papers  he  found  a  speech 
of  Mr.  Madison's  in  the  old  Continental  Congress,  taken 
down  in  shorthand  by  his  father,  Arthur  Middleton, 
who  was  at  that  time  a  member  of  the  Congress.  In 
this  speech  Mr.  Madison  urged  a  treaty  with  Great 
Britain,  acknowledging  the  independence  of  all  the 
States  except  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia,  which  were  to 
remain  British  Provinces.  This  caused  Governor  Mid 
dleton  great  surprise  and  astonishment.  He  thought 
there  must  be  some  mistake  about  the  matter,  and  on 
meeting  Mr.  Madison  long  afterwards  he  mentioned  the 
fact  to  him.  Mr.  Madison  acknowledged  that  he  had 
made  such  a  speech,  and  justified  himself  on  the  ground 


358  JAMES    MADISON. 

that  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas  had  been  conquered  and 
subdued  by  the  armies  of  Great  Britain,  and  were  then 
entirely  under  British  government. 

In  explanation  of  Mr.  Madison's  conduct  there  is  an 
important  piece  of  history  which  should  be  mentioned. 
When  France  formed  her  alliance  with  the  United 
States  it  was  very  important  to  get  Spain  also  to  accede 
to  it.  Mr.  Jay  was  sent  to  the  Spanish  Court  for  this 
purpose,  and  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was 
involved  in  the  treaty.  Virginia  felt  the  deepest  inter 
est  in  this  matter,  and  Mr.  Madison  was  elected  a  mem 
ber  of  Congress  in  1780  for  the  express  purpose  of  hav 
ing  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  acknowledged 
in  any  treaty  that  might  be  formed  with  Spain.  Instruc 
tions  to  this  effect  were  given  Mr.  Jay.  Afterwards  the 
members  from  Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  when  those 
States  were  over-run  by  the  British  army,  thought  the 
importance  of  having  the  navy  of  Spain  to  co-operate 
with  that  of  France  would  justify  the  relinquishment 
of  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  if  Spain  should 
make  objections  on  that  score.  They  ^vere  apprehensive 
that  the  u  armed  neutrality  of  Europ<f"  might  force  the 
belligerents  to  make  a  treaty  on  the  basis  of  uti  possi- 
delis.  Such  a  treaty  would  leave  the  Carolinas  and 
Georgia  under  the  dominion  of  Great  Britain.  The 
members  from  these  States  induced  Congress  to  rescind 
their  instructions  to  Mr.  Jay  in  regard  to  the  free  navi 
gation  of  the  Mississippi.  I  suppose  it  was  on  this 
motion  to  rescind  that  Mr.  Madison  made  his  speech. 
He  thought  it  better  to  give  up  Georgia  and  the  Caro 
linas  than  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 

The  State  of  Virginia  at  that  time  owned  the  whole 
of  the  territory  now  composing  the  States  of  Kentucky, 
Ohio,  Indiana  and  Illinois,  which  bordered  on  the  Mis 
sissippi.  Unless,  therefore,  the  navigation  of  this  great 
inland  sea,  as  it  was  termed  by  Mr.  Calhoun  in  after 
times,  was  kept  open  to  its  mouth,  this  immense  terri 
tory  would  be  greatly  impaired  in  value.  Dr.  Franklin 


JAMES    MADISON.  359 

said  to  the  Court  of  France,  that  the  relinquish ment  of 
the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  would  be  like 
ceding  his  front  door  to  a  neighbor.  A  most  happy 
illustration. 

In  1776,  Madison  and  Jefferson  met  for  the  first  time 
in  the  Virginia  Convention.  The  one  was  twenty-five 
years  old,  and  the  other  thirty-three.  They  formed  an 
intimacy  and  friendship  for  each  other  that  continued 
for  near  a  half  century,  without  the  shadow  of  a  cloud 
ever  coming  between  them. 

They  lived  in  the  same  neighborhood  after  their 
retirement  from  public  life,  and  frequently  visited  each 
other  in  their  extreme  old  age.  In  this  same  neighbor 
hood  lived  another  ex-President  of  the  United  States, 
James  Monroe.  It  is  singular  that  one  State  should 
have  given  the  Republic  seven  presidents  out  of  sixteen, 
and  that  three  of  those  seven  lived  in  the  same  neigh 
borhood.  They  were  not  only  presidents  of  the  Repub 
lic  like  Grant  and  Hayes  and  Lincoln,  but  they  were 
great  and  illustrious  men,  who  would  have  done  honor 
to  any  age  or  any  country.  They  were  statesmen  as 
well  as  patriots,  devoted  to  learning,  philosophy  and 
liberty. 

Madison  was  so  amiable,  mild  and  pure  in  every 
thought  and  action  that  he  seldom,  if  ever,  gave  offence 
to  any  one  in  the  most  exciting  times  of  party  politics. 
In  argument  and  debate  he  was  so  fair  that  no  one  could 
take  exception  to  what  he  said,  and  at  the  same  time  his 
reasoning  was  lucid,  logical  and  forcible,  that  it  was 
hard  to  resist  his  conclusions.  As  a  debater  he  was  pre 
eminent  in  Congress,  yet  when  he  first  entered  public 
life  he  could  not  speak  at  all.  Gradually  he  acquired 
the  habit,  and  became  perfect  in  the  art.  Public  speak 
ing  is  a  trade,  and  may  be  learned  like  all  other  trades. 
It  only  requires  perseverance  and  practice. 

The  biographer  of  Mr.  Madison  mentions  a  love 
affair  of  his,  when  he  was  thirty-one  or  two  years  old, 
which  places  him  in  the  same  category  of  disappointed 


360  JAMES   MADISON. 

lovers  with  Washington  and  Jefferson.  Whilst  a  mem 
ber  of  the  old  Continental  Congress  in  Philadelphia,  he 
became  fascinated,  statesman  and  philosopher  as  he  was, 
with  the  beauty,  grace  and  charms  of  a  lovely  and 
accomplished  daughter  of  General  William  Floyd  of 
New  York,  friend  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  signer  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  The  young  lady  recipro 
cated  his  affection,  and  they  were  pledged  to  each  other. 
But  exercising  the  right  which  all  young  ladies  claim  of 
changing  their  minds,  "  this  auspicious  attachment," 
says  Mr.  Rives,  "  terminated  at  last  in  disappointment." 
Thereupon  his  friend  Jefferson,  who  had  been  served  in 
the  same  way,  at  a  much  earlier  period  of  life,  writes 
him  a  letter  of  consolation,  intimating  that  there  are  as 
good  fish  in  the  seas  as  have  ever  been  caught  out  of 
them.  He  says :  "  I  sincerely  lament  the  misadventure 
which  has  happened,  from  whatever  cause  it  may  have 
happened.  Should  it  be  final,  however,  the  world  still 
presents  the  same  and  many  other  resources  of  happi 
ness,  and  you  possess  many  within  yourself.  Firmness 
of  mind,  and  unintermitting  occupation  will  not  long 
leave  you  in  pain."  Good,  kind,  philosophical  advice, 
which  he  no  doubt  gave  from  his  own  experience.  Now 
this  is  the  third  President  of  the  United  States  men 
tioned  in  our  sketches,  who  was  jilted  and  remained 
broken  hearted  for  many  years.  In  all  probability  this 
would  not  have  been  the  case  if  these  young  ladies 
could  have  looked  into  futurity.  We  have  also  men 
tioned  another  president,  John  Adams,  who  would  have 
shared  the  same  fate  if  Miss  Abigail  Smith  had  obeyed 
the  wishes  and  injunctions  of  her  father.  There  is  yet 
another  President  of  the  United  States,  Andrew  Johnson, 
who  was  scornfully  rejected  by  the  mother  of  Miss 
Word  of  Laurens,  S.  C.,  when  he  asked  for  the  hand  of 
her  daughter.  It  would  seem  that  great  men  have 
not  been  fortunate  lovers.  Lord  Bacon  was  not,  and 
Napoleon  Bonaparte  was  not. 


JAMES    MADISON.  361 

The  Federal  Convention  sat  with  closed  doors,  and  no 
one  was  allowed  to  tell  what  had  been  done.  But  for 
Mr.  Madison's  diary  or  journal  of  the  Convention  the 
American  people  would  know  very  little  more  than  the 
result  of  the  proceedings.  He  wrote  out  at  full  length 
what  was  done  every  day  in  the  Convention.  The  mo 
tions  made,  who  advocated,  who  opposed  them,  and  the 
vote  of  the  States.  This  journal  is  comprised  in  the 
"Madison  Papers"  in  three  volumes,  and  also  a  por 
tion  of  the  debates  of  the  old  Congress,  and  letters  of 
Mr.  Madison.  Included  in  this  work  is  also  Mr. 
Jefferson's  account  of  the  debate  on  the  Declaration  of 
Independence. 

James  Madison  was  a  small  man  with  a  feeble  consti 
tution,  taciturn  in  public,  but  in  company  with  his 
friends  he  possessed  the  genial  humor  of  a  boy.  He 
was  facetious  and  fond  of  telling  a  story.  In  his  bear 
ing  and  address  he  was  modest  and  simple,  and  always 
dressed  in  a  suit  of  black.  He  had  a  great  many  jokes 
on  his  friend  Jefferson,  which  he  told  with  great  glee, 
He  was  eighty-five  years  old  at  his  death  in  1836. 


RICHARD   HENRY   LEE. 

The  Lee  family  is  one  of  the  oldest,  most  distin 
guished  and  numerous  families  in  Virginia.  They  trace 
their  ancestors  up  to  Launcelot  Lee,  from  Loudon,  France, 
who  came  over  to  England  with  William  the  Conqueror 
about  eight  hundred  years  ago.  A  descendant  of  Laun 
celot  Lionel  Lee  raised  a  company  and  followed  Richard 
Coeur  de  Leon  to  the  Holy  Land,  in  the  Third  Crusade, 
1192.  For  gallant  conduct  at  the  siege  of  Acre  he  was 
created  Earl  of  Litchfield.  Richard  Lee  served  under 
the  Earl  of  Surrey  in  his  expedition  against  the  Scotch 
in  1542.  Richard  Lee,  a  younger  son  of  the  house  of 
Litchfield,  emigrated  to  America  at  the  first  settlement 
of  Virginia.  He  was  one  of  the  king's  privy  council. 
Before  Charles  II.  had  been  called  to  the  throne,  he  and 
Sir  William  Berkly  proclaimed  him  king  in  Virginia, 
and  hence  the  colony  was  called  the  "  Old  Dominion." 
This  Richard  had  several  children,  and  the  two  eldest, 
John  and  Richard,  were  educated  at  Oxford.  This 
Richard  left  five  sons  and  one  daughter.  Thomas,  one  of 
these  sons,  married  Miss  Ludwell,  and  became  the  father 
of  six  sons,  and  at  his  death  was  Governor  of  Virginia. 
These  sons  were  Philip  Ludwell,  a  member  of  the 
Council,  Thomas  Ludwell,  Richard  Henry,  the  subject 
of  this  sketch,  Francis  Lightfoot,  one  of  the  signers  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  William,  who  married 
in  England  and  was  elected  an  alderman  of  London, 
Arthur,  who  studied  medicine  in  Edinburgh,  took  his 
degree,  then  read  law  in  Lincoln's  Inn,  was  agent  for 
the  Province  of  Massachusetts,  and  afterwards  minister 
with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Silas  Deane  at  the  court  of  France. 
Henry  Lee,  of  Leesylvania,  was  the  cousin  of  Richard 
362 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  363 

Henry  Lee,  and  father  of  Colonel  Henry  Lee,  of  the 
Legion.  He  married  Lucy  Grymes,  the  sweetheart  and 
"lowland  beauty"  of  General  Washington.  Harry 
Lee,  of  the  Legion,  was  her  son,  a  great  favorite  of 
Washington's,  and  the  father  of  General  Robert  E.  Lee, 
of  the  Confederate  army. 

The  Lee  family  is  now  much  older  than  it  was,  and 
more  numerous,  but  not  so  distinguished.  I  remember 
Judge  Mason,  afterwards  minister  to  France,  telling  me 
one  night  at  his  house  in  Washington,  how  low  the  Lee 
family  had  sunk  in  Virginia.  He  said  he  was  holding 
court  on  the  Northern  Neck,  where  the  Lees  had  all 
lived  as  aristocrats  for  more  than  a  century,  and  one  of 
their  descendants  was  brought  into  court  as  a  witness. 
It  appeared  in  the  investigation  that  he  was  an  old 
pauper,  and  supported  by  a  mulatto  woman.  General 
Robert  E.  Lee,  who  was  the  model  of  a  hero,  patriot, 
Christian,  and  man,  was  the  only  one  of  the  name  at 
that  time  who  had  any  desirable  reputation.  His  half- 
brother,  Henry  Lee,  was  a  man  of  talents  and  acquire 
ments,  but  of  infamous  character.  He  was  nominated 
by  President  Jackson,  in  1830,  as  Consul-General  for 
the  kingdom  of  Algiers,  and  Senator  Tazewell,  of  Vir 
ginia,  moved  to  lay  the  nomination  on  the  table  till 
papers  and  persons  could  be  sent  for.  When  this  was 
done  the  nomination  was  unanimously  rejected,  every 
Senator  voting  against  the  confirmation  of  his  nomina 
tion.  Randall,  in  his  life  of  Jefferson,  exposes  fully  his 
false  and  treacherous  character.  It  is  strange  that  so 
pure  a  man  as  General  Robert  E.  Lee  should  have  had 
so  corrupt  a  brother.  They  had  different  mothers, 
though  the  same  father. 

Richard  Henry  Lee  was  born  January  20th,  1732,  in 
the  county  of  Westmoreland.  Two  of  his  distinguished 
brothers  were  older  than  himself,  and  two  younger. 
He  was  educated  in  Europe,  and  became  a  most  finished 
scholar.  His  grandson,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  in  his  life 
of  his  grandfather,  in  two  volumes,  published  in  1825, 


364  RICHARD    HENRY    LEE. 

says  that  when  he  was  informed  of  his  father's  determi 
nation  to  send  him  to  England  to  enter  college,  he  com 
menced  boxing  with  street  negro  boys.  His  father 
inquired  why  he  should  engage  in  such  rough  sport. 
He  replied  that  he  understood  the  boys  in  college  had  to 
defend  themselves  by  boxing  or  they  would  be  imposed 
on,  and  he  determined  to  learn  in  time  for  self-defence. 
He  was  a  hard  student  in  college,  and  after  graduating 
he  made  the  tour  of  England,  and  returned  home  when 
he  was  about  twenty  years  old.  In  the  meantime  his 
father  had  died  and  left  him  a  handsome  fortune.  In 
stead  of  spending  his  time  idly  in  the  enjoyment  of  his 
fortune,  he  devoted  himself  to  reading  and  studying 
law,  politics,  theology,  science,  history  and  belles  lettres. 
He  received  the  appointment  of  a  magistrate,  and  was- 
made  President  of  the  County  Court.  When  Braddock's 
army  came  to  Virginia  he  raised  a  company  and  ten 
dered  his  services  to  the  General,  who  rejected  with 
scorn  his  Provincial  militia.  He  was  soon  afterwards 
elected  a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  and,  like 
Madison,  he  served  his  term  out  without  attempting  to 
make  a  speech.  He  was  modest  and  diffident,  and  the 
House  was  filled  with  old  and  distinguished  men. 

The  constituents  of  Mr.  Lee  were  not  so  much  of 
fended  by  his  silence  in  the  Legislature  as  were  those  of 
Mr.  Madison.  They  re-elected  him  to  the  House  of 
Burgesses,  and  continued  to  elect  him,  whenever  he  was 
a  candidate,  for  thirty  or  forty  years.  They  remained 
steadfast  to  him  through  good  report  and  through  evil 
report.  The  first  speech  he  ever  made  was  on  the  sub 
ject  of  slavery.  He  wished  to  prohibit  the  importation 
of  slaves  from  Africa,  and  stop  that  piratical  trade  in 
which  the  Northern  States  were  at  that  time  all  con 
cerned.  But  the  first  time  he  ever  gave  evidence  of  that 
true  eloquence  which  was  latent  in  his  nature  was  in 
support  of  his  brother,  who  had  been  rudely  stopped  by 
the  speaker  in  the  commencement  of  his  speech.  It  is 
remarkable  that  one  who  became  so  eminent  in  after 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  365 

life  for  his  unsurpassed  eloquence,  should  have  been  at 
first  unable  to  speak.  It  was  the  case  with  Sheridan. 
His  first  effort  was  a  failure.  But  he  struck  his  head 
and  said,  "  it  was  in  there  and  should  come  out." 

In  the  convention  of  all  the  colonies  in  1774  at  Phil 
adelphia,  Patrick  Henry  made  the  first  speech,  and  was 
followed  by  Richard  Henry  Lee,  both  of  Virginia. 
The  one  was  pronounced  the  Demosthenes  of  America, 
and  the  other  the  Cicero.  Whilst  Henry  thundered  and 
lightened  at  the  oppressions  and  tyranny  of  the  British 
Parliament,  Lee  illuminated  the  whole  subject  with  a 
steady,  brill i'mt  stream  of  flowing  eloquence.  His 
scholarship  and  learning,  and  his  mild,  graceful,  cour 
teous  manner  gave  him  the  advantage  of  Henry.  He 
was  at  that  time  and  ever  afterwards  a  finished  orator 
in  manner  and  substance.  His  person  was  fine,  tall  and 
manly,  his  language  pure  and  chaste,  his  action  graceful 
.and  courteous,  and  there  was  a  deep  feeling  and  expres 
sion  of  his  noble  face  which  convinced  every  one  of  his 
sincerity  and  truth.  His  eloquence  was  of  the  most 
persuasive  and  winning  character,  mild,  gentle  and  fas 
cinating.  He  alternately  moved  and  instructed  his 
audience,  as  he  carried  their  feelings  and  understandings 
with  him. 

Unfortunately  for  Lee,  in  a  thoughtless  moment,  and 
at  the  instigation  of  a  friend,  before  the  stamp  act  was 
properly  considered,  he  wrote  to  England,  making  appli 
cation  for  the  collectorship  under  it.  But  on  reflection 
he  immediately  changed  his  course  and  became  the  bit 
terest  opponent  it  had  in  all  Virginia.  The  Tories  fre 
quently  flung  this  application  in  his  face,  and  he  had  to 
explain.  It  stuck  to  him  through  life,  but  the  people  of 
his  county  always  treated  it  with  contempt.  When  a 
special  committee  was  raised  in  the  House  of  Burgesses 
to  draught  an  address  to  the  King,  a  memorial  to  the 
Lords  and  a  remonstrance  to  the  Commons  against  tax 
ation  without  representation,  Lee  drew  two  of  these  able 
State  papers.  They  breathed  the  genuine  and  eloquent 


366  RICHARD   HENRY    LEE. 

utterances  of  resistance.  He  originated  an  association 
in  Westmoreland  county  in  February,  1766,  which  went 
far  beyond  Henry's  Resolutions  of  1765.  The  associa 
tion  went  to  the  house  of  the  collector  of  stamp  duties, 
burnt  his  commission  and  stamps,  and  made  him  swear 
to  abandon  his  office. 

In  the  winter  of  1776  Mr.  Lee  had  a  suspicion  that 
Robinson,  the  Speaker  of  the  House  and  Treasurer  of 
the  Slate,  had  been  guilty  of  improper  conduct  in  regard 
to  the  public  funds  entrusted  to  him,  and  he  moved  an 
investigation.  The  Speaker  was  a  man  of  great  wealth, 
head  of  the  aristocratic  party  of  Virginia,  and  an  amia 
ble,  popular  man.  This,  however,  did  not  deter  Lee 
from  doing  what  a  sense  of  duty  told  him  was  right; 
but  it  made  the  whole  aristocratic  party  his  enemies. 
The  investigation  showed  the  truth  of  Lee's  suspicions, 
and  the  ample  estate  of  Robinson,  after  his  death,  was 
made  to  respond  to  all  of  his  defalcations.  He  had 
loaned  the  public  funds  to  his  friends  who  were  unable 
to  replace  them. 

In  1768  Lee  proposed  a  committee  of  correspondence 
with  all  the  colonies  for  the  purpose  of  concert  of  action 
in  their  resistance  to  the  legislation  of  the  British  Par 
liament.  In  1773  the  committee  was  appointed,  and 
by  direction  of  the  House  proposed  a  general  congress, 
which  met  in  1774.  The  address  to  the  King  was 
supposed  to  have  been  written  by  Lee,  and  the  memo 
rial  to  the  people  of  British  America  was  unquestionably 
by  him.  In  speaking  of  these  papers  the  great  Earl  of 
Chatham  said: —  "When  your  lordships  look  at  the 
papers  transmitted  to  us  from  America,  when  you  con 
sider  their  decency,  firmness  and  wisdom,  you  can  not 
but  respect  their  cause,  and  wish  to  make  it  your  own. 
For  myself  I  must  declare  and  avow  that  in  all  my 
reading  and  observation,  and  it  has  been  my  favorite 
study — I  have  read  Thucydides,  and  admired  the  master 
statesmen  of  the  world — that  for  solidity  of  reasoning, 
force  of  sagacity  and  wisdom  of  conclusion,  under  such 


RICHARD   HENRY    LEE.  367 

complication  of  circumstances,  no  nation  or  body  of 
men  can  stand  in  preference  to  the  general  Congress  at 
Philadelphia.'7  This  is  very  high  praise  from  a  very 
high  and  noble  source.  Lee  was  one  of  the  most 
polished  of  writers,  as  well  as  the  most  eloquent  of 
orators.  In  this  respect  he  was  greatly  superior  to  his 
compeer  Henry,  who  was  all-powerful  in  speech,  but 
feeble  with  his  pen. 

Lee,  after  measuring  his  strength  with  the  members 
of  Congress,  returned  to  his  constituents  with  a  high 
reputation  as  an  orator  and  writer,  and  as  a  patriot  and 
statesman.  He  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Virginia 
Convention  in  1775,  and  powerfully  sustained  Patrick 
Henry  in  all  of  his  legislation  for  the  defence  of  the 
State,  the  organization  of  the  militia,  etc.  He  was 
re-elected  a  delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress,  and 
was  one  of  the  most  active  business  men  in  that  body. 
In  May,  1776,  the  Virginia  Legislature  instructed  their 
delegates  to  declare  the  colonies  free  and  independent  of 
Great  Britain.  On  the  7th  of  June,  1776,  Lee  moved 
the  following  resolution:  "That  these  united  colonies 
are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent 
States;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the 
British  crown;  and  that  all  political  connection  between 
them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be, 
totally  dissolved."  This  was  seconded  by  John  Adams, 
and  a  fiery  debate  immediately  sprung  up.  Lee's  speech 
on  this  occasion  was  said  to  have  been  the  master  effort 
of  his  life.  According  to  Parliamentary  usage  he 
would  have  been  appointed  chairman  of  the  committee 
to  draw  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  but  in  conse 
quence  of  the  sudden  illness  of  his  wife  he  had  to  return 
home,  and  Jefferson's  name  was  substituted  for  that  of 
Lee's.  In  this  way  he  missed  being  the  author  of  the 
Declaration  of  American  Independence.  How  acciden 
tal  sometimes  is  fame. 

In  1777  Mr.  Lee  was  defeated  in  his  election  as  a 
member  of  Congress,  in  consequence  of  charges  brought 


368  RICHARD    HENRY   LEE. 

against  him  in  his  absence.  His  constituency  of  West 
moreland  county,  ever  true  to  him,  immediately  elected 
him  a  member  of  the  Legislature.  He  asked  for  leave 
of  absence  from  Congress,  returned  home  and  took  his 
seat  in  the  Legislature.  He  immediately  demanded  an 
investigation,  and  the  Legislature  was  satisfied  the 
charges  were  all  false.  George  Mason,  resigning  his 
seat  in  Congress  at  this  time,  the  Legislature  elected 
Lee  in  his  place.  Thus  he  was  amply  vindicated  and 
restored  to  his  former  position. 

The  journals  of  the  old  Continental  Congress  show 
that  Richard  Henry  Lee,  during  his  whole  service  in 
that  body  for  ten  or  twelve  years,  was  one  of  its  most 
active,  efficient  and  useful  members.  He  was  either 
-chairman  or  a  member  of  almost  all  the  important  com 
mittees.  His  scholarship,  his  extensive  information, 
his  talents  and  his  ardent  patriotism  were  put  in  con 
stant  requisition  by  Congress.  At  one  time  he  was 
President  of  the  Continental  Congress. 

Whilst  the  war  of  Independence  progressed  Lee  and 
Henry  acted  together  in  all  the  great  measures  adopted 
by  Congress  and  the  Virginia  Legislature.  But  after 
they  had  gained  American  Independence,  they  were 
constantly  differing  as  leading  members  of  the  Legisla 
ture.  Henry  advocated  the  repudiation  of  British  debts, 
and  Lee  insisted  they  should  be  paid.  Henry  wished 
the  Continental  bills  to  be  received  in  payment  of  old 
debts.  Lee  contended  this  was  not  honest  where  the 
money  had  depreciated  so  much. 

Richard  Henry  Lee  was  opposed  to  the  ratification  of 
the  Federal  Constitution.  In  this  opinion  he  and  his 
friend  Patrick  Henry  agreed.  Lee  was  not  a  member 
of  the  Virginia  Convention,  and  why,  it  is  not  stated. 
But  after  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution  he 
was,  on  motion  of  Patrick  Henry,  elected  one  of  the  first 
United  States  Senators  from  Virginia  over  James  Madi 
son,  who  favored  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution.  Mr. 
Lee,  however,  warmly  sustained  the  administration  of 


RICHARD    HENRY   LEE.  369 

General  Washington  as  long  as  he  remained  in  the 
United  States  Senate.  The  amendments  to  the  Federal 
Constitution  which  he  suggested,  were  adopted,  and  he 
was  reconciled  to  it.  His  ill  health  compelled  him  to 
resign  his  seat  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  in 
1792.  He  retired  to  private  life  and  died  in  1794. 

The  private  character  of  Richard  Henry  Lee  was  as 
fine  as  that  of  his  public  character.  His  mother  was 
-a  Miss  Ludwell,  the  daughter  of  Colonel  Ludwell,  and 
grand-daughter  of  the  Governor  of  North  Carolina. 
Her  great-grandson  says  she  was  a  high-toned  aristocrat, 
and  gave  all  of  her  care  to  her  eldest  son  and  daughters. 
Her  younger  sons,  Richard  Henry  amongst  them,  "  she 
gave  up  when  boys  to  be  fed  in  a  great  measure  by  their 
own  enterprise  and  exertions."  This  was  aristocratic 
maternal  affection.  It  is  horrible  to  see  pride  taking 
the  place  of  love  and  destroying  natural  affection.  But 
it  is  true  with  that  society  which  gives  all  the  property 
to  the  first  born,  and  leaves  the  other  children  to  scuffle 
for  a  living.  There  must  be  one  gentleman  in  a  family 
at  the  expense  of  a  half-dozen  paupers.  This  neglect 
of  his  mother,  says  Lee's  biographer,  made  him  self- 
reliant  and  independent. 

Mr.  Lee  was  twice  married,  first  to  Miss  Aylett,  and 
then  to  Mrs.  Pinkard.  His  eldest  brother,  Ludwell 
Lee,  was  so  much  attached  to  him  that  he  made  him 
live  with  him,  and,  at  his  death,  gave  him  all  his  estate. 
His  house  was  at  all  times  filled  with  guests  attracted 
by  his  frank,  generous  hospitality,  the  suavity  of  his 
manner,  and  his  instructive  conversation.  The  follow 
ing  description  of  Richard  Henry  Lee  is  given  in  his 
biography : — "  His  person  was  tall  and  well-propor 
tioned  ;  the  features  of  his  face  were  bold  and  striking, 
and  irradiated  by  an  eye,  in  conversation  or  debate, 
pouring  intelligence  over  them;  his  face  was  on  the 
Roman  model,  his  nose  Csesarean,  the  port  and  carriage 
of  his  head  leaning  persuasively  and  gracefully  forward, 
and  the  whole  contour  noble  and  fine." 


370  RICHARD   HENRY   LEE. 

In  shooting  swan  he  lost  the  fingers  on  one  hand, 
which  he  always  had  covered  with  black  silk,  and  did 
not  prevent  his  gestures  being  exceedingly  graceful. 
"  The  note  of  his  voice  was  deep  and  melodious.  It 
was  the  sonorous  voice  of  Cicero." 


WILLIAM  LOWNDES. 

No  American  statesman  ever  died  with  a  purer  or 
more  exalted  reputation  than  William  Lowndes,  of 
South  Carolina.  So  beautiful  was  his  character,  in 
private  and  in  public,  that  no  one  ever  imputed  to  him 
an  intentional  wrong.  So  clear  was  his  mind  and  so 
wise  his  judgment  that  all  seemed  disposed  to  pay  defer 
ence  to  his  opinions.  He  was  no  partisan  in  politics, 
but  rose  above  all  parties  and  political  divisions.  He 
was  a  statesman  without  selfishness  or  ambition.  All 
of  his  measures  were  for  his  country's  good.  His  mind 
was  great  and  comprehensive,  and  embraced  his  whole 
country.  ]No  sectional  feeling  could  induce  him,  whilst 
a  member  of  Congress,  to  advocate  any  measure  which 
did  not  redound  to  the  interest,  prosperity,  honor,  and 
glory  of  the  United  States.  His  patriotism  was  as 
broad  as  the  Republic.  In  his  disposition  he  was  so 
kind  and  gentle,  so  amiable  and  respectful  to  all,  and  so 
pare  in  his  motives,  that  no  one  could  take  offence  at 
anything  he  said  or  did. 

The  Lowndes  family  was  one  of  the  distinguished 
Revolutionary  families  of  South  Carolina,  and  rank 
with  those  of  the  Rutledges,  Pinckneys,  Elliotts,  Haynes, 
Middletons,  Laurens,  Gadsdens,  and  Draytons.  Raw- 
lins  Lowndes,  the  father  of  William,  was  born  in  the 
West  Indies,  and  whilst  an  infant  was  brought  by  his 
parents  to  Charleston,  where  they  settled  about  the  year 
1725.  He  was  one  of  the  judges  of  the  Province  under 
the  British  Crown,  and  in  1766  delivered  the  opinion  of 
the  court  in  favor  of  the  legality  of  public  proceedings 
without  the  use  of  stamped  papers.  This  opinion  was 
in  opposition  to  that  of  the  Chief  Justice  and  a  minority 

37 1 


372  WILLIAM   LOWNDES. 

of  the  court.  This  opinion  was  a  very  able  and  elabo 
rate  one,  and  sowed  the  seeds  of  resistance  to  oppression 
and  taxation  without  representation  in  South  Carolina. 
He  was  a  sterling  patriot,  and  a  most  firm  and  unflinch 
ing  man.  He  admired  those  who  loved  British  liberty 
and  freedom,  and  moved,  in  the  Legislature  of  South 
Carolina,  that  a  statue  of  William  Pitt,  the  great  Earl 
of  Chatham,  be  erected  in  Charleston,  in  acknowledg 
ment  of  his  patriotic  services  to  the  colonies  and  his 
noble  defence  of  the  British  Constitution.  This  statue 
was  erected  before  the  Revolution,  and  now  stands  in 
front  of  the  Orphan-house  in  the  city  of  Charleston. 
During  the  attack  of  the  British  on  the  city  the  right 
arm  of  the  statue  was  taken  off  by  a  cannon-ball.  It 
was  said  to  have  been  ominous,  for  the  great  Commoner 
declared  that  he  would  lose  his  right  arm  sooner  than 
see  the  colonies,  the  brightest  jewel  of  the  English 
Crown,  stricken  from  it. 

In  1778  Rawlins  Lowndes  was  elected  President  of 
South  Carolina,  under  the  new  constitution,  after  John 
Rutledge  had  declined  the  office.  He  was  taken  a 
prisoner  during  the  war,  and  was  afterwards  a  member 
of  the  Legislature.  He  was  bitterly  opposed  to  the 
adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  declared  that 
he  wished  no  other  epitaph  on  his  tomb  than  "  that  he 
opposed  the  Federal  Constitution  as  fatal  to  the  liber 
ties  of  his  country/'  He  was  worthy  of  being  the 
father  of  his  great  son,  who  is  still  frequently  spoken  of 
as  "  the  great  William  Lowndes." 

This  illustrious  son  of  a  noble  sire  was  born  February 
7,  1782,  in  the  city  of  Charleston.  The  same  year 
gave  birth  to  John  C.  Calhoun,  Daniel  Webster,  and 
Lewis  Cass.  In  his  seventh  year  he  was  sent  to  England 
to  be  educated,  but  returned  after  staying  there  three 
or  four  years,  and  completed  his  education  in  Charleston. 
He  graduated  in  the  Charleston  College.  I  have  fre 
quently  heard  Judge  Huger,  the  bosom  friend  and  com 
panion  of  William  Lowndes,  speak  of  him  and  describe 


WILLIAM   LOWNDES.  373 

him  personally,  mentally,  and  morally.  He  said  that 
his  son,  Rawlins  Lowndes,  whom  I  knew  very  well  and 
whose  groomsman  I  was  when  he  was  married,  was  the 
very  picture  of  his  father-  in  appearance,  but  totally 
different  in  every  other  respect.  William  Lowndes  was 
very  tall,  slender,  and  ungainly  in  his  appearance,  and 
not  one  likely  to  attract  attention  for  soldierly  demeanor; 
but  he  was  known  as  a  gentleman  of  great  firmness  of 
character,  and  a  high  sense  of  duty  in  the  discharge  of 
public  trusts.  When,  in  1807,  the  news  reached  Charles 
ton  of  the  naval  conflict  between  the  British  frigate 
Leopard  and  the  United  States  frigate  Chesapeake,  the 
arms-bearing  men  of  Charleston,  under  the  belief  that 
a  declaration  of  war  would  ensue,  formed  themselves 
into  volunteer  corps,  of  which  only  two  survive  to  the 
present  time,  the  Washington  Light  Infantry  and 
Charleston  Riflemen.  To  the  surprise  of  many  in  the 
city  William  Lowndes  was  called  to  the  command  of  the 
first-named  company.  It  was  remarked  upon  as  strange 
that  one  so  inexperienced  in  military  affairs,  and  seem 
ingly  so  unfitted  for  such  duties,  should  be  placed  in 
such  a  position.  William  Lowndes,  however,  came  for 
ward,  accepted  the  commission,  mustered  the  company 
into  the  service  of  the  State,  and  to  the  surprise  of  every 
one  inaugurated  a  standard  of  discipline  and  drill  which 
caused  some  of  the  less  enthusiastic  members  to  com 
plain  of  the  hardships  of  soldier  duty ;  but  the  good 
effects  of  his  short  administration  were  felt  by  the 
W.  L.  I.  for  many  years  after  he  had  left  the  captaincy, 
which  he  held  less  than  two  years. 

William  Lowndes  and  Judge  Huger  were  about  the 
same  age  and  read  law  together.  They  entered  the 
Legislature  at  the  same  time  and  soon  after  they  were 
21  years  old.  They  were  inseparable  companions,  and 
frequently  bore  hostile  messages  for  each  other.  Duelling 
in  those  days  was  a  sort  of  fashionable  amusement  in  Char 
leston,  and  every  young  gentleman  was  bound  to  guard 
his  honor  from  the  slightest  supposed  reflection.  When 


374  WILLIAM   LOWKDES. 

Judge  Huger  met  his  brother-in-law,  Major  Henry 
Rutledge,  immediately  after  his  (the  Judge's)  marriage, 
Mr.  Lowndes  bore  the  challenge,  and  the  Major,  after 
accepting  it,  said  he  would  li-ke  to  know  what  offence  he 
had  given  Mr.  Huger?  Mr.  Lowndes  had  to  tell  him 
that  the  cause  of  offence  had  not  been  communicated  to 
him  by  his  principal.  On  one  occasion  Mr.  Lowndes 
called  on  Judge  Huger  to  bear  a  message  to  a  celebrated 
duellist,  William  Boone  Mitchell,  who  had  rented  his 
sister's  house  and  would  not  give  possession,  as  Mr. 
Lowndes  thought,  for  the  purpose  of  provoking  him. 
When  Judge  Huger  delivered  the  challenge,  the  gentle 
man,  who  was  a  man  of  character  and  honor,  said : 
"  Tell  your  friend  that  he  is  altogether  mistaken.  I 
had  no  purpose  whatever  of  offending  him,  but  am 
making  arrangements  to  leave  the  house,  and  will  do  so 
in  a  very  short  time." 

Mr.  Lowndes  died  when  he  was  only  forty  years  old, 
and  had  been  at  that  early  age  nominated  by  the  Legis 
lature  of  South  Carolina  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presi 
dency.  He  was  universally  popular  in  Congress,  and 
had  acquired  a  national  reputation  which  was  admired 
all  over  the  Union.  Had  he  lived  there  is  little  doubt 
he  would  have  been  elected  in  1824  instead  of  John 
Quincy  Adarns.  When  nominated,  he  replied  like  a 
statesman  and  patriot,  like  an  unambitious  man  of 
honor,  and  said  :  "  The  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States  is  one  which  should  never  be  sought  for  or  re 
fused/'  This  expression  of  Mr.  Lowndes  has  been  fre 
quently  quoted  and  lauded,  but  adopted  by  few  of  our 
great  men.  It  would  be  a  golden  rule  to  follow,  not 
only  as  to  the  Presidency,  but  to  all  offices  of  honor  or 
trust.  William  Lowndes  never  sought  office  in  his  life, 
but  he  did  refuse  high  appointments  under  the  govern 
ment,  when  he  thought  no  public  duty  required  his  ac 
ceptance. 

Mr.  Lowndes,  after  serving  several  years  in  the 
Legislature  of  South  Carolina,  was  elected  a  member  of 


WILLIAM   LOWNDES.  375 

Congress  from  the  Beaufort  District,  in  1810,  when  he 
was  scarcely  twenty-eight  years  old.  He  took  his  seat 
in  that  body  December,  1811.  John  C.  Calhoun  and 
Langdon  Cheves  took  their  seats  in  Congress  at  the 
same  time.  What  an  illustrious  trio  of  statesmen, 
orators  and  patriots  for  one  little  State  to  present  to  the 
National  council !  each  one  of  which  would  have  done 
Jionor  to  the  Senate  of  Greece  or  Rome  at  the  most 
glorious  era  of  their  history.  These  gentlemen,  with 
Henry  Clay  and  Felix  Grundy,  worthy  associates  in 
eloquence  and  ability,  forced  President  Madison  to  de 
clare  war  against  Great  Britain  in  1812.  This  he  did 
most  reluctantly,  as  he  was  a  man  of  peace  and  hated 
-all  wars.  But  the  force  brought  to  bear  on  him  by 
these  young  representatives  of  National  honor  and 
Democracy  was  too  much  for  him  to  resist.  Had  he 
held  out  a  few  weeks  longer  war  might  have  been  avoided, 
as  " the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees"  were  revoked  by 
Napoleon,  and  "  tfce  orders  in  Council "  repealed  by  the 
British  Ministry. 

Mr.  Lowndes  soon  distinguished  himself  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  as  one  of  the  ablest  and  fairest 
debaters  in  that  body.  His  gigantic  intellect  soared 
-above  all  personalities  and  sarcasms  in  debate.  He  was 
never  passionate  or  excited  in  argument,  but  always  re 
mained  cool  and  calm,  no  matter  what  was  said  in  reply. 
His  purity  of  character  was  evinced  in  every  measure 
he  advocated  or  opposed.  All  could  see  his  aim  was  for 
the  honor  and  prosperity  of  his  country.  His  first 
speech  was  on  the  increase  of  the  navy  in  January,  1812, 
as  preparatory  for  war.  The  army  had  already  been 
increased  thirty-thousand  men.  The  idea  was  prevalent 
in  Congress  that  no  navy  the  United  States  could  build 
up  would  be  able  to  cope  with  that  of  England.  Some 
of  the  members  contended  that  our  commerce  was  not 
worth  the  expense  of  a  navy,  and  that  a  navy  would  be 
dangerous  to  the  Republic. 

In  reply  to  these  extraordinary  views  Mr.  Lowndes 


376  WILLIAM   LOWNDES. 

said :  "  I  hope,  however,  to  be  excused  for  remarking  that 
both  these  gentlemen  (Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  and 
McKee,  of  Pennsylvania)  have  considered  the  profits  of 
commerce  as  confined  to  the  merchant.  They  have  for 
gotten  that  commerce  implies  a  change  of  commodities 
in  which  the  merchant  is  only  an  intermediate  agent. 
He  derives,  indeed,  a  profit  from  the  transaction,  but  so 
must  the  seller  and  the  buyer,  the  grower  and  consumer, 
or  they  would  not  engage  in  it.  So  must  all  those  who 
are  supported  by  their  own  industry  in  commercial  cities 
— the  clerk,  the  artisan,  the  common  laborer.  Your 
trade  was  a  few  years  ago  unrestrained  and  flourishing. 
Did  it  not  enrich  the  most  distant  parts  of  your  country? 
It  has  since  been  plundered  and  confined.  Does  not  the 
industry  of  the  country  languish  ?  Is  not  the  income  of 
every  man  impaired  ?  If  commerce  were  destroyed,  the 
mercantile  class,  indeed,  could  exist  no  longer ;  but  the 
merchant,  the  rich  capitalist,  at  least,  would  individually 
suffer  less  than  any  other  part  of  the  community,  be 
cause,  while  their  property  would  become  unproductive, 
the  value  of  money  would  rise  rather  than  fall.  The 
honorable  gentleman  from  Kentucky  opposes  a  navy 
now — he  will  oppose  it  forever.  It  would  produce  no 
possible  good  and  all  possible  evil.  It  would  infallibly 
destroy  the  Constitution.  Will  the  honorable  gentle 
man  tell  why  ?  How  ?  He  sees  the  danger  clearly ! 
Will  he  explain  it  ?  An  ambitious  general  might  cor 
rupt  his  army  and  seize  the  capital ;  but  will  an  admiral 
reduce  us  to  subjection  by  bringing  his  ships  up  the 
Potomac?  The  strongest  recommendation  of  a  navy  in- 
free  governments  has  been  hitherto  supposed  to  be  that 
it  was  capable  of  defending,  but  not  enslaving  its  coun 
try.  The  honorable  gentleman  has  discovered  that  this 
is  a  vulgar  error !  A  navy  is  really  much  more  danger 
ous  than  an  army  to  public  liberty  !  He  voted  for  the 
army  and  expressed  no  fears  for  the  Constitution  T 
But  a  navy  would  infallibly  terminate  in  aristocracy 
and  monarchy !  All  this  may  be  very  true.  But  are 


WILLIAM    LOWNDES.  377 

we  unreasonable  in  expecting,  before  we  give  up  the  old 
opinion,  to  hear  some  argument  in  favor  of  the  new 
one  ?  The  honorable  gentleman  has  asserted  his  propo 
sitions  very  distinctly;  we  complain  only  that  he  has 
not  proved  them." 

This  speech  of  Mr.  Lowndes  was  a  very  long  and  able 
one,  and  may  be  found  in  "  Benton's  Abridged  Debates 
of  Congress."  It  established  his  reputation  as  a  debater 
and  statesman.  He  learnedly  discusses  the  naval  history 
of  Venice,  Genoa,  Holland,  France,  and  England. 

Mr.  Lowndes's  speech  on  the  victories  of  Commodore 
Perry  on  Lake  Erie,  and  Lieutenants  Burrows  and 
McCall  (a  native  of  Charleston)  in  the  action  between 
the  Enterprise  and  Boxer,  is  unsurpassed  for  beauty  and 
eloquence.  It  is  too  long  to  embody  in  this  sketch,  and 
I  fear  extracts  will  give  you  a  very  faint  idea  of  its 
beauty  and  eloquence : — 

"  Although  Lieutenant  Burrows  was  mortally 
wounded  early  in  this  struggle,"  says  Mr.  Lowndes, 
"  yet  the  skill  and  gallantry  with  which  he  commenced 
it,  leaving  no  doubt  that  if  he  had  been  longer  spared  to 
the  wishes  and  the  wants  of  his  country,  the  same  bril 
liant  success  which  resulted  would  have  been  obtained 
under  his  command ;  while  the  ability  with  which  Lieu 
tenant  McCall  continued  and  completed  the  contest  as 
sures  to  him  as  distinguished  a  fame  as  if  he  had  carried 
the  vessel  into  action.  But  the  victory  which  was 
achieved  in  forty  minutes,  with  the  disparity  in  the 
effect  of  the  fire  of  which  there  are  other  examples  in 
American  history — such  a  victory  could  only  have  been 
achieved  by  men  who  did  not  lose  for  a  moment  their 
confidence  or  their  cool  intrepidity." 

"  Of  the  victory  of  Lake  Erie,"  Mr.  Lowndes  said, 
"  it  was  more  difficult  to  speak.  It  was  impossible  for 
him  to  speak  in  terms  which  could  convey  any  adequate 
conception  of  the  importance  of  the  victory,  of  the  un 
rivalled  excellence  of  the  officers,  of  the  gratitude  of  the 
country.  The  documents  referred  to  the  committee 


378  WILLIAM   LOWNDES. 

sufficiently  prove  that  superiority  of  force  on  the  part  of 
the  enemy  which  would  have  ensued  their  victory  if  it 
were  not  the  appropriate  character  of  military  genius  to 
refute  the  calculations  which  rely  on  the  superiority  of 
force.  Nor  was  the  victory  obtained  over  an  unskillful 
or  a  pusillanimous  enemy.  The  English  officers  were 
brave  and  experienced,  and  the  struggle  on  board  their 
vessels  before  they  were  surrendered  sufficiently  attests 
the  bravery  of  their  seamen.  Jhey  were  skillful  officers 
subdued  by  the  ascendency  of  superior  skill ;  they  were 
a  brave  foe  that  yielded  to  one  yet  braver.  We  know 
not  an  instance  in  naval  or  military  history  in  which  the 
success  of  the  contest  appeared  so  obviously  to  result 
from  the  personal  act  of  the  commander  as  in  this. 
When  the  crew  of  Captain  Perry's  vessel  lay  bleeding 
around  him ;  when  his  ship  was  a  defenceless  hospital, 
if  he  had  wanted,  not  courage — which,  in  an  American 
officer,  forms  no  distinction — but  if  he  had  wanted  that 
fertility  of  resources  which  extracts  from  disaster  the 
means  of  success  and  glory,  he  did  not  say  if  he  had 
surrendered  his  ship,  but  if  he  had  obstinately  defended 
her;  if  he  had  gone  down  enwrapped  in  his  flag;  if  he 
had  pursued  any  other  conduct  than  that  which  he  did 
pursue — his  associates  might  have  emulated  his  des 
perate  courage,  but  they  must  have  shared  his  fate. 
The  battle  was  lost." 

Mr.  Lowndes  advocated  with  great  ability  the  paying 
of  pensioners  at  their  own  homes  instead  of  collecting 
them  in  a  body  at  a  hospital.  His  speeches  on  the 
revenue,  direct  taxes,  tariff,  etc.,  are  imperfectly  given. 

Mr.  Lowndes  spoke  two  hours  on  the  Missouri  ques 
tion  in  1820,  and  in  a  note  of  Colonel  Benton's  to  this 
speech  he  says  that  the  reporter  lost  the  first  part  of  his 
speech  by  the  noise  occasioned  by  the  members  in  hud 
dling  around  Mr.  Lowndes  so  as  not  to  miss  a  word  he 
said. 

"  Mr.  Lowndes  being  one  of  those  so  rare  in  every 
assembly,  around  whom  members  clustered  when  he  rose 


WILLIAM   LOWNDES.  379 

to  speak  that  not  a  word  should  be  lost,  where  every 
word  was  to  be  luminous  with  intelligence  and  captivating 
with  candor.  This  clustering  around  him,  always  the 
case  with  Mr.  Lowndes  when  he  rose  to  speak,  was  more 
than  usual  on  this  occasion,  from  the  circumstances 
under  which  he  spoke — the  circumstances  of  the  Union 
verging  to  destruction,  and  his  own  condition  verging  to 
the  grave.  By  his  exertions,  and  those  of  other  patriots, 
the  Union  was  saved.  No  skill  or  care  could  stay  his 
onward  march  to  'that  undiscovered  country  from  whose 
bourne  no  traveller  returns/  He  died  prematurely  at 
the  age  of  forty." 

Although  Mr.  Lowndes  was  not  a  member  of  the 
House  when  he  died,  resolutions  were  passed  to  wear 
mourning  for  him,  and  highly  complimentary  speeches 
were  made  extolling  his  patriotism,  his  talents,  his  can 
dor  and  his  virtues.  Governor  Hamilton,  of  South 
Carolina,  said : 

"  I  know  too  well  how  you  cherish  the  recollection  of 
his  virtues,  not  to  be  certain  of  your  kindest  and  most 
respectful  sympathy.  It  might,  sir,  be  seemingly  pre 
sumptuous  in  me  to  descant  on  his  public  virtues  in  this 
Assembly,  where  they  were  so  conspicuously  exercised 
for  a  period  of  ten  years,  in  which  the  richest  and  most 
varied  knowledge  was  so  successfully  blended  with  the 
purity  and  ardor  of  an  ingenious  spirit  and  the  intelli 
gence  of  a  lofty  intellect.  But  of  his  private  virtues  I 
may  be  permitted  to  speak.  At  home,  where  we  knew 
him  best,  and  loved  him  most,  where  our  opportunities 
were  most  abundant  for  observing  the  delightful  sway 
which  the  simplicity  and  modesty  of  his  character  exer 
cised  over  the  higher  faculties  of  his  nature,  it  will  be 
allowed  us  to  indulge  in  an  affection  for  the  individual, 
which  is  quite  equal  to  the  admiration  which  accompa 
nied  him  abroad.  In  the  softer  charms  of  human  life,  in 
the  relations  of  husband,  parent,  friend  and  master,  he 
was  amiable  and  conspicuously  loved  and  distinguished." 


380  WILLIAM    LOWNDES. 

Mr.  Archer,  of  Virginia,  said:  "Panegyric  on  this 
occasion  was  indeed  rendered  unnecessary  by  the  settled 
feeling  and  opinion  of  this  country  in  relation  to  Mr. 
Lowndes.  He  had  been  for  a  considerable  time  con 
spicuously  before  the  public,  a  part  of  that  time  compre 
hending  a  very  trying  period  of  our  history,  and  the 
judgment  of  the  public  had  been  awarded  in  relation 
to  him.  He  was  always  ranked  with  the  eminent  names' 
which  had  passed  by  and  been  consecrated  to  National 
respect.  He  was  already  ranked  as  a  man  superior  in 
worth  as  he  was  in  mind — as  one  of  the  purest,  ablest 
and  most  faithful  of  the  statesmen  who  claim  from  our 
country  the  meed  of  honor — as  combining  a  large  share 
of  the  highest  titles  to  human  deference  and  estimation, 
talent  and  public  service  and  virtue." 

Mr.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  said :  "  The  highest  and 
best  hopes  of  this  country  looked  to  William  Lowndes 
for  their  fulfillment.  The  most  honorable  office  in  the 
civilized  world — the  Chief  Magistracy  of  this  free  peo 
ple — would  have  been  illustrated  by  his  virtues  and 
talents.  To  manners  the  most  unassuming,  to  patriotism 
the  most  disinterested,  to  morals  the  most  pure,  to  attain 
ments  of  the  first  rank  in  literature  and  science,  he  added 
the  virtues  of  decision  and  prudence,  so  happily  com 
bined,  so  harmoniously  united,  that  we  know  not  which 
most  to  admire,  the  firmness  with  which  he  pursued  his 
purpose,  or  the  gentleness  with  which  he  disarmed  op 
position.  His  arguments  were  made  not  to  enjoy  the 
triumphs  of  victory,  but  to  convince  the  judgment  of  his 
hearer ;  and  when  the  success  of  his  efforts  were  most 
signal,  his  humility  was  most  conspicuous." 

Judge  Huger  said  to  me  that  Mr.  Lowndes  differed 
widely  from  his  eminent  colleague  in  Congress,  Judge 
Cheves,  in  this  respect.  When  Mr.  Lowndes  made  a 
great  and  masterly  effort  to  carry  a  question  on  debate 
he  was  done  and  had  nothing  more  to  say,  but  Judge 
Cheves  would  renew  his  argument  and  make  effort  after 
effort  to  carry  his  measure.  In  speaking  to  Judge 


WILLIAM   LOWNDES.  381 

Huger  about  great  men  always  having  great  mothers, 
he  said  it  was  not  the  case  with  William  Lowndes.  His 
mother  was  a  lady  not  remarkable  for  her  intellectual 
endowments.  I  do  not  remember  her  maiden  name  or 
family. 

Mr.  Lowndes  married  early  in  life  the  daughter  of 
General  Thomas  Pinckney,  minister  to  Great  Britain, 
and  twice  the  Federal  candidate  for  the  Presidency  of 
the  United  States.  He  had  three  children  only,  two 
sons  and  a  daughter.  The  sons  did  not  inherit  their 
father's  talents  and  greatness  which  is  seldom  the  case 
with  the  sons  of  our  distinguished  men.  The  Adams 
family  is  the  only  exception  that  now  occurs  to  me. 
They  have  been  distinguished  for  talents  in  four  genera 
tions. 

William  Lowndes,  the  pure  patriot  and  great  states 
man,  died  at  sea,  and  his  body  was  cast  into  the  ocean. 
He  has  no  grave,  no  tombstone,  and  no  one  has  seen 
proper  to  publish  a  memoir  of  his  life.  How  neglectful 
are  the  Southern  people  of  their  great  men's  memory 
after  they  have  been  taken  from  them  !  They  are  not 
so  remiss  at  the  North,  and  life  after  life  is  published 
there  of  those  who  were  not  so  great  or  distinguished  as 
were  William  Lowndes,  Langdon  Cheves,  Christopher 
Gadsden,  John  Rutledge,  Robert  Y.  Hayne,  George 
McDuffie,  William  C.  Preston,  and  many  others  who 
have  never  had  their  lives  written.  I  have  understood 
that  Colonel  Grayson,  a  most  graceful  and  accomplished 
writer,  poet  and  statesman,  prepared  a  memoir  of  the 
Hon.  William  Lowndes,  which  is  now  in  possession  of 
his  descendants,  but  has  never  been  published. 

To  the  Washington  Light  Infantry  of  Charleston, 
which  has  survived  the  vicissitudes  of  nearly  three  quar 
ters  of  a  century,  and  which  has  discharged  the  patri 
otic  and  self-imposed  duty  of  guarding  and  perpetuating 
the  name  and  fame  of  this  distinguished  Carolinian,  I 
inscribe  this  sketch.  The  young  men  of  Charleston 
cannot  have  a  higher  example  of  private  virtue  and 
patriotic  service  to  the  country. 


JOHN  RANDOLPH. 

The  Randolph  family  is,  perhaps,  the  most  numerous 
family  in  Virginia,  and  connected  with  almost  every 
distinguished  man  in  the  State.  It  would  now  be  hard 
to  find  a  family  of  any  distinction  in  the  Old  Dominion 
that  could  not  trace  some  connection  with  some  branch 
of  the  Randolphs.  Thomas  Jefferson's  mother  was  a 
Randolph.  Chief  Justice  Marshall's  great-grandmother 
was  a  Randolph.  Governor  James  Pleasant's  mother 
was  a  Randolph.  Richard  Bland,  the  celebrated  Revo 
lutionary  leader  and  writer,  was  the  son  of  Elizabeth 
Randolph.  William  Smith,  the  President  of  William 
and  Mary  College,  and  historian  of  Virginia,  was  the 
son  of  Mary  Randolph.  And  hundreds  of  other  dis 
tinguished  Virginians  might  be  named  whose  mothers, 
grandmothers,  great-grandmothers  or  some  more  re 
mote  ancestor  was  a  Randolph.  The  name  of  Randolph 
itself  has  always  been  distinguished  in  the  history  of 
the  Commonwealth  since  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence,  as  it  was  in  Colonial  times. 

The  founder  of  the  Randolph  family  in  Virginia  was 
Colonel  William  Randolph,  the  son  of  a  cavalier,  whose 
fortunes  were  broken  in  the  civil  war.  He  came  at  a 
very  early  age  to  Virginia  and  established  himself  at 
Turkey  Island,  twenty  miles  below  Richmond.  He 
married  the  daughter  of  Henry  Isham,  of  Bermuda 
Hundreds,  Virginia,  and  was  of  the  family  of  Ishams 
in  Northamptonshire,  England,  who  were  baronets.  He 
had  seven  sons  and  two  daughters,  a  pretty  good  start 
to  make  towards  founding  a  numerous  family,  and 
keeping  the  name  of  Randolph  in  existence.  Six  of 
these  sons  married  and  had  large  families.  Richard, 
382 


JOHN   RANDOLPH.  383 

the  fourth  son,  married  Jane  Boiling,  the  great-grand 
daughter  of  Pocahontas,  and  the  grandmother  of  John 
Randolph  of  Roan  ok  e,  the  subject  of  this  sketch.  He 
was  proud  of  his  royal  Indian  blood,  and  it  was  his 
boast  through  life.  The  same  princely  blood  flowed  in 
the  veins  of  Major  Thadeus  Boiling,  and  his  father, 
Major  Tully  Boiling,  of  Greenville,  South  Carolina. 
John  Boiling,  the  father  of  John  Randolph's  grand 
mother,  was  the  son  of  Jane  Rolfe,  a  granddaughter  of 
Pocahontas.  Every  one  knows  the  story  of  this  Indian 
princess,  and  daughter  of  King  Powhatan.  How  she  saved 
the  life  of  Captain  Smith,  fell  in  love  with  him,  thought 
he  was  dead,  and  then  married  Rolfe,  went  to  England 
with  him,  received  great  attention  at  Court,  and  there, 
to  her  great  mortification,  saw  her  old  lover,  Captain 
Smith. 

William  Randolph,  the  ancestor  of  all  theVirginia  Ran 
dolphs,  was  the  nephew  of  Thomas  Randolph,  of  England, 
the  poet,  and  adopted  son  of  Ben  Jonson.  The  Randolphs 
were  a  family  of  great  consideration  in  England,  and 
claimed  among  their  ancestors  the  powerful  Scotch  Earls 
of  Murray,  connected  by  blood  or  alliance  with  many 
of  the  noble  families  of  England,  and  with  royalty 
itself!  William  came  to  America  in  1660  and  settled 
twenty  miles  below  Richmond,  as  above  stated,  on  James 
River.  He  acquired  an  immense  estate  in  lands,  and 
left  his  seven  sons  all  wealthy  and  well  educated.  He 
died  in  1711,  after  having  filled  many  important  offices 
under  the  Colonial  government.  His  descendants  con 
tinued  to  fill  some  of  these  offices  till  the  Revolutionary 
war  broke  out.  They  then  all  took  sides  with  their 
country,  and  were  prominent  leaders  of  the  Revolution. 
Peyton  Randolph,  one  of  them,  was  first  President  of 
the  Continental  Congress.  Edmund  Randolph  was 
aide-de-camp  to  General  Washington,  Governor  of 
Virginia,  Attorney-General  and  Secretary  of  State  of 
the  United  States.  Thomas  Mann  Randolph  was  the 
son-in-law  of  Jefferson  and  Governor  of  Virginia. 


384  JOHN   RANDOLPH. 

Randall,  in  his  life  of  Jefferson,  says  that  the  mother  of 
Richard  Henry  Lee  was  a  Randolph.  This,  however,  is 
a  mistake.  His  mother  was  a  daughter  of  Colonel 
Ludwell. 

The  brilliant  and  eccentric  orator  and  statesman,  John 
Randolph,  of  Roanoke,  was  born  June  2,  1773.  His 
father  was  John  Randolph,  son  of  Richard  and  Jane 
Boiling.  His  mother  was  Frances  Bland,  daughter  of 
Colonel  Bland,  a  gallant  patriot  of  the  Revolution. 
""  She  was  possessed  of  high,  mental  qualities,  and  extra 
ordinary  beauty,"  says  Hugh  H.  Garland,  in  his  life  of 
her  son.  John  inherited  her  talents,  but  not  her  beauty 
or  amiability.  The  following  beautiful  description  of 
her  is  given  in  Garland's  life  of  her  son :  "  Tradition, 
confirmed  by  the  portraits  extant,  speaks  in  admiration 
of  her  uncommon  charms.  The  high,  expanded  fore 
head,  the  smooth,  arched  brow,  and  brilliant  dark  eyes, 
the  well-defined  nose,  and  full,  round,  laughing  lips, 
pregnant  with  wit  and  mirthfulness,  the  tall,  expanded 
chest ;  the  dark  hair,  winding  in  mossy  folds  around 
the  neck  and  bosom  ;  an  open,  cheerful  countenance — 
all  suffused  with  that  deep,  rich  oriental  tint  that  never 
fades — made  her  the  most  beautiful,  sprightly  and 
attractive  woman  of  her  age."  She  was  married  at 
seventeen,  had  four  children,  and  left  a  widow  at  twenty- 
three.  Three  years  afterwards,  when  she  was  twenty -six, 
she  married  St.  George  Tucker,  a  native  of  Bermuda. 
He  made  a  most  amiable  and  exemplary  step-father. 

u Little  John"  was  her  youngest  and  favorite  child. 
He  was,  it  is  said,  as  inseparable  from  her  as  her 
shadow,  always  either  by  her  side  or  on  her  knee.  "  In 
his  dark  eyes,"  says  his  biographer,  "  were  reflected  the 
sadness  of  her  own  soul;  on  his  orphan  brow  was 
imprinted  a  kiss,  that  ever  and  anon  a  tear  washed 
away."  This,  we  suppose,  was  during  her  "  unhappy  " 
widowhood,  as  she  termed  it.  After  her  second  mar 
riage,  it  is  very  probable  "Little  John"  was  not  so 
much  of  a  pet,  and  there  were  no  tears  to  wipe  away 


JOHN   RANDOLPH.  385 

the  kisses  she  gave  him.  His  step-father  began  to  teach 
him  and  his  brothers,  as  well  as  share  with  them  their 
mother's  love.  John's  constitution  was  very  delicate, 
and  he  was  permitted  to  do  pretty  much  as  he  pleased. 
Mrs.  Dudley,  a  cousin,  ten  years  older  than  himself, 
said  she  had  known  him  to  swoon  away  in  a  fit  of  pas 
sion  before  he  was  four  years  old. 

In  speaking  of  himself  Randolph  said,  "Indeed,  I 
have  remarked  in  myself  from  my  earliest  recollection, 
a  delicacy  or  effeminacy  of  complexion  that,  but  for  a 
spice  of  the  devil  in  my  temper,  would  have  consigned 
me  to  the  distaif  or  the  needle."  This  "spice  of  the 
devil"  continued  in  his  composition  throughout  life. 
The  following  interesting  account  of  his  early  childhood 
is  given  by  himself:  "  When  I  could  first  remember  I 
slept  in  the  same  bed  with  my  widowed  mother — each 
night  before  putting  me  to  bed,  I  repeated  on  my  knees 
before  her,  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the  Apostle's  Creed- 
each  morning  kneeling  in  the  bed  I  put  up  my  little 
hands  in  prayer  in  the  same  form.  Years  have  since 
passed  away ;  I  have  been  a  skeptic,  a  professed  scoffer, 
glorying  in  my  infidelity,  and  vain  of  the  ingenuity 
with  which  I  could  defend  it.  Prayer  never  crossed 
my  mind  but  in  scorn.  I  am  now  conscious  that  the 
lessons  above  mentioned,  taught  me  by  my  dear  and 
revered  mother,  are  of  more  value  to  me  than  all  I 
have  learned  from  my  preceptors  and  compeers.  On 
Sunday  I  said  my  catechism,  a  great  part  of  which,  at 
the  distance  of  thirty-five  years,  I  can  yet  repeat."  How 
impressive  this  is  of  the  importance  of  early  teaching  in 
religion  and  early  instruction  in  virtue  and  morality 
and  industry.  It  was  an  Arabian  maxim,  that  a  child 
should  be  "  taught  to  ride  and  tell  the  truth."  I  would 
add  to  this  maxim  that  he  should  be  "taught  to  work, 
J;o  study  and  to  say  the  Lord's  Prayer." 

Before  Randolph  was  eleven  years  old  he  had  read 
Voltaire's  history  of  Charles  XII.,  the  Spectator,  Hum 
phrey  Clinker,  Reynard  the  Fox,  Tales  of  the  Genii 


386  JOHN    RANDOLPH. 

and  Arabian  Nights,  Shakespeare,  Don  Quixotte,  Gil 
Bias,  Quint  us  Curtius,  Plutarch,  Pope,  Homer,  Robin 
son  Crusoe,  Gulliver,  Tom  Jones,  Orlando  Furioso, 
Thompson's  Seasons,  Goldsmith's  Roman  History, 
History  of  Braddock's  War,  Chaucer,  Chatterton  and 
Rowley,  Young  and  Gay.  But  the  Arabian  Nights 
and  Shakespeare  were  his  favorites  in  boyhood 
and  through  life.  This  catalogue  of  books  read  by  a 
boy  eleven  years  old  seems  almost  incredible.  But 
he  never  took  any  out-door  exercise  and  was  not  going 
to  school.  In  childhood  he  was  different  from  other 
boys,  and  in  manhood  he  was  different  from  other  men. 
His  biographer  says,  "  He  was  a  poet,  a  born  poet, 
nascitur  nonfit.  He  did  not  write  poetry,  but  he  spoke 
it,  he  felt  it,  he  lived  it.  His  whole  life  was  a  poem,  of 
the  genuine  epic  sort,  and  mournfully  true."  "For 
poetry,"  says  Randolph,  "I  have  had  a  decided  taste 
from  my  childhood,  this  taste  I  have  sedulously  culti 
vated.  I  have  been  all  my  life  the  creature  of  impulse, 
the  sport  of  chance,  the  victim  of  my  uncontrolled  and 
uncontrollable  sensations  of  a  poetic  temperament.  I 
admire  and  pity  all  who  possess  this  temperament." 
No  doubt  these  words  came  from  his  heart. 

The  education  of  John  Randolph  appeared  to  be  as 
irregular  as  his  after  political  life.  He  was  first  sent  to 
a  private  school  kept  by  Walker  Murray,  then  to  a 
public  school  in  Williamsburg,  kept  by  the  same 
teacher.  He  entered  William  and  Mary  College,  there 
met  Littleton  W.  Tazewell,  who  was  his  only  intimate 
friend  in  the  whole  college,  and  continued  to  be  his  dear 
friend  through  life.  He  left  William  and  Mary  Col 
lege,  and  went  with  his  mother  and  step-father  to  the 
island  uf  Bermuda  to  visit  his  relations.  When  he 
returned,  he  enter*  d  Princeton  College  and  remained 
there  till  the  death  of  his  mother.  This  sad  event  he 
felt  most  deeply,  as  he  was  devotedly  attached  to  her. 
He  said  she  was  the  only  person  in  the  world  who 
understood  his  nature  and  character.  He  then  entered 


JOHN   EANDOLPH.'  387 

Columbia  College  in  New  York.  His  brother,  Theodore, 
older  than  himself,  had  no  taste  for  literature  or  study, 
and  prevented  John  pursuing  his  studies  as  he  otherwise 
would  have  done.  How  frequently  two  brothers  are  as 
different  in  their  course  through  life  as  it  is  possible  for 
two  persons  to  be.  His  eldest  brother  Richard  was 
said  to  have  been  at  his  death  the  most  promising 
young  man  in  Virginia. 

John  left  Columbia  College  without  graduating  and 
traveled  through  the  Southern  States,  visiting  his 
friends,  Henry  Rutledge,  of  Charleston,  and  Mr.  Bryan, 
of  Georgia.  He  had  become  intimate  with  these  two 
young  gentlemen  in  Philadelphia.  E.  S.  Thomas,  in 
his  "  Reminiscences  of  Charleston,"  mentions  Randolph 
and  Sir  John  Nesbit  coming  into  his  book  store  one 
morning.  He  was  then  twenty-three  years  old,  but 
looked  like  a  boy  and  had  no  beard.  I  will  give  the 
following  extract  from  Thomas's  book :  "  One  bright 
sunny  morning  early  in  February,  1796,  might  have 
been  seen  entering  my  book  store  in  Charleston,  S.  C., 
a  fine-looking,  florid-complexioned  old  gentleman,  with 
hair  as  white  as  snow,  which,  contrasted  with  his  own 
complexion,  showed  him  to  have  been  a  free  liver  on 
bon  vivant  of  the  first  order.  Along  with  him  was  a  tall, 
gawky-looking,  flaxen-haired  stripling,  apparently  of  the 
age  from  sixteen  to  eighteen,  with  a  complexion  of  a 
good  parchment  color,  beardless  chin,  and  as  much 
assumed  self-confidence  as  any  two-footed  animal  I  ever 
saw.  This  was  John  Randolph.  I  handed  him  from 
the  shelves  volume  after  volume,  which  he  tumbled 
carelessly  over  and  handed  back  again.  At  length  he 
hit  upon  something  that  struck  his  fancy.  My  eye  hap 
pened  to  be  fixed  upon  his  face  at  the  moment,  and  never 
did  I  witness  so  sudden,  so  perfect  a  change  of  the 
human  countenance.  That  which  before  was  dull  and 
heavy  in  a  moment  became  animated  and  flashed  with 
the  brightest  beams  of  intellect.  He  stepped  up  to  the 
old  gray-headed  gentleman,  and,  giving  him  a  thunder- 


388  'JOHN   RANDOLPH. 

ing  slap  on  the  shoulder,  said  :  '  Jack,  look  at  this/  I 
was  young  then,  but  I  never  can  forget  the  thought  that 
rushed  upon  my  mind  at  the  moment,  which  was  that 
he  was  the  most  impudent  youth  I  ever  saw.  He 
had  come  to  Charleston  to  attend  the  races.  There  was 
then  living  in  Charleston  a  Scotch  baronet  by  the  name 
of  Sir  John  Nesbit,  with  his  younger  brother  Alexander, 
of  the  ancient  house  of  Nesbits  of  Dean  Hall,  some 
fifteen  miles  from  Edinburgh.  Sir  John  was  a  very 
handsome  man,  and  as  '  gallant,  gay  Lothario '  as  could 
be  found  in  the  city.  He  and  Randolph  became  inti 
mate,  which  led  to  a  banter  between  them  for  a  race  in 
which  each  was  to  ride  his  own  horse.  The  race  came 
off  during  the  same  week,  and  Randolph  won,  some  of 
the  ladies  exclaiming  at  the  time,  '  Though  Mr.  Ran 
dolph  had  won  the  race,  Sir  John  had  won  their  hearts  !' 
This  was  not  so  much  to  be  wondered  at  when  you  con 
trasted  the  elegant  form  and  graceful  style  of  riding  of 
the  Baronet  with  the  uncouth  and  awkward  manner  of 
his  competitor." 

This  Sir  John  Nesbit  married  the  sister  of  Governor 
Joseph  Alston,  of  South  Carolina,  a  most  beautiful  and 
accomplished  lady,  and  went  off  and  abandoned  her, 
saying  that  he  had  engaged  himself  to  her  in  a  state  of 
inebriation  and  felt  himself  in  honor  bound  to  marry 
her.  But  he  thought,  I  suppose,  his  honor  did  not  bind 
him  to  live  with  her.  A  strange  notion  of  honor  in  a 
Scotch  baronet ! 

When  the  Federal  Government  was  organized  in 
1789,  John  Randolph  was  in  New  York  and  attended 
the  debates  of  Congress.  He  then  went  to  Philadelphia, 
where  the  next  session  of  Congress  was  held,  and 
remained  there  for  several  years.  He  became  intimate 
with  Jefferson  and  adopted  all  of  his  States7  Rights 
notions,  which  he  adhered  to  through  life.  His  asso 
ciates,  Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Mason, 
Bland,  and  Tucker,  were  all  of  the  Jefferson  school  in 
politics.  His  cousin,  Edmund  Randolph,  was  at  that 


JOHN    RANDOLPH.  389 

time  Attorney-General.  He  had  opposed  the  Constitu 
tion  in  the  Federal  Convention,  and  refused  to  sign  it; 
but  in  the  Virginia  Convention  he  was  in  favor  of 
adopting  it  with  some  amendments.  This  cousin  seems 
to  have  had  no  influence  over  the  politics  of  John.  He 
was  a  Federalist. 

It  is  remarkable  that  one  who  was  so  strong  a  States' 
Rights  man  as  John  Randolph  should  have  been  so 
much  of  an  aristocrat  and  so  devoted  to  the  principles  of 
the  British  Government.  He  opposed  the  abolition  of 
the  right  of  primogeniture  and  the  cutting  off  of  entail- 
ment  of  property.  He  was  bitterly  opposed  to  any  one 
exercising  the  right  of  suffrage  unless  he  was  a  free 
holder.  He  tells  of  his  mother  taking  him,  when  a 
little  boy,  behind  her  on  horseback  and  riding  over  the 
Roauoke  farm.  She  waved  her  hand  around,  and  said 
to  him:  "All  these  broad  acres  are  yours.  They  were 
given  you  by  your  father,  and  you  must  never  sell 
them."  "  Keep  your  land,  and  your  land  will  keep 
you."  He  says  it  was  remarked  that  Jefferson,  Madison, 
and  Wythe,  who  had  no  sons,  might  very  well  oppose 
the  right  of  primogeniture  and  the  entailment  of  prop 
erty.  Randolph  was  lamenting  the  degeneracy  of  Vir 
ginia  and  her  sons  to  a  number  of  English  noblemen 
and  ladies,  when  some  one  inquired  the  cause.  He  re 
plied  :  "  The  abolition  of  the  right  of  primogeniture" 
Parton  says  that  Randolph  was  more  of  an  Englishman 
than  an  Englishman  himself.  He  used  to  say  there 
never  was  such  a  country  before  as  England  and  there 
never  would  be  again. 

In  1799,  John  Randolph,  then  twenty-six  years  old, 
made  his  first  speech  at  Charlotte  court-house,  in  reply 
to  Patrick  Henry.  Well  may  they  have  been  termed 
the  setting  and  rising  sun.  It  was  Henry's  last  speech 
and  perhaps  his  greatest.  Randolph  spoke  three  hours 
after  Henry  concluded,  and  kept  his  audience  spell 
bound,  standing  on  their  feet.  When  he  got  up  to 
speak,  an  old  friend  of  Henry's  said :  "I  do  not  wish  to 


390  JOHN   RANDOLPH. 

hear  that  boy."  Henry  replied,  "That  boy  has  an  old 
man's  head  on  his  shoulders,  stay  and  hear  him."  The 
question  discussed  was  that  of  the  power  of  State  and 
Federal  Government.  Henry  was  a  candidate  for  the 
Legislature  and  Randolph  for  Congress.  Both  were 
elected.  When  Randolph  presented  himself  at  the 
clerk's  desk  to  be  sworn  as  a  member  of  Congress,  his 
boyish  appearance  induced  the  clerk  to  ask  him  if  he 
was  twenty-five  years  old.  He  replied,  "go  and  ask 
my  constituents,  they  sent  me  here."  His  maiden 
speech  was  on  the  increase  of  the  army,  and  he  called 
the  troops  ragamuffins.  This  induced  two  young  officers 
to  insult  him  in  the  theatre.  In  advocating  the  election 
of  General  Jackson  many  years  afterwards,  he  said: 
"If  I  must  have  a  master  let  him  be  one  with  epauletts, 
something  which  I  can  look  up  to;  but  not  a  master 
with  a  quill  behind  his  ear."  It  is  remarkable  that 
Demosthenes,  Cicero,  Patrick  Henry  and  John  Ran 
dolph  should  all  have  been  twenty-six  or  seven  years 
old  when  they  made  their  first  speeches.  Randolph's 
maiden  speech  in  Congress  gave  him,  at  once,  a  national 
reputation  with  the  first  orators  America  had  ever  pro 
duced.  "He  had,"  says  Parton,  "something  of  Burke's 
torrent-like  fluency,  and  something  of  Chatham's  spirit 
of  command,  with  a  piercing,  audacious  sarcasm  all  his 
own.  He  was  often  unjust  and  unreasonable,  but  never 
dull.  He  never  spoke  in  his  life  without  being  at  least 
attentively  listened  to."  His  political  friends  listened 
to  him  to  be  instructed,  and  his  political  opponents  to 
be  amused  with  his  wit  and  sarcasm. 

He  served  in  Congress  twenty-five  or  thirty  years. 
In  1801  he  was  appointed  chairman  of  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means,  and  was  continued  in  that  position 
six  years.  This  made  him  the  leader  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  a  brilliant  leader  he  was.  He 
supported  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson  with 
great  zeal  and  ability  till  towards  its  close,  when  he 
broke  with  the  administration  for  some  cause  not  known, 


JOHN   RANDOLPH.  391 

and  then  became  its  bitter  opponent.  He  transferred 
his  opposition  to  Mr.  Madison  and  affected  to  despise 
him.  He  opposed  the  declaration  of  war,  the  embargo, 
and  non-intercourse  with  Great  Britain.  His  speeches 
on  these  subjects  were  greatly  admired  in  England.  In 
1824  he  was  elected  to  the  U.  S.  Senate  by  the  Virginia 
Legislature,  and  in  1830  he  was  appointed  by  President 
Jackson  minister  to  Russia.  He  staid  there  only  ten 
days  and  came  to  England.  Governor  Middleton  told 
me  that  when  Randolph  arrived  in  St.  Petersburg  as 
his  successor,  he  proposed  to  sell  him  his  carriage  and 
four.  Randolph  replied  that  he  was  no  aristocrat  or 
Southern  nabob,  and  would  have  no  such  equipage.  In 
St.  Petersburg,  Governor  Middleton  said  no  one  but 
shop-keepers  drove  less  than  four  horses.  When  Ran 
dolph  returned  to  Virginia,  Middleton  met  him  driving 
to  the  court-house  in  a  fine  coach  and  four  blooded 
horses.  At  home  he  could  play  the  nabob  or  aristocrat, 
but  in  Russia  he  must  be  a  plain  Republican. 

It  is  said  that  genius  is  nearly  allied  to  madness,  and 
this  was  surely  the  case  with  John  Randolph  of  Roan- 
oke.  At  one  time  he  was  prostrated  with  a  fit  of  insan 
ity,  and  ever  afterwards  his  mind,  at  times,  seemed 
unbalanced.  On  the  death  of  his  eldest  brother,  he 
would  stride  over  the  floor  at  midnight,  and  exclaim: 
'"  Macbeth  hath  murdered  sleep."  He  saddled  his  horse, 
took  a  pair  of  pistols  and  rode  all  over  his  farm.  On 
•one  occasion  he  sent  word  to  two  of  his  friends  in  Con 
gress  to  come  to  his  boarding-house  and  see  him  die 
They  went  and  asked  him  how  he  was.  "Dying,  sir. 
dying."  Soon  he  began  to  talk  about  some  question 
before  the  House.  His  friends  saw  that  nothing  was 
the  matter  with  him,  and  asked  him  to  go  with  them 
to  the  House  of  Representatives.  He  replied  :  "  Dying, 
sir,  dying."  They  took  leave  of  him,  and  when  they 
had  taken  their  seats  in  the  House,  Randolph  made  his 
appearance,  to  their  utter  amazement,  and  commenced  a 
speech  in  these  words,  "  Mr.  Speaker,  this  is  Shrove 


392  JOHN   RANDOLPH. 

Tuesday,  and  many  a  gallant  cock  has  died  in  the  pit 
on  this  day;  I  will  share  their  fate." 

I  remember  hearing  Mr.  Webster  tell  at  Dr.  Gibbs's 
dinner  table  in  Columbia,  a  great  many  most  amusing 
and  eccentric  actions  and  expressions  of  Randolph  in 
Congress  and  in  England.  For  thirty  years  he  had 
loved  and  reverenced  his  stepfather.  In  speaking  of 
the  descent  of  property  Mr.  Tucker  said,  you  know 
John,  if  you  were  to  die  you  would  give  your  property 
to  your  half-brothers  as  your  nearest  relatives. 
"Damned  if  I  know  any  such  thing,"  said  Randolph. 
From  that  moment  he  was  at  enmity  with  his  stepfather, 
and  would  not  be  reconciled  to  the  day  of  his  death. 

After  being  infidel,  scoffer  at  all  religion,  and  atheist, 
he  joined  the  Episcopal  Church,  and  was  a  regular 
communicant.  But  this  did  not  prevent  his  accepting 
Mr.  Clay's  challenge,  receiving  his  fire  and  shooting  his 
pistol  in  the  air.  He  emancipated  his  slaves,  three 
hundred  in  number,  and  directed  four  thousand  acres  of 
land  to  be  purchased  for  them  in  some  of  the  free  States. 
His  elder  brother  had  set  his  free,  and  they  all  turned 
out  badly.  He  thought  by  sending  his  off  they  would  do 
better.  But  they  have  not  done  well  from  accounts  we 
have  seen. 

It  is  said  that  Randolph  inherited  all  his  mother's 
beauty  as  well  as  her  talents.  If  so  it  must  have  left 
him  at  an  early  period  of  his  life,  for  all  of  his  like 
nesses  from  manhood  to  old  age  are  far,  very  far,  from 
being  beautiful.  His  last  likenesses  seem  as  if  they 
were  intended  for  caricatures  of  the  human  form  divine. 
He  died  in  Philadelphia,  June  24th,  1833.  Garland, 
his  biographer,  has  him  involved  in  a  mysterious  love 
affair;  whilst  Parton  says  he  was  incapable  of  love  for 
the  other  sex,  and  this  was  the  received  opinion  of  the 
public. 


JOHN   JAY. 

9 

Ramsay,  in  his  "  History  of  South  Carolina,"  says 
John  Jay  was  the  boast  and  pride  of  New  York.  Well 
may  such  a  patriot,  statesman,  jurist,  and  diplomatist 
have  been  the  pride  and  boast  of  any  State  or  nation. 
In  the  course  of  only  twenty-seven  years  he  filled  with 
eminent  ability  a  seat  in  the  Continental  Congress,  a 
seat  in  the  New  York  Convention,  the  Chief  Justiceship 
of  the  State,  the  Presidency  of  Congress,  Secretary  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  Minister  at  the  Spanish  Court,  Plenipo 
tentiary  with  Franklin,  Adams,  and  Laurens  to  treat 
with  Great  Britain  for  the  independence  of  the  United 
States,  Chief  Justiceship  of  the  United  States,  Special 
Embassador  to  England,  and  the  Governorship  of  New 
York.  He  was  a  writer  of  great  ability,  and  the  author 
of  several  of  the  best  addresses  issued  by  the  Continental 
Congress.  But  more  than  all  this,  he  had  neither  ambi 
tion  nor  the  love  of  distinction.  The  invaluable  services 
rendered  his  country  in  all  these  varied  public  stations 
were  rendered  from  a  sense  of  duty ;  and  when  a  high 
sense  of  duty  did  not  demand  his  services,  he  declined 
all  offices,  and  spent  thirty  years  of  the  latter  part  of  his 
life  as  a  private  gentleman.  The  people  of  New  York 
tendered  him  again  the  office  of  Governor,  which  he 
rejected,  as  duty  no  longer  required  him,  in  his  opinion, 
to  accept  it.  He  declined  the  office  of  Chief  Justice  of 
the  United  States  for  the  same  reason  when  nominated 
a  second  time  by  President  Adams.  What  a  nobler 
disinterested  patriot  he  was  !  No  position  was  too  hum 
ble  for  him  when  his  country  demanded  his  services  in 
that  position ;  and  no  office  was  exalted  enough  to  tempt 
him  from  private  life  when  duty  did  not  require  him  to 
393 


394  JOHN   JAY. 

fill  it.  He  accepted  the  commission  of  a  colonel  in  New 
York,  when  no  other  competent  man  would  do  so,  at  the 
commencement  of  the  Revolutionary  struggle. 

John  Jay  was  of  French  and  German  descent,  and, 
like  Sir  Samuel  Romilly,  the  pride  of  Great  Britain, 
there  was  not  a  drop  of  English  blood  ill  his  veins. 
His  great-grandfather  fled  from  France  to  England  on 
the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  His  son,  the 
grandfather  of  John  Jay,  was  abroad  at  the  time,  and 
on  his  return  home  he  made  his  escape  from  the  Catho 
lics  and  came  to  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  where  he 
remained  a  year  or  two  and  then  went  to  New  York. 
There  he  married  Miss  Bayard,  of  Huguenot  descent,  and 
had  three  daughters  and  one  son,  Peter,  the  father  of 
John  Jay.  Peter  married  Miss  Van  Cortland,  was  a 
merchant,  made  a  fortune,  and  retired  from  business. 
John,  his  eighth  child,  was  born  December  12,  1745, 
in  the  city  of  New  York.  It  is  sai<J  that  he  was  grave 
and  sedate  from  his  childhood.  His  mother,  who  was  a 
superior  woman,  taught  him  as  far  as  the  rudiments  of 
grammar.  He  was  then  placed  under  a  private  tutor, 
and  prepared  to  enter  King's  College,  now  called  Colum 
bia  College,  in  the  city  of  New  York.  He  was  very 
studious,  moral,  and  correct,  and  graduated  with  the 
highest  honors  of  his  class.  He  had  an  impediment  in 
his  speech,  which  rendered  his  articulation  indistinct, 
and  he  read  with  such  rapidity  that  it  was  difficult  to 
understand  his  reading.  His  pronunciation  of  the  letter 
L  made  him  ridiculous.  But  he  soon  overcome  all  these 
difficulties  by  a  determined  effort  to  correct  his  pronun 
ciation  and  rapid  reading. 

Lindlay  Murray,  the  great  grammarian,  was  his 
fellow-student  for  two  years  in  King's  College,  and 
speaks  of  him  in  the  following  language  :  "  His  talents 
and  virtues  gave,  at  that  period,  pleasing  indications  of 
future  eminence.  He  was  remarkable  for  strong  reason 
ing  powers,  comprehensive  views,  indefatigable  applica 
tion,  and  uncommon  firmness  of  mind.  With  these 


JOHN   JAY.  395 

qualifications,  added  to  a  just  taste  in  literature,  and 
ample  stores  of  learning  and  knowledge,  he  was  happily 
prepared  to  enter  on  that  career  of  public  virtue,  by 
which  he  was  afterwards  honorably  distinguished  and 
made  instrumental  in  promoting  the  good  of  his 
country." 

Whilst  in  College  Mr.  Jay  determined  to  read  law, 
and  paid  particular  attention  to  those  branches  of  study 
which  he  thought  would  be  most  useful  in  his  future 
profession.  He  entered  the  office  of  Benjamin  Kissman, 
an  eminent  lawyer  of  New  York,  as  a  student,  soon 
after  he  graduated,  and  was  admitted  to  the  Bar  in  1768. 
He  had  an  extensive  and  profitable  practice  till  the 
Revolutionary  struggle  commenced.  Like  a  prudent 
man  he  remained  single  until  he  had  made  for  himself 
a  high  reputation  as  a  man  of  learning,  talents  and  ster- 
Ijng  character.  His  prudence  likewise  dictated  that  he 
should  make  a  competent  fortune  before  he  took  upon 
himself  the  responsibility  of  a  family.  This  dictation 
of  prudence  young  men  sometimes  neglect  and  thereby 
involve  themselves  in  poverty  and  wretchedness  all  their 
lives.  Moreover,  after  having  established  his  character 
for  honor,  virtue,  talents  and  industry,  he  is  more  likely 
to  be  successful  in  his  marriage.  This  was  the  case 
with  John  Jay.  In  his  thirtieth  year  he  married  Miss 
Sarah  Livingston,  the  accomplished  daughter  of  Gover 
nor  William  Livingston  of  New  Jersey.  This  was  in 
1774,  just  as  the  political  horizon  wras  darkened  by  the 
approaching  storm  of  the  Revolution.  His  bright  pros 
pects  at  the  Bar  were  given  up  and  he  espoused  the 
'cause  of  his  country  with  an  ardor  and  disinterestedness 
surpassed  by  none  of  the  patriots  of  that  great  era. 

New  York,  now  the  Empire  State  of  the  Federal 
Union  was,  at  the  commencement  of  the  American 
Revolution,  inferior  to  many  of  her  sister  colonies  in 
wealth  and  population.  But  more  than  that,  there  was 
a  stronger  and  more  formidable  Tory  element  in  that 
colony  than  any  other ;  and  the  patriots,  Livingston, 


396  JOHX   JAY. 

Clinton,  Hamilton,  Jay,  Schuyler  and  others  had  to* 
contend  with  and  overcome  this  formidable  opposition 
to  independence  and  liberty.  The  news  of  the  Boston 
Port  Bill  roused  these  patriots  to  a  sense  of  their  dan 
ger,  and  a  public  meeting  was  called  on  the  1st  day  of 
May,  1774,  and  a  committee  of  fifty  was  appointed  to- 
correspond  with  the  other  colonies,  and  have  concert  of 
action  in  resisting  the  action  of  the  British  Government. 
John  Jay  was  a  member  of  this  committee,  and  to  him 
was  assigned  the  duty  of  writing  and  answering  letters 
received.  He  was  also  elected  a  delegate  from  the  city 
of  New  York  to  the  first  Congress  which  assembled  in 
Philadelphia,  September  5,  1774. 

It  is  said,  in  the  life  of  John  Jay,  that  he  was  the 
youngest  member  of  Congress.  This,  however,  is  a  mis 
take.  Edward  Rutledge  and  Thomas  Lynch,  the  dele 
gates  from  South  Carolina,  were  both  four  years  younger 
than  Mr.  Jay,  and  the  youngest  members  of  the  Congress. 
The  "  Address  to  the  People  of  Great  Britain  "  was- 
written  by  John  Jay,  which  Mr.  Jefferson  pronounced,, 
without  knowing  the  writer,  "a  production  of  the  finest 
pen  in  America."  The  great  Earl  of  Chatham  said  it 
was  equal  to  any  production  of  Greece  or  Rome.  Con 
gress,  no  doubt,  appreciated  it  very  highly,  for  Mr.  Jay 
was  afterwards  appointed  to  write  an  "  Address  to  the 
People  of  Canada,"  and  "  The  Address  from  Congress 
to  their  Constituents."  He  also  wrote  the  appeal  of  the 
Convention  of  New  York  to  their  constituents,  which 
Congress  recommended  to  the  serious  perusal  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  and  ordered  to  be  printed 
in  German  at  their  expense. 

All  these  addresses  have  been  highly  praised  by  sub 
sequent  ages,  and  in  a  sketch  of  his  life  in  the  National 
Portrait  Gallery,  the  following  beautiful  compliment  is 
paid  them :  "  It  is  impossible  to  read  these  addresses 
without  being  reminded  of  the  wells  of  classic  learning 
which  supplied  the  rushing  current  of  his  thoughts  with 
a  style  and  language  of  never  failing  vigor  and  attrac- 


JOHX   JAY.  897 

-live  beauty.  It  would  scarcely  be  extravagant  to  say 
they  united  the  eloquence  of  Cicero  with  the  pious 
patriotism  of  Maccabeus ;  it  is  certain  that  they  prove  their 
author  to  have  been  deeply  imbued  with  the  spirit  of 
the  ancient  patriots,  and  not  less  those  of  Palestine  than 
of  Greece  and  Rome." 

After  the  adjournment  of  Congress  Mr.  Jay  was  ap 
pointed  by  the  citizens  of  New  York  a  member  of  a 
-committee  which  exercised,  in  the  absence  of  all  legis 
lative  authority,  dictatorial  powers  in  organizing  and 
disciplining  the  militia.  When  the  second  Congress 
assembled  May  10,  1775,  although  the  battle  of  Lex 
ington  had  been  fought,  still  there  were  many  members 
and  a  great  many  citizens  who  were  still  unwilling  to 
throw  off  their  allegiance  to  King  George  the  Third. 
They  still  hoped  for  a  reconciliation  between  the  colonies 
and  the  mother  country.  In  order  to  show  how  futile 
this  hope  was,  and  to  unite  all  parties  in  favor  of  Inde 
pendence,  Mr.  Jay  advocated  another  Petition  to  the 
King,  and  carried  it  against  a  strong  opposition.  It  was 
fruitless  as  he  knew  it  would  be,  but  it  reconciled  all 
patriots  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  This 
showed  his  wisdom  and  prudence  as  well  as  his  patriotism. 

In  April,  1776,  Mr.  Jay  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
New  York  Convention,  and  had  to  leave  Congress  to 
attend  on  that  body  by  command  of  the  Convention, 
which  elected  him  to  Congress.  This  deprived  him  of 
the  honor  of  having  his  signature  affixed  to  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence.  When  this  Declaration  reached 
the  New  York  Convention,  assembled  at  White  Plains, 
on  the  9th  of  July,  Mr.  Jay  instanter  moved  a  resolu 
tion  that  the  reasons  assigned  by  the  Continental  Con 
gress  for  declaring  the  United  Colonies  free  and  inde 
pendent  States  were  cogent  and  conclusive,  and  that  at 
the  risk  of  their  lives  and  fortunes  they  would  join  the 
other  Colonies  in  supporting  it.  He  was  despatched  to 
Connecticut  to  procure  cannon,  with  unlimited  power  to 
impress  carriages,  wagons,  sloops,  teams,  etc.  In  a 


398  JOHN   JAY. 

short  time  he  had  twenty  cannon  delivered  at  West 
Point. 

The  Constitution  of  New  York,  adopted  in  1777,  was 
drawn  by  Mr.  Jay,  and  immediately  after  it  went  into 
operation  he  was  elected  Chief  Justice  of  the  State. 
This  deprived  him  of  sitting  in  Congress,  unless  on 
some  special  occasion.  The  controversy  between  the 
people  of  Vermont  and  the  State  of  New  York  gave 
this  special  occasion,  and  the  Chief  Justice  was  ordered 
to  resume  his  seat  in  Congress  December  7,  1778,  and 
he  was  immediately  elected  the  President  of  that  body 
on  the  resignation  of  Henry  Laureus,  who  was  ap 
pointed  Minister  to  Holland.  Mr.  Jay  was  appointed 
Minister  to  Spain  September  27,  1779.  He  arrived  at 
Cadiz  in  January,  1780,  after  serious  disasters  at  sea. 
He  found  that  Spain  was  not  disposed  to  render  any  as 
sistance  to  the  United  States,  unless  they  would  guaran 
tee  the  possession  of  Florida  to  Spain  and  the  exclusive 
right  of  navigating  the  Mississippi  River.  These  terms 
Mr.  Jay  rejected.  Soon  afterwards  he  learned  that  Con 
gress  had  instructed  him  to  abandon  the  free  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  below  the  southern  boundary  of  the 
United  States.  This  unwise  and  suicidal  act  of  Con 
gress  was  no  doubt  brought  about  by  the  urgent  impor 
tunities  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  North  Carolina. 
These  States  had  been  overrun  by  the  British  army  and 
reconquered.  They  were  afraid  that  without  the  assist 
ance  of  the  Spanish  navy  their  independence  would  not 
be  acknowledged.  Mr.  Madison  had  already  proposed 
that  a  treaty  uti  passidetis  should  be  made  with  Great 
Britain  which  would  leave  these  States  in  the  possession 
of  the  British  crown.  They  were  unwilling  to  give  up 
the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  to  secure  their  in 
dependence.  It  seems  that  Mr.  Madison  and  the  Vir 
ginia  delegation  preferred  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  to  the  independence  of  the  Colonies  and 
Georgia.  Virginia  at  that  time  owned  the  lands  now 
composing  the  States  of  Kentucky,  Ohio,  Illinois,  and 


JOHN    JAY.  399 

Indiana.  This  country  would  be  valueless  without  the 
navigation  of  the  river.  Franklin  said  it  was  like 
ceding  to  a  neighbor  his  street  door  !  Fortunately,  this 
proposition  was  not  accepted  by  Spain  with  the  condi 
tions  annexed,  and  was  immediately  withdrawn  by  Mr. 
Jay. 

'During  Mr.  Jay's  residence  at  Madrid  he  did  procure 
funds  for  his  government,  and,  finally,  an  alliance  with 
Spain  without  anything  being  said  about  Florida  or  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  In  the  summer  of  1782 
he  was  appointed  one  of  the  Commissioners  to  treat  for 
peace  and  independence  with  Great  Britain.  Prelimi 
nary  articles  of  a  treaty  were  entered  into  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  in  November,  1782,  but 
not  to  take  effect  till  France  acceded  to  them.  This  was 
done  January  20,  1783.  In  September,  1783,  the  final 
treaty  was  signed  by  all  of  the  Commissioners  and  rati 
fied  by  Congress  January  14,  1784. 

Mr.  Jay's  health  having  been  greatly  impaired,  he  was 
advised  by  his  physician  to  visit  Bath,  in  England,  and 
he  did  so.  Whilst  in  England  his  old  friend  and 
neighbor,  whom  he  had  defended  in  Congress,  Silas 
Deane,  former  American  Minister  to  France,  came  up 
to  him  and  offered  his  hand.  Mr.  Jay  told  him  that  he 
could  not  receive  the  hand  of  one  who  had  dishonored 
his  hand  by  extending  it  to  Benedict  Arnold.  Deane 
had  taken  offence  at  the  treatment  of  Congress,  abused 
the  Government,  and  became  the  associate  in  England 
of  Benedict  Arnold.  Under  these  circumstances,  what 
firmness  and  honor  and  patriotism  did  Mr.  Jay  mani 
fest  in  meeting  a  former  friend  and  neighbor  in  a 
strange  land  and  refusing  to  shake  hands  with  him  after 
an  absence  of  many  years,  because  that  former  friend 
and  neighbor  had  turned  against  his  country  and  was 
the  associate  of  one  of  her  arch  traitors !  This  single 
act  of  Mr.  Jay  proves  what  a  noble  character  he  was. 

Mr.  Jay  returned  to  the  United  States  in  July,  1784, 
and  learned  that  he  had  been  elected  by  Congress  Secre- 


400  JOHN   JAY. 

tary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  which  arduous  and  most 
responsible  position  he  continued  to  occupy  for  four 
years,  and  until  the  Federal  Government  was  organized 
by  the  adoption  of  the  present  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  He  was  not  a  member  of  the  Federal 
Convention,  but  he  did  all  in  his  power  to  have  the 
Constitution  adopted.  He  commenced  writing  with 
Hamilton  and  Madison  the  essays  known  as  the  Federal 
ist.  In  consequence  of  a  wound  received  in  defending 
some  young  physicians  from  the  assaults  of  a  mob  in 
New  York,  he  had  to  cease  writing  from  the  sixth  to 
the  sixty-fourth  number.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
New  York  Convention  called  to  consider  the  adoption 
of  the  Federal  Constitution.  When  it  convened,  there 
were  forty-six  members  opposed  and  eleven  in  favor  of 
its  adoption.  And  yet  through  the  influence  and  rea 
soning  of  Mr.  Jay  the  Constitution  was  adopted  by  a 
majority  of  three  votes. 

When  the  Federal  Government  was  organized,  John 
Jay  was  appointed  by  President  Washington  the  first 
Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States.  He  continued  to 
discharge  the  duties  of  this  high  office  with  great  learn 
ing  and  distinguished  ability  for  five  years,  when  he 
was  appointed  by  Washington  Envoy  Extraordinary  to 
Great  Britain  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  commerce  and 
settle  the  disputes  between  the  two  governments.  His 
treaty,  known  as  Jay's  Treaty,  produced  a  terrible 
excitement  all  over  the  United  States,  and  but  for  the 
great  and  overpowering  popularity  of  Washington  no 
one  knows  what  civil  strife  might  have  occurred,  or  the 
consequences  of  a  war  with  England.  I  remember 
hearing  when  a  boy  an  anecdote  of  two  gentlemen  who 
were  discussing  the  merits  of  this  treaty.  One  said  to 
the  other,  who  was  denouncing  the  treaty  in  the  strong 
est  terms,  "  Have  you  ever  read  Jay's  Treaty  ?  "  "  No," 
said  the  other,  "  and  damn  a  man  who  would  read  it ! " 

On  Mr.  Jay's  return  from  England,  in  1795,  he  found 
himself  elected  Governor  of  New  York,  and  public  duty, 


JOHN   JAY.  401 

which  had  always  been  his  polar  star,  made  him  resign 
the  office  of  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States  and 
accept  that  of  Governor  of  New  York.  He  served  six 
years  as  Governor,  and  refused  to  be  re-elected.  He  was 
then  nominated  by  President  Adams  Chief  Justice  of 
the  United  States,  which  he  declined  on  the  ground 
"that  his  duty  did  not  require  him  to  accept  it."  Mr. 
Jay  was  then  only  fifty-six  years  old.  Neither  ambition 
nor  the  love  of  distinction  had  ever  induced  him  to  accept 
any  office.  When  he  thought  public  duty  required  him 
to  discharge  the  duties  of  an  office,  he  did  so,  no  matter 
how  humble  it  might  be.  But  when  his  sense  of  public 
duty  did  not  require  it,  he  refused  every  and  all  public 
office,  no  matter  how  high  and  exalted  they  were.  He 
loved  his  country,  but  not  official  station,  or  that  dis 
tinction  so  dear  to  an  ambitious  man.  Have  we  such  a 
man  now  living?  I  hope  so,  but  I  fear  they  are  few. 
In  the  "  times  that  tried  men's  souls  "  there  were  many. 
Our  late  unfortunate  civil  war  did  produce  such  a  man 
in  Robert  E.  Lee.  He  was  opposed  to  the  war,  and 
deeply  regretted  it,  and  no  doubt  anticipated  the  unhappy 
result.  But  duty  required  him  to  give  up  honors  and 
distinctions  that  awaited  him  under  the  Federal  Govern 
ment,  and  share  with  his  old  mother  Virginia  and  her 
Southern  sisters  their  ruin  and  destruction. 

Mr.  Jay  lived  thirty  years  after  he  retired  from  public 
life,  and  died  May  17,  1829,  in  the  eighty-fourth  year 
of  his  age.  He  had  served  his  country  well  and  faith 
fully  whilst  that  country  required  his  services.  When 
others  could  serve  it  as  well  he  retired  to  private  life. 
In  1802  he  lost  his  most  excellent  and  beloved  wife,  a 
loss  which  such  a  man  would  feel  most  poignantly,  and 
to  his  honor  be  it  said  he  never  placed  another  in  her 
stead.  His  son,  William  Jay,  with  filial  affection,  and 
justly  proud  of  such  a  parent,  has  given  the  public  a 
memoir  of  his  life,  with  selections  from  his  correspond 
ence  and  miscellaneous  papers.  This  work  "  it  is  hoped 
will  find  a  place  in  the  library  of  every  American  who 


402  JOHN   JAY. 

desires  to  set  before  his  children  a  bright  example  of 
private  and  public  virtue."  He  has  been  compared  to 
Aristides  drawn  by  Plutarch  ;  but  a  writer  has  said  that 
whilst  Aristides  did  many  things  for  the  interests  of  his 
country  that  were  unjust,  John  Jay  never  did.  He  was 
a  very  religious  man,  and  with  truth  it  has  been  said 
"that  the  patriot  and  Christian  may  equally  point  to 
him  with  admiration  and  applause." 


OLIVER  ELLSWORTH. 

The  historian  has  said  that  Oliver  Ellsworth,  the 
third  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  was  the  pride 
of  Connecticut.  He  was  indeed,  the  highest  type  of 
the  New  England  character.  Great  talents  with  great 
practical  good  sense  were  united  in  him  through  life. 
He  was  a  Puritan  in  religion,  and  of  the  purest  morality. 
Plain  and  simple  in  his  manners  and  affable  to  all,  with 
an  integrity  which  was  never  suspected.  Cold  by 
nature,  yet  he  performed  every  duty,  public  and  private, 
with  fidelity  and  exactness.  Though  he  had  no  warm 
admirers,  he  had  no  enemies,  and  was  respected  by  all 
who  knew  him.  He  was  a  patriot  from  a  sense  of  duty 
more  than  love  of  country.  His  moral  firmness  was 
immovable.  "  Neither  fear  nor  the  hope  of  reward  " 
could  influence  him  in  the  least.  He  was  wise  and 
prudent,  never  impulsive.  Distinguished  for  his  judg 
ment,  but  wanting  in  imagination.  He  did  not  origi 
nate  any  great  measures  as  a  statesman ;  but  he  enforced 
those  he  adopted  with  matchless  skill  and  argument. 
He  was  not  a  brilliant  orator,  distinguished  for  elo 
quence  ;  but  an  able  scholar  and  fluent  speaker.  It  is 
said  that  although  he  spoke  with  great  care,  he 
wrote  with  difficulty.  No  elaborate  production  ever 
came  from  his  pen.  His  learning  was  not  extensive  or 
profound,  but  his  good  sense  supplied  all  deficiencies. 
Like  a  true  Yankee,  he  thought  more  of  New  England 
than  all  the  rest  of  the  world,  and  loved  Connecticut 
more  than  all  the  rest  of  New  England. 

The  family  of  Chief  Justice  Ellsworth  came  from  a 
little  hamlet  on  a  small  stream,  near  Cambridge,  in  Eng 
land,  called  Ellsworth.  When  the  Chief  Justice  visited 
403 


404  OLIVER   ELLSWORTH. 

this  place  in  eighteen-hundred  and  one  or  two,  he  found 
a  great  many  of  the  name  still  there.  In  the  days  of 
the  Saxons  this  hamlet  was  called  "  Eelsworth,"  which 
in  the  Saxon  language  is  a  "  place  for  eels,"  that  is,  a  place 
where  eels  are  caught  in  great  abundance.  In  the  course 
of  time  this  word  was  changed  to  "  Ellsworth  "  by  a 
mispronunciation  of  "  Eelsworth."  Some  of  the  citizens 
of  the  hamlet  were  called  Eelsworth  or  Ellsworth. 
They  emigrated  to  America  in  1650  and  settled  in 
Connecticut. 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  so  many  of  the  great 
men  of  America  have  sprung  from  the  middle  class  of 
society;  seldom  from  the  lowest  class, and  not  often  from 
the  highest.  Such  were  John  Adams,  the  son  of  a  small 
farmer,  Benjamin  Franklin,  the  son  of  a  well-to-do 
tallow  chandler  and  soap-boiler,  Patrick  Henry,  a  poor 
farmer's  son,  Alexander  Hamilton,  a  poor  orphan,  and 
in  the  same  class  may  be  placed  John  Jay,  Oliver  Ells 
worth,  Henry  Clay  and  hundreds  of  others.  In  the 
highest  and  wealthiest  classes  of  society  there  is  ease 
and  luxury  and  idleness — no  stimulant  such  as  poverty 
gives  to  mental  exertion  and  labor.  In  the  lowest 
classes  it  requires  extraordinary  natural  talents  to  over 
come  the  disadvantages  of  birth,  extreme  poverty  and 
want  of  education.  The  family  of  Chief  Justice  Ells 
worth  were  of  the  middle  class  of  New  England  farm 
ers,  not  rich  or  distinguished,  nor  were  they  poverty- 
stricken  and  obscure.  They  were  honest,  industrious 
Puritans. 

In  the  Lives  of  the  Chief  Justices  of  the  United 
States  Court,  it  is  stated  that  Oliver  Ellsworth  was  born 
April  29, 1745,  at  Windsor,  a  small  town  in  the  interior 
of  Connecticut,  of  "  respectable  parents,  inured  to  the 
pursuits  of  agriculture."  Like  Chief  Justice  Marshall, 
"  his  health  was  invigorated  by  the  athletic  exercises  to 
which  his  father  inured  him."  His  boyhood  was  spent 
between  going  to  school  and  working  on  the  farm.  In 
this  way  he  learned  the  value  of  time,  and  was  studious 


OLIVER   ELLSWORTH.  405 

as  well  as  industrious.  At  the  age  of  seventeen  he  had 
acquired  sufficient  classical  education  to  enter  Yale 
College,  but  from  some  cause  not  known,  be  became 
displeased  with  Yale  and  went  to  Princeton  College, 
where  he  graduated  in  1766.  His  standing  in  his  class 
was  respectable,  though  not  distinguished  for  any  great 
proficiency  in  science  or  literature.  His  mind  was  not 
precocious,  but  the  "  slow  ripening  of  its  powers  be 
tokened  a  deep  root  and  long-continued  harvest."  It 
would  seem  from  what  is  said  in  a  brief  memoir  of  his 
life  that  his  Yankee  character  displayed  itself  in  college, 
as  he  was  "  much  more  remarkable  for  his  shrewdness 
and  adroit  management  in  all  the  little  politics  of  the 
college,  than  for  any  uncommon  proficiency  in  science 
or  literature." 

Two  or  three  years  after  his  graduation  at  Princeton 
he  was  admitted  to  the  Bar  in  Hartford,  where  he  com 
menced  the  practice  of  law.  At  one  time  he  had  deter 
mined  to  prepare  himself  for  the  ministry,  and  studied 
theology  for  some  time,  as  did  John  Adams.  But  he 
did  not,  like  Adams,  lose  confidence  in  his  orthodoxy. 
He  was  at  all  times  through  life  a  most  pious  man  and 
sincere  believer.  Love,  in  early  life,  overcame  his 
Yankee  prudence,  and  he  made  what  would  seem  an 
imprudent  marriage  for  a  poor  lawyer.  His  wife  was  a 
Miss  Walcott,  of  a  highly  respectable  family  in  Connec 
ticut.  They  lived  most  happily  together  in  their  early 
poverty  and  had  nine  children,  six  of  whom  were  living 
in  1839,  "connected  with  the  aristocracy  of  their  native 
State." 

On  his  marriage  his  father  gave  him  a  piece  of  wood 
land  and  an  axe,  and  told  him  he  must  work  for  his 
living.  He  did  so.  With  that  firmness,  industry,  and 
perseverance  which  distinguished  him  through  life,  he 
went  to  work,  clearing  his  land  and  splitting  rails  to 
fence  it.  When  Court  came  he  would  walk  down  to 
Hartford  to  attend  to  his  cases,  and  after  Court  was  over 
he  would  return  home  to  pursue  his  agricultural  labors. 


406  OLIVEK   ELLSWORTH. 

In  this  humble  condition  he  was  happy  with  his  wife, 
and  had  no  ambitious  views.  The  idea  of  being  Chief 
Justice  of  the  United  States,  Envoy  Extraordinary  to 
France,  and  United  States  Senator,  never  entered  his 
imagination.  A  competent  living  for  his  wife  and  chil 
dren  was  all  he  aimed  at  in  his  profession.  He  did  not 
think  of  achieving  distinction  even  as  an  advocate  till 
one  day  in  Court,  whilst  arguing  a  case,  he  heard  a 
stranger  say :  "  What  young  man  is  that  ?  He  speaks 
well."  These  last  words  made  a  deep  impression  on  his 
mind.  He  thought  of  them  as  he  went  horde,  and  no 
doubt  told  his  wife  what  he  had  heard  a  stranger  say. 
In  his  old  age  he  frequently  repeated  the  circumstance 
as  being  the  turning  point  of  his  life.  From  that  time 
he  began  to  think  of  rising  at  the  Bar  and  gaining  for 
himself  distinction  in  his  profession.  The  words,  u  he 
speaks  well,"  seem  to  have  made  him  first  conscious  of 
his  latent  powers.  He  soon  rose  to  the  head  of  the  Bar 
and  got  a  lucrative  practice.  How  beneficial  praise  is 
sometimes,  and  how  sweet  at  all  times ! 

His  biographer  says :  "  With  hands  swollen  by  unac 
customed  effort  and  painful  from  the  wounds  of  thorns 
with  which  he  contended,  he  came  every  morning  during 
the  sessions  of  the  courts  to  Hartford,  returning  at  night 
to  take  charge  of  his  cattle  and  to  sustain  the  imperative 
duties  of  an  agriculturist.77  After  he  heard  the  cheer 
ing  words,  "  he  speaks  well,"  from  the  stranger  he  paid 
more  attention  to  his  books  and  less  to  his  cattle.  His 
hands  were  less  swollen  and  pierced  with  thorns.  His 
business  increased  so  rapidly  that  he  had  to  abandon  his 
farm  and  move  to  Hartford.  He  received  the  lucrative 
appointment  of  State's  Attorney,  and  was  elected  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Legislature.  The  Revolutionary  struggle 
came  on,  and  he  took  firm  ground  in  favor  of  the  inde 
pendence  of  his  country.  His  profession  was  aban 
doned  ;  he  volunteered  his  services  in  the  militia,  and  in 
1777  he  was  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  Continental  Con 
gress.  There  he  met  Adams,  Lee,  Madison,  Laurens, 


OLIVER    ELLSWORTH.  407 

Morris,  Jay,  Drayton,  and  others.  Soon  after  he  took 
his  seat  a  resolution  was  introduced  that  "  true  religion 
.and  good  morals  are  the  only  solid  foundations  of  public 
liberty  and  happiness  ;"  "  that  the  States  do  suppress 
theatrical  entertainments,  horse-racing,  gaming,  etc., 
and  that  the  officers  of  the  army  do  discountenance  all 
profaneness  and  immorality  amongst  the  soldiers.7'  No 
doubt  these  resolutions  were  introduced  at  his  sugges 
tion.  Some  of  the  Southern  members  voted  against 
them. 

Mr.  Ellsworth  proved  himself  an  able  and  most  effi 
cient  member  of  the  old  Congress.  He  supported  with 
all  his  strength  the  establishment  of  Robert  Morris's 
Pennsylvania  Bank,  which  saved  the  Continental  army 
from  destruction. 

In  1784  he  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  Connecti 
cut,  and  had  to  enforce  some  very  severe  and  rigid  laws. 
Crimes  were  then  punished  in  Connecticut,  not  by  a  beg 
garly  fine  and  brief  imprisonment,  but  by  whipping  on 
the  bare  back,  cropping  off  the  ears,  branding  with  a  hot 
iron,  exposure  with  a  halter  around  the  neck..  The  fol 
lowing  sentence  was  pronounced  in  1785:  "Moses 
Parker,  for  horse-stealing,  to  sit  on  the  wooden  horse  for 
half  an  hour,  receive  fifteen  stripes,  pay  a  fine  of  £10, 
confined  in  the  workhouse  three  months,  and  every 
Monday  morning  receive  ten  stripes  and  sit  on  the 
wooden  horse."  Another  sentence  at  the  same  time — 
"Judah  Benjamin,  for  polygamy,  ten  stripes,  branded 
with  letter  A,  and  wear  a  halter  about  his  neck  as  long 
as  he  stays  in  the  State."  Bastardy  was  punished  by 
whipping  on  the  bare  back  at  the  tail  of  a  cart;  witch 
craft  with  death;  blaspheming  or  cursing  the  name 
of  God,  the  Son,  or  Holy  Ghost  was  death. 

In  1787,  the  State  of  Connecticut  elected  Oliver 
Ellsworth,  Roger  Sherman,  and  William  S.  Johnson 
members  of  the  Federal  Convention  which  framed  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Ellsworth  was 
an  active  and  prominent  member  of  the  Convention,  and 


408  OLIVER   ELKS  WORTH. 

participated  largely  in  all  their  debates.  He  was  a 
thorough  Democrat  and  States'  Rights  man,  and  opposed 
to  Madison  in  almost  everything.  He  advocated  the 
equal  representation  of  the  States  in  both  Houses  of 
Congress,  and  the  election  of  Representatives  every 
year.  It  was  mainly  owing  to  his  influence  and  perti 
nacity  in  debate  that  the  small  and  large  States  were 
equally  represented  in  the  Senate.  It  is  remarkable  that 
he  and  Mr.  Madison  should  have  exchanged  positions 
with  each  other  after  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Con 
stitution.  Ellsworth  became  a  thorough  Federalist  and 
supported  all  the  measures  of  Washington's  and  Adams's 
administration,  whilst  Madison  became  the  champion  of 
States'  Rights  and  Democracy.  There  are  very  few  pub 
lic  men  who  do  not  change  their  opinions  in  the  course 
of  their  lives. 

In  1789,  Ellsworth  was  elected  one  of  the  first 
United  States  Senators  from  Connecticut,  and  was 
re-elected  at  the  expiration  of  his  senatorial  term.  He 
was  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  useful  members  of  the 
Senate.  The  Judiciary  Bill,  organizing  the  Federal 
Courts,  was  drawn  by  him,  and  is  a  monument  of  his 
wisdom  and  statesmanship.  It  remains  in  force  to  this 
day,  with  slight  changes.  His  letters  to  his  wife  whilst 
he  was  in  the  Senate  are  interesting  and  amusing.  In 
one  of  them  he  says :  "  Our  oldest  daughter  is,  I  trust, 
alternately  employed  between  her  book  and  her  wheel." 
He  was  very  fond  of  children,  and  regrets  that  the 
family  in  which  he  is  boarding  have  no  children  of  their 
own  to  amuse  him.  "But,"  he  says,  "there  is  a  little 
colored  girl,  about  the  size  of  our  youngest  daughter, 
who  peeps  into  rny  room  now  and  then  with  a  long 
story,  which  I  cannot  more  than  half  understand." 

In  1796,  he  was  appointed  by  Washington  Chief 
Justice  of  the  United  States  in  the  place  of  John  Rut- 
ledge,  whose  nomination  was  rejected  by  the  Senate. 
He  remained  in  this  high  office  for  four  years,  and  until 
he  was  appointed  Envoy  Extraordinary  with  General 


OLIVER   ELLSWORTH.  409* 

Davie  and  Mr.  Murray  to  the  Court  of  France.  On 
their  arrival  in  Paris,  they  found  Bonaparte  first  Consul, 
and  formed  a  treaty  with  him.  On  his  return  home, 
his  wife  and  children  had  gone  to  the  gate  to  meet  him, 
and  greet  him  with  joy,  love,  and  affection.  Instead  of 
rushing  towards  them,  to  kiss  and  embrace  tfiem,  as  a 
Southern  gentleman  would  have  done,  he  stops,  says  not 
a  word  till  he  had  leaned  over  the  fence,  with  uplifted 
hands,  and  offered  up  a  prayer  to  God  for  his  safe  return 
home  and  to  them.  If  anything  could  show  a  deep, 
religious,  Puritanical  feeling,  this  act  of  Ellsworth's 
certainly  did.  An  ordinarily  religious  man  would  have 
returned  his  thanks  after  saluting  his  family.  Without 
knowing  his  purity  and  sincerity  of  character,  and  his 
strong  religious  feelings  and  devotion  to  God,  one  would 
have  supposed  from  this  act  that  he  was  a  Pharisee 
and  hypocrite  wishing  to  make  a  show  of  religion. 

In  the  Connecticut  Convention,  called  to  consider  the- 
adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  of  which  Mr. 
Ellsworth  was  the  leading  member,  he  again  shows  his 
Yankee  character  by  advocating  the  ratification  of  the 
Constitution  on  the  ground  of  economy.  A  view  which 
I  do  not  remember  to  have  seen  urged  by  any  other 
member  of  any  other  State  Convention. 

"  The  structure  of  his  mind/7  says  his  memoir,  "  Avas 
lofty  and  well  balanced.  His  eloquence  rested  on  the 
basis  of  his  reasoning  power.  It  aimed  not  to  dazzle, 
but  to  convince."  "  In  social  life,"  it  is  added,  "  he  was- 
truly  estimable;  just  in  his  dealings,  frank  and  sociable 
in  his  disposition,  kind  and  obliging  in  his  temper,  he 
was  respected  and  beloved  by  his  neighbors  and  acquaint 
ances.  His  religious  sentiments  were  strong  and  earnest." 
It  is  said  on  his  monument:  "His  great  talents,  under 
the  guidance  of  inflexible  integrity,  consummate  wisdom, 
and  enlightened  zeal,  placed  him  among  the  first  of  the 
illustrious  statesmen  who  achieved  the  independence  and 
established  the  Constitution  of  the  American  Republic." 
He  died  November  26,  1807. 


WILLIAM  SMITH. 

When  the  present  Federal  government  was  first 
organized  in  1789,  there  were  many  active,  able  and 
talented  members  of  Congress  who  are  now  very  little 
known.  William  Smith,  of  South  Carolina,  was  one  of 
those  members.  He  represented  the  District  of  Charles 
ton  from  1789  to  1797,  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  there  were  few  members  of  that  body  who  took  a 
more  active  and  prominent  part  in  the  debates.  In 
1797  Mr.  Smith  was  appointed  by  President  Adams, 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the  Court  of  Lisbon. 

The  family  of  William  Smith  were  amongst  the  first 
settlers  in  Carolina.  Thomas  Smith,  his  ancestor,  was 
made  a  Landgrave,  and  appointed  Governor  of  the 
Province  under  the  Proprietary  government  in  1694, 
twenty-four  years  after  the  first  settlement  made  in  the 
Province.  Governor  Archdale,  in  his  "new  description 
of  that  fertile  and  pleasant  Province  of  Carolina," 
printed  in  London  in  1787,  says  "Mr.  Smith  was  a 
wise,  sober,  well-living  man."  He  was  a  gentleman  of 
large  property  before  he  was  made  a  Landgrave.  There 
was  at  the  time  Landgrave  Smith  was  appointed  Gov 
ernor  such  confusion  and  dissension  in  Carolina,  "that 
he  grew  so  uneasy  in  the  government,"  says  Governor 
Archdale,  "by  reason  he  could  not  satisfy  people  in 
their  demands,  that  he  wrote  over  A.  D.  1694,  it  was 
impossible  to  settle  the  country,  except  a  Proprietary 
himself  was  sent  thither  with  full  power  to  hear  their 

Grievances."     In  consequence  of  this  letter  of  Governor 
mith,  Mr.  Archdale,  one  of  the  Proprietors,  was  made 
Governor  and  sent  over  to  Carolina  by  the  Proprietors. 
410 


WILLIAM   SMITH.  411 

Mr.  William  Smith,  who  was  the  second  or  third  in 
descent  from  Governor  Smith,  was  born  in  Charleston 
in  1758,  and  at  the  age  of  twelve  years  was  sent  to 
England  in  1770,  to  be  educated  as  was  the  custom  with 
all  wealthy  planters  in  Carolina.  In  1774  he  was  sent 
to  Genoa  to  pursue  his  studies  and  he  remained  there  till 
1778.  He  then  came  to  Paris  where  he  remained  some 
months  with  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Adams  and  Arthur  Lee. 
Being  now  about  twenty-one  years  old,  he  was  anxious 
to  return  to  his  native  State,  and  went  to  England  in 
January,  1779,  to  get  funds  from  his  guardian  there 
for  this  purpose.  He  was  disappointed  in  consequence 
of  the  financial  embarrassments  of  the  country,  and  had 
to  remain  in  England  till  1783.  During  this  time  he 
devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  law  but  could  not  be 
admitted  to  the  Bar  in  consequence  of  his  refusal  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  King.  In  1782  he  made 
an  attempt  to  return  to  the  United  States,  went  to 
Ostend,  and  there  set  sail  for  America.  But  the  vessel 
was  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  England,  and  he  had  to 
abandon  his  voyage. 

When  Mr.  Smith  arrived  in  Charleston  the  British 
had  evacuated  the  city,  and  he  was  received  most  kindly 
by  the  citizens  after  an  absence  of  thirteen  years.  He  was 
in  a  very  short  time  elected  a  member  of  the  Legislature 
from  Charleston,  and  appointed  one  of  the  Governor's 
Council.  After  the  expiration  of  his  legislative  term, 
he  was  re-elected  and  again  appointed  a  member  of  the 
Governor's  Council.  In  1788  he  was  elected  a  member  of 
the  first  Congress  under  the  Federal  Constitution,  and 
his  seat  was  contested  by  Dr.  Ramsay,  the  historian,  on 
the  ground  that  he  had  not  been  in  the  United  States 
seven  years  previous  to  his  election  as  required  by  the 
Federal  Constitution.  This  was  the  first  contested 
Congressional  election  that  ever  came  before  the  House 
of  Representatives.  It  was  referred  to  a  committee  who 
reported  that  "after  full  and  mature  consideration  the 
said  William  Smith  had  been  a  citizen  of  the  United 


412  WILLIAM   SMITH. 

States  seven  years  before  his  election/'  This  report 
was  confirmed  by  the  House,  and  only  one  member, 
Jonathan  Grout,  voted  in  the  negative. 

Before  the  vote  was  taken  in  the  House  of  Represent 
atives  Mr.  Smith  made  a  very  manly  and  able  speech 
in  which  he  gave  a  full  and  fair  account  of  his  absence 
and  the  reasons  which  prevented  his  return.  He 
argued,  too,  with  much  ability,  the  constitutional  ques 
tion  involved  in  this  contested  election.  Mr.  Madison, 
Governor  Jackson  of  Georgia,  Mr.  William  Tudor 
Tucker  of  South  Carolina,  and  Mr.  Lee  of  Virginia 
participated  in  the  debate,  which  was  a  very  interesting 
one  on  the  subject  of  allegiance,  citizenship,  absence,  etc. 
Dr.  Ramsay  contended  in  his  memorial  that  a  person 
could  not  become  a  citizen  of  a  country  till  he  had 
resided  in  it,  and  that  no  one  could  become  a  citizen  till 
he  was  of  age  to  choose  his  country.  Mr.  Smith  said 
that  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  American  Declaration  of 
Independence,  he  considered  himself  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States.  "His  property  was  in  Carolina,  his 
money  in  the  treasury  assisting  to  carry  on  the  war. 
The  Declaration  of  Independence  affected  him  as  much, 
though  at  Geneva,  as  it  did  those  in  Carolina ;  his 
happiness,  that  of  his  dearest  connections,  his  property, 
were  deeply  interested  in  it ;  his  fate  was  so  closely 
connected  with  that  of  Carolina  that  any  revolution  in 
Carolina  was  a  revolution  to  him." 

The  first  speech  made  by  Mr.  Smith  in  Congress  was 
in  opposition  to  the  duty  of  six  cents  a  bushel  on  salt, 
He  said  "such  a  duty  would  be  attended  with  a  great 
deal  of  dissatisfaction,  and  in  proportion  to  that  dissatis 
faction  will  be  the  danger  of  having  your  laws  con 
temned,  opposed  or  neglected  in  the  execution.  It  is 
well  known  that  however  small  the  duty,  it  will  afford 
the  seller  a  pretext  to  extort  a  much  greater  sum  from 
the  consumer.  Another  observation.  It  is  believed 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  interior  part  of  South  Caro 
lina  are  opposed  to  the  new  government  \  it  will  be  a 


WILLIAM   SMITH.  413 

'melancholy  circumstance  to  entangle  ourselves  at  this 
time  among  the  shoals  of  discontent;  yet  no  stronger 
impulse  could  be  given  for  opposition  than  the  proposed 
tax ;  conceiving  it  in  this  light,  he  was  against  the 
measure." 

The  first  part  of  this  short  extract  shows  the  wisdom 
of  a  statesman  and  the  feelings  of  a  patriot.  All  legis 
lation  should  avoid,  as  much  as  possible,  giving  dissat 
isfaction  to  the  people.  It  would  have  been  well  if 
Congress  had  been  governed  by  this  principle  in  their 
legislation  on  the  subject  of  manufacturing  spirituous 
•liquors  in  modern  times.  A  moderate  tax  on  each  still 
in  proportion  to  its  capacity  would  have  yielded  the 
government  a  great  deal  more  than  is  collected  at 
present  by  this  excise  law,  and  been  satisfactory  to 
the  people.  The  law  now  is  a  monopoly  in  favor  of 
large  capitalists,  and  entirely  excludes  the  poorer  classes 
of  the  community.  And  the  enforcement  of  the  law 
.has  been  a  cruel  oppression,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that 
when  the  Democratic  party  gets  possession  of  the  Fed 
eral  Government  this  odious  law  will  be  repealed  or 
modified. 

It  is  true,  as  stated  by  Mr.  Smith,  that  the  interior, 
or  up-country,  was  opposed  to  the  adoption  of  the  Fed 
eral  Constitution.  The  proposition  in  the  State  Legis 
lature  to  call  a  convention  for  the  purpose  of  consider 
ing  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  passed  only  by  a 
majority  of  one!  There  were  76  ayes,  and  75  noes. 
The  convention  adopted  the  Constitution  by  a  vote 
of  149  to  73.  General  Sumter,  General  Hampton, 
General  Butler,  Judge  Burke,  Judge  Pendleton  and 
Colonel  Thomas  Taylor,  representing  the  interior  of  the 
State,  voted  against  the  ratification.  Charleston  was 
unanimous,  and  cast  31  votes  for  the  Constitution;  and 
the  parishes,  generally,  were  in  favor  of  it. 

Within  a  few  days  after  the  first  Congress  assembled, 
Mr.  Parker,  of  Virginia,  moved  to  levy  a  tax  of  ten 
•dollars  on  each  slave  imported  into  the  United  States. 


414  WILLIAM  SMITH. 

This  motion  was  advocated  by  both  Madison  and  Bland 
of  Virginia,  and  opposed  by  Mr.  Smith,  Judge  Burke 
and  Mr.  Tucker  of  South  Carolina,  together  with 
Governor  Jackson  of  Georgia  and  Rodger  Sherman  of 
Connecticut.  It  is  remarkable  that  Virginia,  the 
largest  slave-holding  State  in  the  Union  at  that  time, 
should  have  been  the  first  to  commence  the  slavery 
agitation,  and  she  continued  it  for  a  number  of  years, 
and  then  fought  bravely  against  it  for  four  years,  and 
sacrificed  thousands  of  her  best  citizens  and  millions  of 
her  property  to  put  it  down. 

Early  in  the  first  Congress  the  question  arose  as  to 
the  constitutional  power  of  the  President  to  dismiss  a 
member  of  his  cabinet.  Mr.  Smith  insisted  that  he  had 
no  such  power,  and  the  only  way  to  get  rid  of  such  an 
officer  was  by  impeachment.  He  was  appointed  by  the 
President  and  Senate,  and  it  required  the  appointing 
power  to  remove  him.  There  is  no  doubt  that  this 
is  the  proper  construction  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
and  had  any  one  but  General  Washington  been  Presi 
dent,  such  would  have  been  the  construction  of  Congress. 

In  regulating  the  compensation  of  the  Vice-President 
it  was  suggested  that  he  should  only  receive  the  pay  of 
a  senator.  Mr.  Smith  argued  that  he  was  not  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Senate,  but  a  high  officer  of  the  government, 
appointed  by  the  Constitution  to  preside  over  the  Senate, 
and  should  have  a  salary  suited  to  the  dignity  of  his 
office.  He  did  not  think  five  thousand  dollars  too 
much  for  the  salary  of  the  second  officer  of  the  govern 
ment.  There  was  considerable  discussion  on  the  salary 
of  the  President.  Eighteen  thousand,  twenty  thousand, 
twenty-five  thousand  and  thirty  thousand  dollars  was 
proposed  as  his  salary.  Mr.  Smith  said  nothing  on 
this  question.  The  Southern  members  were  for  a 
larger  salary  than  the  Northern  members.  Twenty- 
five  thousand  dollars  was  finally  adopted.  But  Presi 
dent  Washington  told  Congress  in  his  inaugural  address 
that  whilst  in  command  of  the  American  army  he  had 


WILLIAM   SMITH.  415 

only  received  his  necessary  expenses,  and  that  this  was 
all  that  he  would  take  whilst  President. 

Mr.  Tucker,  of  South  Carolina,  moved  as  an  amend 
ment  to  the  Constitution  that  the  people  should  have 
the  right  to  instruct  their  representatives.  This 
motion  Mr.  Smith  opposed,  and  said  that  it  would 
render  a  numerous  representation  urged  by  members 
wholly  unnecessary,  as  one  member  from  a  State  could 
read  the  instructions.  Instead  of  a  representative  gov 
ernment  we  should  have  a  pure  democracy.  It  would 
change  entirely  the  character  of  the  Federal  Govern 
ment.  How  an  enlightened  statesman  could  advocate 
such  a  doctrine  is  a  little  remarkable.  It  would 
destroy  the  propriety  of  all  discussion  in  a  legislative 
assembly,  and  the  member  might  be  instructed  to  vote 
against  the  constitution  which  he  had  sworn  to  support. 

On  the  5th  of  September,  1789,  it  was  proposed  in 
Congress  to  authorize  the  President  to  appoint  com 
missioners  to  purchase,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Susque- 
hanna,  an  eligible  situation  for  the  permanent  seat  of 
Government  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Smith  objected 
to  the  resolution  because  it  did  not  require  "a  cessation 
of  territory  as  well  as  jurisdiction,  which  he  conceived 
the  declaration  in  the  Constitution  required."  Mr.  Lee, 
of  Virginia,  moved  to  substitute  the  north  bank  of  the 
Potomac  for  the  east  bank  of  the  Susquehanna.  This 
was  rejected  by  29  noes  to  21  ayes.  Afterwards  a  com 
promise  was  agreed  on  by  which  the  seat  of  Govern 
ment  was  to  be  moved  to  Philadelphia  for  ten  years, 
and  then  to  be  permanently  established  on  the  banks  of 
the  Potomac. 

At  the  second  session  of  the  first  Congress  Mr.  Smith 
was  appointed  chairman  of  a  committee  to  draw  up  an 
address  to  the  President  on  his  annual  message.  This 
address  was  most  appropriately  drawn  by  Mr.  Smith 
and  adopted  by  the  House  of  Representatives.  In  it 
he  said:  "We  concur  with  you  in  the  sentiment  that 
agriculture,  commerce  and  manufactures  are  entitled  to 


416  WILLIAM   SMITH. 

legislative  protection,  and  that  the  promotion  of  science 
and  literature  will  contribute  to  the  security  of  a  free 
government."  This  practice  of  returning  an  address 
to  the  message  of  the  President,  copied  from  the 
English  Parliament,  has  been  very  properly  abandoned 
by  Congress. 

On  the  subject  of  adopting  a  Rule  of  Naturalization, 
Mr.  Smith  made  the  following  judicious  remarks  :  "  He 
thought  some  restraints  proper,  and  that  they  would 
tend  to  raise  the  government  in  the  opinion  of  good 
men,  who  are  desirous  of  immigrating ;  as  for  the  privi 
lege  of  electing  or  being  elected,  he  conceived  a  man 
ought  to  be  some  time  in  the  country  before  he  could 
pretend  to  exercise  it.  What  could  he  know  of  the 
government  the  moment  he  landed  ?  Little  or  nothing. 
How  then  could  he  ascertain  who  was  a  proper  person 
to  legislate  or  judge  of  the  laws?  Certainly  gentlemen 
would  not  pretend  to  bestow  a  privilege  upon  a  man 
which  he  is  incapable  of  using  ?  "  It  would  have  been 
well  for  Congress  after  our  late  civil  war  to  have  con 
sidered  the  wisdom  of  these  remarks  when  they  bestowed 
<the  right  of  suffrage  on  four  millions  of  ignorant  freed- 
men,  who  had  just  been  emancipated  from  slavery,  and 
belonged  to  an  inferior  race.  The  learned  and  highly 
cultivated  German,  Englishman  or  Frenchman,  has  to 
remain  in  the  United  States  five  years  before  he  is 
allowed  to  vote ;  but  the  stupid,  ignorant  African  slave 
was  permitted  to  vote  and  hold  office  as  soon  as  he  was 
emancipated.  The  foreigner  too,  is  required  to  produce 
a  certificate  of  good  character  ;  but  no  such  requisition 
was  made  of  the  freed  man. 

Early  in  the  second  session  of  the  first  Congress  the 
Quakers  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York  presented  a 
memorial  to  Congress  against  the  continuance  of  the 
African  slave  trade.  This  memorial  excited  a  long 
discussion  and  some  angry  feelings  on  the  part  of  the 
Southern  members.  Mr.  Smith  spoke  against  the  con 
sideration  of  the  memorial  and  said  it  prayed  for  an 


WILLIAM   SMITH.  417 

•object  which  the  Constitution  had  guaranteed  should 
not  be  granted  for  twenty-one  years.  Why  then  should 
the  House  refer  the  memorial  to  a  committee  ?  Again 
we  find  Madison,  Parker  and  other  Virginian  mem 
bers  of  Congress  taking  sides  with  the  Quakers  on  the 
slavery  question.  Governor  Jackson,  of  Georgia,  was  a 
bold,  fearless,  active  and  talented  member  of  the  House 
and  spoke  his  mind  freely  on  all  occasions.  He  was  a 
true  Southern  man,  and  a  preux  chevalier,  as  well  as  an 
able  and  patriotic  statesman.  He  said  :  "  I  would  beg 
to  ask  those  then,  who  are  desirous  of  freeing  the  negroes, 
if  they  have  funds  sufficient  to  pay  for  them  ?  If  they 
have  they  may  come  forward  on  that  business  with  some 
propriety  ;  but  if  they  have  not,  they  should  keep  them 
selves  quiet  and  not  interfere  with  a  business  in  which 
they  are  not  interested." 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  makes  it  the 
duty  of  Congress  to  designate  which  officer  of  the  gov 
ernment  shall  act  as  President  in  case  of  the  death  of 
both  the  President  and  Vice  President.  The  designation 
of  this  officer  produced  a  long  discussion  in  the  second 
session  of  the  first  Congress,  and  was  finally  postponed. 
Mr.  Smith  was  in  favor  of  declaring  the  Secretary  of 
State  as  the  proper  officer,  being  more  closely  connected 
with  the  President,  and  better  aquainted  with  the  duties 
of  the  Executive.  The  Chief  Justice  was  preferred  by 
some,  and  the  President  of  the  Senate  pro  tern.,  by 
others.  One  or  two  members  took  the  ground  that  the 
President  pro  tern,  of  the  Senate  was  not  an  officer  of 
the  government,  but  a  State  Senator. 

The  charter  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  in  1791, 
was  discussed  eight  or  ten  days  in  the  House  of  Eepre- 
sentatives  with  uncommon  ability.  Mr.  Smith  made  a 
speech  in  favor  of  the  Bank,  and  was  the  only  member 
from  South  Carolina  who  voted  for  the  charter.  The 
Southern  members  generally  voted  against  it.  The 
vote  was  39  to  20.  Mr.  Madison  made  the  great  argu 
ment  against  the  Bank  on  Constitutional  grounds,  and 


418  WILLIAM    SMITH. 

strange  to  say,  he  renewed  its  charter  whilst  President 
of  the  United  States.  Washington  had  great  doubts 
about  its  constitutionality  and  got  Madison  to  write  a 
message  for  him  vetoing  the  Bill  of  incorporation.  But 
he  afterwards  changed  his  mind  and  signed  the  bill. 

In  all  the  debates  of  the  House  Mr.  Smith  took  an 
active  part  from  1786  to  1797.  He  made  speeches  on 
the  reduction  of  the  army,  on  emblems  of  American 
coins,  defeat  of  St.  Clair,  claims  of  invalid  pensioners, 
mode  of  examining  votes  for  President,  the  official  con 
duct  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  on  the  commerce 
of  the  United  States,  on  sequestering  British  debts,  con 
tinuing  the  embargo  duties  on  tobacco  and  refined  sugar, 
on  President's  speech,  on  thanks  to  General  Wayne,  on 
damages  of  Pennsylvania  insurgents,  on  renunciation  of 
title  for  citizenship,  on  reduction  of  salaries,  on  the  right 
to  Indian  lands  within  a  State,  on  the  Randall  bribery, 
on  the  British  treaty,  on  the  admission  of  Tennessee,  on 
the  relief  of  sufferers  by  fire  at  Savannah,  on  kidnapping 
negroes,  on  liability  of  the  United  States  to  a  State  for 
war  expenses,  on  petition  of  manumitted  slaves,  increase 
of  duties,  on  liberation  of  Lafayette,  on  expatriation, 
tax  on  lawyers,  and  many,  very  many  other  questions. 

In  the  latter  part  of  his  life  Mr.  Smith  added  to  his 
given  name  that  of  his  mother's  family,  Laughton,  to 
distinguish  him  from  other  William  Smiths  in  South 
Carolina,  and  he  is  now  remembered  as  William  Laugh- 
ton  Smith.  He  was  twice  married,  first  to  Miss  Izard 
and  secondly  to  Miss  Wragg.  By  each  of  these  mar 
riages  he  had  a  son  and  daughter.  The  son  of  his  first 
marriage  died  early  in  life,  and  his  daughter  married 
the  Danish  Consul  at  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Petersen,  and 
was  residing  in  Denmark  at  the  commencement  of  our 
civil  war.  His  son,  William  Wragg  Smith,  by  his 
second  marriage,  died  a  few  years  since,  and  was  a  gen 
tleman  of  talents  and  literary  taste.  His  daughter,  Mrs. 
Thomas  O.  Lownds,  is  still  living,  and  inherits  her 
father's  love  of  literature.  She  was  only  four  years  old 


WILLIAM   SMITH.  419 

at  the  death  of  her  father,  and  her  brother  was  only  two 
years  old.  William  Laughton  Smith  died  when  he  was 
forty-four  years  old,  cut  oif  in  the  prime  of  his  life  and 
usefulness.  Had  he  lived  he  would  have  risen  higher 
in  public  favor  and  been  more  distinguished  as  a  states 
man.  The  motto  on  his  coat  of  arms  which  is  before 
me  was  "  Fideem  Genusque  Serraho." 


HENRY  LAURENS. 

The  first  permanent  settlement  in  South  Carolina  was 
in  1670.  One  hundred  years  previously,  the  French 
had  made  a  settlement  on  the  Island  of  St.  Helena, 
under  the  auspices  of  Admiral  Caligney,  who  sought  in 
Carolina  an  asylum  for  the  oppressed  Protestants  of 
France.  This  little  colony  was  captured  by  the  Span 
iards,  who  hung  the  prisoners  and  left  a  label  stating 
that  they  were  not  executed  as  Frenchmen,  but  as  her 
etics.  The  French  returned  and  re-captured  the  fort. 
They  then  hung  all  the  Spaniards,  and  stated  that  they 
were  not  executed  as  Catholics  but  as  murderers  and 
robbers.  The  settlement  was  abandoned  by  the  French. 

Governor  Sayle  landed  at  Port  Royal  with  a  few 
followers  in  1670,  and  the  next  year  becoming  dissatis 
fied  with  the  place,  moved  to  the  western  banks  of  the 
Ashley  River,  and  there  laid  the  foundation  of  "  old 
Charlestown."  This  situation  did  not  please  the  settlers, 
and  they  removed  a  second  time  to  "  Oyster  Point "  and 
there  commenced  the  present  city  of  Charleston.  Fif 
teen  or  twenty  years  after  the  planting  of  this  English 
colony  in  South  Carolina,  there  was  a  large  emigration 
from  France  of  Huguenots  who  sought  religious  liberty 
in  the  new  world,  and  landed  in  Charleston.  Amongst 
them  were  many  ancestors  of  the  most  distinguished  fam 
ilies  of  South  Carolina,  viz.:  the  Hugers,  Gaillards, 
Marions,  Laurens,  Legares,  Mazycks,  Manigaults,  Prio- 
leaus,  Postells,  Porchers,  Simons,  Ravenels,  Trezevants, 
etc.  They  settled  mostly  on  the  Santee  River,  and  were 
looked  upon  with  jealousy  by  the  English.  For  some 
years  they  were  not  allowecj  to  vote  or  sit  in  the  Colonial 
Legislature. 
420 


HENRY    LAURENS.  421 

The  family  of  Henry  Laurens's  ancestors  were  amongst 
those  French  refugees  above  named.  They  did  not  go 
to  the  Santee  but  remained  in  Charleston,  as  did  many 
others  who  were  artisans  and  traders.  It  is  stated  in 
Ramsay's  History  of  South  Carolina,  that  they  first  set 
tled  in  New  York.  The  climate  of  South  Carolina  was 
thought  to  be  more  desirable  and  more  like  that  of  the 
home  from  which  they  had  been  exiled.  Nothing  fur 
ther  is  known  of  the  Laurens  family.  Dr.  Ramsay  has 
given  a  sketch  of  Henry  Laurens  and  also  of  his  gal 
lant  son  John  Laurens,  in  his  History  of  South  Carolina, 
but  says  not  one  word  of  Henry's  father.  Inasmuch  as 
Dr.  Ramsay  married  a  daughter  of  Henry  Laurens  he 
could  have  given  some  account  of  his  parents. 

Henry  Laurens  was  born  in  1724  in  the  city  of 
Charleston.  He  was  destined  to  be  a  merchant,  and  his 
education  was  completed  at  private  schools.  Early  in 
life  he  was  placed  in  the  counting-house  of  Thomas 
Smith,  a  merchant  of  Charleston,  and  then  under  the 
superintendence  of  Mr.  Crahatt,  a  merchant  of  London, 
who  had  done  business  in  Charleston.  Under  these 
gentlemen  he  learned  to  be  a  merchant.  He  was  remark 
able  through  life  for  order,  system  and  method,  which 
were  taught  him  by  these  merchants.  When  he  returned 
from  London  he  entered  into  business  with  an  eminent 
merchant  of  Charleston,  and  by  his  attention  to  business, 
practical  good  sense,  punctuality,  caution  and  wisdom, 
he  accumulated  a  very  large  fortune.  He  worked 
hard  himself  and  made  every  one  else  about  him 
work  also.  Like  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  said  the  sun  never 
caught  him  in  bed  summer  or  winter,  Laurens  was  an 
early  riser.  It  is  said  he  required  less  sleep  than  most 
persons,  and  transacted  most  of  his  mercantile  business 
after  night.  He  was  a  model  merchant  for  the  young 
business  men  of  the  city  to  study  and  imitate. 

His  knowledge  of  human  nature  was  said  to  be  per 
fect,  and  he  was  able  to  estimate  every  man  who  dealt 
with  him  at  his  par  value.  He  did  a  large  credit  busi- 


422  HENRY   LAURENS. 

ness  but  made  no  bad  debts.  At  the  expiration  of  his 
partnership,  which  had  continued  twenty-three  years, 
and  embraced  transactions  amounting  to  many  millions 
of  dollars,  he  offered  to  take  all  the  debts  due  the  firm 
as  cash  at  a  discount  of  five  per  cent.  His  style  of 
writing  was  very  superior,  and  he  always  expressed  him 
self  in  strong  and  forcible  language,  which  would  never 
admit  of  any  doubt  as  to  his  meaning.  His  conversa 
tional  powers  were  very  great,  and  always  interesting 
and  adapted  to  the  company  in  which  he  was,  whether 
young  or  old,  grave  or  gay,  men  of  pleasure  or  men  of 
business. 

In  the  character  of  Henry  Laurens  there  was  a  great 
deal  of  the  old  Roman.  His  love  of  justice  was  supreme, 
and  he  was  bold,  fearless  and  disinterested  through  a 
long  and  eminently  useful  life.  He  was  devoted  to  the 
cause  of  his  country,  and  nothing  could  swerve  him 
from  her  interest.  Having  had  the  misfortune  to  lose 
his  wife  in  1771,  who  was  the  sister  of  Chief  Justice 
Rutledge,  he  carried  his  two  sons  to  Europe  to  be  edu 
cated,  and  whilst  there  he  joined  in  a  petition  of  the 
Americans  in  London  addressed  to  the  British  Ministry 
against  the  Boston  Port  Bill.  He  did  all  he  could  to 
check  the  arbitrary  measures  of  Great  Britain  towards 
the  Colonies  and  all  in  vain.  Becoming  satisfied  it  was 
the  purpose  of  the  English  government  to  force  the  col 
onies  into  submission,  he  returned  home  in  1774,  and 
so  proclaimed  to  his  friends  in  Charleston.  The  people 
had  great  confidence  in  his  judgment,  and  began  accord 
ingly  to  make  preparations  to  defend  themselves. 
His  leaving  England  at  this  period  and  coming  to 
share  the  fate  of  his  country  endeared  him  to  his 
fellow-citizens,  and  they  appointed  him  President  of 
the  Committee  of  Safety,  which  exercised  all  power 
in  the  State,  from  the  suspension  of  the  Royal  govern 
ment  to  the  formation  of  a  State  government. 

In  1776,  when  the  Constitution  of  the  State  was 
adopted  and  a  regular  government  organized  under  it, 


HENRY    LAURENS.  423 

Henry  Laurens  was  elected  a  delegate  to  the  old 
Continental  Congress.  His  talents,  worth  and  abili 
ties  were  soon  discovered  and  appreciated  by  that  noble 
band  of  patriots,  and  he  was  elected  President  of  the 
Congress.  Having  been  the  first  and  most  successful  of 
merchants,  he  was  now  ranked  among  the  most  eminent 
of  statesmen  and  patriots.  His  correspondence  whilst 
President  of  Congress  fills  two  large  folio  volumes — 
still  in  manuscript  in  the  archives  of  the  Federal 
Government. 

When  Mr.  Laurens  left  England  for  the  purpose  of 
returning  to  South  Carolina,  he  wrote  his  friend,  Mr. 
Oswald,  who  was  afterwards  one  of  the  commissioners 
on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  to  treat  for  the  independence 
of  the  United  States,  as  follows:  "I  shall  never  forget 
your  friendly  attention  to  my  interest ;  but  I  dare  not 
return.  Your  ministers  are  deaf  to  information,  and 
seem  bent  on  provoking  an  unnecessary  contest.  I 
think  I  have  acted  the  part  of  a  faithful  subject.  I 
now  go,  resolved  still  to  labor  for  peace ;  at  the  same 
time  determined  in  the  last  event  to  stand  or  fall 
with  my  country.7'  He  assured  his  friends  in  Eng 
land  that  the  colonies  would  not  submit  to  the  arbitrary, 
oppressive  and  unconstitutional  exactions  of  the  British 
Parliament, 

In  1778  Mr.  Laurens  resigned  his  seat  in  Congress 
and  was  appointed  Minister  to  Holland.  He  was  cap 
tured  by  a  British  vessel  on  his  way  to  Holland.  He 
threw  his  papers  overboard,  but  they  were  recovered  by 
a  sailor,  and  produced  a  declaration  of  war  on  the  part 
of  England  against  Holland.  Laurens  was  committed 
a  prisoner  to  the  Tower  of  London,  charged  with  high 
treason  as  a  British  subject.  He  was  closely  confined 
and  not  allowed  to  see  any  of  his  friends.  The  use 
of  pen,  ink  and  paper  was  denied  him.  Congress 
offered  to  exchange  General  Burgoyne  for  him,  but  the 
proposition  was  rejected.  He  remained  in  prison  fifteen 
months,  and  until  the  surrender  of  Lord  Cornwallis. 


424  HENRY   LAURENS. 

He  was  fifty-six  years  old,  and  his  imprisonment  had 
greatly  impaired  his  health.  At  length  he  was  admitted 
to  bail,  after  they  had  tried  every  means  of  seducing  him 
from  his  allegiance  to  his  country.  His  reply  was  :  "  I 
will  never  subscribe  to  my  own  infamy  and  the  dishonor 
of  my  children/7  He  was  told  that  Charleston  had 
surrendered,  and  that  the  large  landed  estate  would  be 
confiscated.  He  replied,  "  None  of  these  things  move 
me." 

In  1781  his  son,  John  Laurens,  "the  Bayard  of 
the  South,"  was  in  France  as  the  special  minister  of 
Congress.  He  was  requested  to  write  his  son  to  with 
draw  from  France  and  he  would  be  released.  He 
replied :  "  My  son  is  of  age  and  has  a  will  of  his  own. 
If'I  should  write  him  in  the  terms  you  request  it  would 
have  no  effect.  I  know  him  to  be  a  man  of  honor. 
He  loves  me  dearly  and  would  lay  down  his  life  to 
save  mine ;  but  I  am  sure  he  would  not  sacrifice  his 
honor  to  save  my  life,  and  1  applaud  him  for  it." 
Whilst  in  prison  Mr.  Laurens  was  called  upon  to  pay 
his  wardens  for  attending  on  him.  He  said  :  "  I  will 
not  pay  the  wardens,  whom  I  never  employed,  and 
whose  attendance  I  shall  be  glad  to  dispense  with." 

When  the  time  for.  his  appearance  at  court  drew  near 
he  was  informed  by  Lord  Shelburne  that  he  was  dis 
charged.  He  replied  "  that  he  durst  not  accept  himself 
as  a  gift ;  and  as  Congress  had  once  offered  Lieutenant 
General  Burgoyne  for  him,  he  had  no  doubt  of  their 
now  giving  Lieutenant  General  Earl  Cornwallis  for 
the  same  purpose."  He  had  been  appointed  by  Con 
gress  one  of  the  Commissioners  to  treat  for  peace  and 
the  independence  of  the  United  States.  Lord  Shelburne 
wished  to  have  him  go  to  Paris  in  subserviency  to  the 
British  government.  When  the  recognizance  was  read 
to  him  for  his  bail,  the  words  "our  Sovereign  Lord  the 
King  "  were  repudiated  by  him.  He  said  promptly,  in 
open  court,  "  J\ot  my  sovereign." 

Whilst  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower  of  London  he  had  the 
pleasure  of  hearing  that  the  sword  of  Lord  Cornwallis 


HENRY   LAURENS.  425- 

was  surrendered  to  his  son,  John  Laurens,  who  was  ap 
pointed  by  Washington  to  receive  the  same.  He  went 
to  Paris  after  his  release,  and  there,  with  Dr.  Franklin, 
John  Adams  and  John  Jay,  signed  the  treaty  of  peace 
with  the  commissioners  of  France  and  England.  He 
immediately  returned  to  Carolina,  and  all  honors  were 
tendered  him.  The  Legislature  proposed  to  elect 
him  Governor,  which  lie  declined,  and  he  also  declined 
a  seat  in  Congress.  Without  his  knowledge  he  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  State  Convention  to  consider 
the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  but  he  refused 
to  take  his  seat  in  the  Convention.  His  long  confine 
ment  in  prison  had  impaired  his  health ;  and  the  death 
of  his  gallant  and  distinguished  son,  John  Laurens,  had 
broken  his  spirits,  and  he  ceased  to  take  any  active  part 
in  public  affairs. 

There  was  something  charming,  glorious  and  fasci 
nating  in  the  character  of  Henry  Laurens's  eldest  son, 
John  Laurens,  "  the  Bayard  of  the  South."  He  was 
killed  in  a  little  skirmish  at  the  close  of  the  war  near 
Charleston,  in  the  twenty-seventh  year  of  his  age.  He 
had  been  educated  in  Europe,  and  left  there  at  the  age 
of  nineteen  to  espouse  the  cause  of  his  country.  He 
volunteered  his  services  in  the  Continental  army,  and 
was  soon  taken  by  Washington  into  his  military  family 
as  one  of  his  aids.  Congress  directed  Washington  to 
give  him  the  commission  of  a  colonel  in  the  line,  which 
he  refused  to  accept,  as  it  would  be  doing  injustice  to 
older  officers  to  have  himself  placed  over  them.  How 
disinterested !  and  what  a  high  sense  of  honor  he  had  ! 
When  General  Charles  Lee  made  some  reflections  on 
General  Washington,  John  Laurens  immediately  chal 
lenged  him  and  wounded  him  severely.  Lee  was  asked 
"  how  Laurens  had  conducted  himself."  The  old  vete 
ran  replied :  "  I  could  have  hugged  the  noble  boy,  he 
pleased  me  so."  Honor  was  his  idol,  and  to  that  idol 
he  sacrificed  himself  in  his  youth  by  marrying  a  girl 
unworthy  of  him  in  England.  He  was  in  the  battles  of 


426  HENRY   LAURENS. 

Brandy  wine,  Germantown,  Monmouth,  siege  of  Charles 
ton,  attack  on  Savannah  and  at  Yorktown.  He  was  as 
handsome  and  accomplished  as  he  was  brave  and  honor 
able.  Had  he  lived,  his  talents  and  acquirements  would 
have  made  him  rank  with  the  most  eminent  of  Caro 
lina's  sons  in  the  halls  of  legislation,  in  the  council 
chamber,  and  in  the  courts  of  justice,  as  a  statesman, 
lawyer  and  orator. 

Henry  Laurens  himself  was  a  true  chevalier,  and 
responded  to  several  calls  to  the  field  of  honor,  and 
always  received  the  fire  of  his  antagonist  without 
returning  it.  He  once  induced  a  negro  man  to  be 
innoculated  for  the  small-pox  and  he  died.  On  his 
death-bed  Mr.  Laurens  told  him  that  he%vould  give  his 
children  their  freedom  in  consequence  of  his  compliance 
with  the  unfortunate  directions  of  his  master.  This 
promise  Mr.  Laurens  faithfully  executed  after  the  death 
of  the  unfortunate  man.  Mr.  Laurens's  treatment  of 
his  slaves  was  highly  commendable.  He  made  them 
work  properly,  and  enforced  amongst  them  decency, 
order  and  morality ;  he  fed  and  clothed  well,  and 
freely  contributed  to  their  comforts.  Nor  did  he 
neglect  their  religious  instruction.  He  was  strictly  a 
religious  man  himself — a  constant  attendant  at  church 
on  the  Sabbath,  both  morning  and  evening,  and  a 
regular  communicant. 

Mr.  Laurens  left  one  son  living  at  his  death,  and  I 
think  two  daughters — one  married  Doctor  Ramsay,  the 
historian,  and  the  other  Governor  Charles  Pinckney, 
who  was  Minister  at  the  Court  of  Madrid,  and  contrib 
uted  largely  to  the  formation  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  in  the  Federal  Convention.  Governor 
Pinckney  left  one  son,  Henry  Laurens  Pinckney,  who 
was  a  member  of  Congress  and  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  South  Carolina.  This  son,  with 
whom  I  served  several  years  in  the  Legislature,  bore  a 
striking  likeness  to  his  grandfather,  Henry  Laurens,  in 
his  face,  as  the  grandfather  is  represented  in  his  like- 


HENRY   LAURENS.  427 

nesses.  Governor  Robert  Y.  Hayne's  first  wife  was  a 
granddaughter  of  Henry  Laurens  and  the  daughter  of 
Governor  Charles  Pinckney. 

Mr.  Laurens  died  in  his  sixty-ninth  year,  on  Decem 
ber  8,  1792.  He  lived  to  see  his  country  free  and 
independent,  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  wise  administration  of  the  Gov 
ernment  for  three  years,  under  the  administration  of 
Washington  as  President  of  the  Republic.  Well  may 
South  Carolina  be  proud  of  Henry  Laurens  as  one  of 
her  sons,  eminent  as  a  patriot  and  statesman,  endowed 
with  Roman  virtue  and  Christian  piety. 

In  his  will  he  imperatively  directs  his  son  to  wrap  his 
body  in  twelve  yards  of  tow  cloth  and  burn  it  till  it  is 
entirely  consumed,  and  then  to  collect  his  bones  and 
ashes  and  bury  them  where  he  saw  proper.  This 
request  was  faithfully  executed  by  his  only  surviving 
son,  who  married  a  Miss  Rutledge,  and  had  a  large 
family  of  children. 


G0UVERNEUR  MORRIS. 

This  distinguished  statesman  and  patriot  of  the  Revo 
lution  belonged  to  one  of  the  oldest,  most  numerous 
and  respectable  families  of  New  York  and  New  Jersey. 
Their  great  ancestor,  Richard  Morris,  was  a  distinguished 
leader  in  the  armies  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  and  in  conse 
quence  of  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  he 
came  to  America,  and  purchased  an  estate  near  Harlem, 
containing  three  or  four  thousand  acres,  about  ten  miles 
from  the  city  of  New  York.  This  extensive  domain 
was  invested  with  manorial  privileges  by  the  original 
grant  of  the  Governor,  and  called  Morrisania.  Richard 
Morris  died  in  1673,  leaving  an  only  son  named  Lewis 
Morris,  an  infant,  and  an  orphan,  his  mother  having 
died  a  few  months  before  his  father.  His  uncle,  Lewis 
Morris,  immediately  came  to  America,  and  settled  at 
Morrisania,  taking  charge  of  his  nephew  and  his  estate. 

In  the  life  of  Gouverneur  Morris  by  Jared  Sparks, 
in  three  volumes,  it  is  said  that  "  Lewis,  the  nephew, 
was,  in  his  early  life,  wild  and  erratic."  Having  dis 
pleased  his  uncle  by  some  youthful  extravagance  or 
folly,  he  ran  off  to  the  West  Indies,  and  there  supported 
himself  as  a  scrivener.  He,  however,  soon  returned 
again  to  his  uncle  and  was  received  kindly.  His  uncle, 
having  no  children,  made  him  his  heir.  He  became 
distinguished,  and  was  Chief  Justice  of  New  York,  and 
a  popular  leader  of  the  people  in  their  Assembly  in 
opposition  to  their  Governors.  He  was  also  at  one 
time  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  New 
Jersey  and  Governor  of  that  Province.  He  had  twelve 
children,  four  sons  and  eight  daughters.  We  are  not 
informed  by  Mr.  Sparks  who  his  fruitful  wife  was,, 
nor  the  maiden  name  of  his  mother.  Two  of  his  sons,, 
428 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  429 

Lewis  and  Robert  Hunter,  were  distinguished.  The 
•one  was  Judge  of  Vice- Admiralty  for  New  York,  and 
the  other  Chief  Justice  of  New  Jersey,  and  Deputy 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania. 

Lewis,  the  Judge  of  Vice- Admiralty,  was  the  father 
of  Gouverneur  Morris,  the  subject  of  this  sketch.  He 
had  four  sons  and  four  daughters.  All  of  his  sons  were 
distinguished.  His  eldest,  Lewis,  was  a  signer  of 
the  Declaration  of  American  Independence.  Stoats 
Lang  Morris,  the  second  son,  was  an  officer  of  the 
British  army,  a  member  of  the  British  Parliament,  and 
married  the  Duchess  of  Gordon.  Richard,  the  third 
son,  was  Chief  Justice  of  New  York.  Gouverneur 
Morris,  the  fourth  son,  was  by  a  second  marriage,  which 
marriage  displeased  very  much  the  family,  and  especially 
the  elder  sons.  Here  again  we  are  not  told  who  the 
mother  of  Gouverneur  Morris  was.  The  reader  always 
wishes  to  know  who  the  mother  of  a  great  man  was. 
But  she  was  left  ample  means  by  her  husband,  and 
applied  herself  most  diligently  to  the  management  of 
her  affairs  and  the  education  of  her  son.  In  his  will 
the  father  directs  that  his  son,  Gouverneur  Morris, "may 
have  the  best  education  that  is  to  be  had  in  England  or 
America." 

The  father  of  Gouverneur  Morris  must  have  been 
an  eccentric  man,  from  an  extract  of  his  will  given  in 
Smith's  History  of  New  Jersey.  He  says  in  his  will, 
"  My  desire  is  that  nothing  be  mentioned  about  me,  not 
so  much  as  a  line  in  a  newspaper  to  tell  the  world  I  am 
dead."  It  seems  that  his  father,  the  Governor  of  New 
Jersey,  and  grandfather  of  Gouverneur  Morris,  was  also 
eccentric  and  whimsical  in  his  will.  In  this  last  solemn 
document  he  says  :  "  I  forbid  any  rings  or  scarfs  to  be 
given  at  my  funeral,  or  any  man  to  be  paid  for  preach 
ing  a  funeral  sermon  over  me.  Those  who  survive  me 
will  commend  or  blame  my  conduct  in  life  as  they  think 
At,  and  I  am  not  for  paying  any  man  for  doing  either ; 
but  if  any  man,  whether  churchman  or  dissenter,  in  or 


430  GOUVERNETJR   MORRIS. 

not  in  priests'  orders,  is  inclined  to  say  anything  on  that 
occasion,  he  may,  if  my  executors  think  fit,  to  admit  him 
to  it.  I  would  not  have  mourning  worn  for  me  by  any 
of  my  descendants,  for  I  shall  die  in  a  good  old  age ; 
and  when  the  Divine  Providence  calls  me  hence,  I  die 
when  I  should  die,  and  no  relation  of  mine  ought  to 
mourn  because  I  do  so,  but  perhaps  may  mourn  to  pay 
the  shopkeeper  for  his  goods,  should  they  comply  with 
what  I  think  the  common  folly  of  such  an  example." 

Gouverueur  Morris  was  borne  at  Morrisania  January 
31st,  1752.  His  father  died  when  he  was  twelve  years 
old.  "  When  quite  a  child,"  says  his  biographer,  "  he 
was  put  to  live  in  the  family  of  a  French  teacher  at 
New  Rochelle,  where  he  acquired  the  basis  of  the 
French  language,  which  in  after  life  he  wrote  and  spoke 
with  nearly  as  much  fluency  and  correctness  as  his  na 
tive  tongue."  He  graduated  at  King's,  now  Columbia 
College,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  at  the  age  of  sixteen. 
His  graduating  oration  was  on  "  Wit  and  Beauty," 
which  won  the  applause  of  both  grave  and  gay.  It  was 
a  happy  subject  for  a  commencement  audience,  and  all 
the  elite  and  fashionable  of  the  city  were  present  to  hear 
it.  In  speaking  of  wit,  he  says  :  "  This  choice  gift  is 
one  of  Heaven's  best  boons  to  social  man,  it  makes  the 
charm  of  an  agreeable  companion,  it  enlivens  conversa 
tion,  promotes  innocent  mirth,  and  banishes  that  sable 
fiend,  melancholy,  the  restless  haunter  of  our  inmost 
thoughts."  In  regard  to  Beauty  he  says  : — "  The  forms 
of  beauty,  as  they  exist  in  the  physical  and  moral  world, 
have  been  the  chief  means  of  civilizing  the  human  race, 
and  bringing  man  into  a  state  of  social  order  and  hap 
piness."  A  pretty  good  philosophical  idea  for  a  boy  of 
sixteen. 

His  self-confidence,  says  Mr.  Sparks,  was  one  of  the 
remarkable  features  of  Gouverneur  Morris's  character 
through  life.  "  No  man  had  this  power  in  a  greater 
degree,  nor  exercised  it  with  more  skill  and  effect. 
He  has  often  been  heard  to  say  that  in  his  intercourse 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  431 

with  men  he  never  knew  the  sensation  of  fear  or  inferi 
ority,  of  embarrassment  or  awkwardness."  This  is  a 
very  remarkable  expression  to  come  from  a  well-bred 
and  accomplished  gentleman.  Judge  Huger  knew 
Gouverneur  Morris  intimately,  and  I  think  there  was  a 
connection  between  their  families.  He  has  frequently 
said  to  me  that  he  was  one  of  the  most  graceful  and 
accomplished  gentlemen  he  ever  met,  although  he  had 
but  one  leg;  and  was  a  most  interesting  companion. 
He  had  lived  abroad  a  great  deal,  and  was  a  long  time 
American  Minister  at  Paris  during  the  French  Revolu 
tion.  He  had  seen  much  of  the  highest  and  most  aris 
tocratic  society  of  England  and  France.  He  had  asso 
ciated  with  the  ablest  and  most  learned  and  most  tal 
ented  men  of  Europe.  That  he  never  should  have  felt 
the  sensation  of  fear  or  inferiority,  of  embarrassment,  or 
awkwardness  in  this  intercourse  with  the  world,  is  what  we 
can  hardly  believe.  He  must  have  been  more  or  less 
than  a  well-bred,  sensible  gentleman. 

Gouverneur  Morris  commenced  the  study  of  law  with 
Chief  Justice  Smith,  the  historian  of  New  York,  and 
whilst  pursuing  his  studies  he  took  the  degree  of  Mas 
ter  of  Arts,  and  delivered  an  oration  on  "  Love."  In 
this  oration  he  says  most  truly  and  most  beautifully, 
"It  is  not  a  mere  something  we  are  unacquainted  with 
that  renders  our  natal  soil  so  peculiarly  agreeable,  it  is 
our  friends,  our  relations,  parents,  children,  laws,  reli 
gion.  Aided  by  the  force  of  these  considerations,  reason 
impresses  the  love  of  country  upon  the  heart  of  every 
social  being.  There  is  some  secret  principle  within  us, 
some  innate  tenderness  for  that  spot  where  we  first  drew 
our  breath,  first  saw  the  light,  the  scene  of  our  infant 
joys,  some  gentle  effusion  of  divinity  congenial  with  the 
soul  which  enforces  it  far  beyond  reason." 

At  the  commencement  of  the  American  Revolution 
Gouverneur  Morris  was  a  bold  and  fearless  advocate  of 
independence.  He  wrote  several  able  articles  on 
Finance  when  he  was  only  eighteen  years  old.  He  was 


432  GOTJVERXEUR   MORRIS. 

a  member  of  the  New  York  Congress  for  three  years 
immediately  preceding  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
The  people  of  New  York  were  less  inclined  to  separate 
from  Great  Britain  than  those  of  any  other  province. 
They  hung  back  a  long  time,  and  it  was  only  the 
influence  of  such  men  as  Chief  Justice  Jay,  Alexander 
Hamilton,  the  Livingstons,  Clintons  and  Morrises  that 
brought  them  up  to  the  fighting  point.  Gouverneur 
Morris  made  a  very  long  and  able  speech  in  the  New 
York  Congress  in  favor  of  immediate  independence. 
He  was  on  the  committee  which  drew  up  the  New 
York  Constitution  in  1776. 

In  1777  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Continental 
Congress.  He  served  on  several  of  the  most  important 
committees,  and  one  on  which  the  basis  of  a  peace  was 
reported  and  afterwards  adopted  by  the  English  and 
American  Commissioners. 

Whilst  residing  in  Philadelphia  he  was  thrown  from 
his  carriage  and  his  leg  was  so  badly  fractured  that  it 
had  to  be  cut  oif.  Afterwards,  when  in  Paris,  he  says 
that  the  enquiry  was  frequently  made,  and  once  by 
Madame  de  Stael,  in  what  battle  he  had  lost  his  limb  ? 
He  had  to  confess  that  it  was  not  lost  .in  battle.  But 
on  one  occasion  he  was  riding  in  his  carriage  on  the 
boulevards  of  Paris  when  the  Sans  Cullotte  Republicans 
surrounded  him  and  cried  out,  tf  Aristocrat !  aristocrat !" 
He  saw  there  was  great  danger  of  being  torn  to  pieces 
by  the  mob,  and  he  brought  into  requisition  that  self- 
possession  of  which  he  boasted.  Thrusting  his  wooden 
leg  out  of  the  carriage  he  said,  "  You  call  me  an  aristo 
crat  who  lost  his  leg  fighting  for  American  liberty ! " 
This  satisfied  their  love  of  "  equality  and  fraternity," 
.and  they  huzzaed  for  the  American  citizen. 

In  1780  he  was  chosen  by  Robert  Morris  as  assistant 
financier  for  the  United  States,  and  continued  in  that 
office  for  three  or  four  years.  In  1787  he  was  elected 
.a  member  of  the  Federal  Convention  by  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania  for  the  purpose  of  framing  a  new  const i- 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  433 

tution  for  the  United  States,  and  was  placed  on  the 
committee  which  drafted  the  same.  Mr.  Madison  says 
that  instrument  received  its  finishing  touch  from  the  pen 
of  Gouverneur  Morris.  He  was  an  important  and  able 
and  active  member  of  that  body  throughout  its  session. 

The  mother  of  Gouverneur  Morris  continued  to 
reside  at  Morrisania  during  the  Revolutionary  war 
which  was  within  the  British  lines  after  the  capture  of 
New  York  City.  She  had  not  seen  her  son  for  three 
years  and  became  very  ill.  Gouverneur  heard  of  her 
illness  and  her  wish  to  see  him.  Thereupon  he  applied 
to  the  British  commander  for  permission  to  visit  his 
mother,  which  was  granted.  He  then  asked  permission 
of  the  authorities  in  Philadelphia  to  go  to  his  mother's. 
This  produced  quite  an  excitement,  as  it  was  well  known 
his  mother  was  a  loyalist.  The  opposition  to  his  going 
within  the  lines  of  the  enemy  became  so  strong  that  he  had 
to  abandon  his  contemplated  visit,  and  said  he  would 
sacrifice  the  feelings  of  nature  on  the  altar  of  his  country. 
He  did  not  see  his  mother  till  after  the  close  of  the  war, 
and  an  absence  of  seven  years.  She  died  in  1767,  and 
by  her  death  he  was  entitled  to  ten  thousand  dollars 
to  be  paid  out  of  the  estate.  Morrisania,  the  family 
residence,  was  bequeathed  by  his  father  to  Stoats  Lang 
Morris,  who  resided  in  England,  and  was  a  Brigadier- 
General  and  a  member  of  the  British  Parliament.  He 
came  over  to  America  and  sold  Morrisania  to  his 
brother,  Gouverneur  Morris. 

Gouverneur  Morris  was  a  very  young  man  when  he 
was  elected  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress — not 
more  than  twenty-five  years.  And  yet  we  find  him 
placed  at  the  head  of  several  of  the  most  important 
committees  and  sent  on  a  commission  in  the  winter  of 
1777  to  the  American  army,  then  at  Valley  Forge,  to 
inquire  into  its  condition  and  make  suggestions  for  its 
improvement  and  efficiency.  He  there  formed  the 
acquaintance  of  General  Washington  and  spent  several 
months  with  him.  A  mutual  respect  and  attachment 


434  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS. 

sprung  up  between  them,  which  continued  throughout 
their  lives.  An  interesting  and  important  correspond 
ence  is  given  us,  between  General  Washington  and  Mr. 
Morris,  by  the  biographer  of  the  latter.  Mr.  Sparks 
also  publishes,  in  his  life  of  Morris,  a  very  confidential 
correspondence  between  Morris  and  General  Greene. 
In  one  of  his  letters  to  the  General  he  says,  "  I  say  if 
the  war  continues,  or  if  it  does  not  continue,  I  have  no 
hope,  no  expectation  that  the  government  will  acquire 
force :  and  I  will  go  further,  I  have  no  hope  that  our 
Union  can  subsist  except  in  the  form  of  an  absolute 
monarchy,  and  this  does  not  seem  to  connect  with  the 
taste  and  temper  of  the  people/' 

The  above  expression  was  made  in  1781,  and  Judge 
Johnson,  in  his  life  of  General  Greene,  adduces  it  to 
show  that  Gouverneur  Morris  was  a  monarchist.  At 
that  time,  and  for  several  years  afterwards,  there  were 
a  great  many  of  the  most  distinguished  and  sterling 
patriots  of  the  Revolution  who  entertained  similar  sen 
timents.  Washington  himself  expressed  his  doubts  as 
to  the  ability  of  the  American  people  to  maintain  the 
Republic  which  they  had  established ;  but  he  said  he 
would  sacrifice  his  life  to  see  the  experiment  fairly  tried. 
All  wished  a  republican  form  of  government,  and  it  is 
doing  injustice  to  those  who  doubted  the  experiment,  to 
charge  them  with  being  monarchists.  The  most  ardent 
friends  of  a  measure  are  very  often  doubtful  of  its  success. 

After  the  war  was  over  Mr.  Morris  was  disposed,  like 
Henry  Laurens,  Francis  Marion  and  other  stern,  heroic 
patriots,  to  forgive  the  tories  and  refugees,  and  let  them 
come  back  and  settle  amongst  us.  Morris  said,  writing 
to  a  refugee  friend,  u  I  perfectly  coincide  with  you  in 
opinion,  that  America  is  the  only  country  in  the  world 
whose  social  state  admits  of  the  greatest  portion  of  hap 
piness.  Such  being  my  sentiment,  I  have  commiserated 
the  fate  of  those  who  are  exiled  from  among  us.  My 
political  ideas  are  also  far  from  lessening  the  regret, 
because  I  see  no  necessity  for  the  measure.  Were  this 


GOTJVERNEUR    MORRIS.  435 

a  monarchy  I  would  subscribe  to  it  freely,  because  the 
deposed  and  reigning  families  must  each  have  heredi 
tary  friendships  and  antipathies  among  the  people,  but 
in  a  Republic  it  cannot  be  so.  The  metaphysical  idea 
of  the  State  does  not  so  inhere  in  any  particular  body 
as  to  give  room  for  an  exercise  of  the  dissocial  feel 
ings.  We  may  love  the  country  though  we  hate  the 
king,  but  it  is  not  in  nature  to  hate  the  country,  nor 
can  we  long  dislike  the  government  when  that  gov 
ernment  is  ourselves." 

In  1788  Gouverneur  Morris  went  to  France  on  busi 
ness  connected  with  the  firm  of  Robert  Morris  and  him 
self.  He  carried  letters  of  introduction  from  General 
Washington  and  others,  which  gave  him  access  to  the 
highest  and  most  aristocratic  Parisian  circles.  He  was 
also  acquainted  with  all  the  French  officers  who  had 
served  in  America.  It  would  seem  from  his  interesting 
diary,  that  his  society  was  courted  and  cherished  by 
the  nobility  and  royal  family  of  France,  as  well  as  the 
learned  and  scientific.  He  was  in  Paris  at  the  com 
mencement  of  the  French  Revolution,  and  took  an 
active  part  in  advising  with  General  Lafayette  and 
other  leaders  of  that  terrible  political  storm.  He  saw 
the  dangers  ahead,  and  warned  both  sides  against 
them.  He  gave  most  wholesome  advice  to  his  old  friend, 
General  Lafayette,  which  he  did  not  take,  and  which 
produced  a  temporary  coolness  between  them.  He  also 
advised  with  the  King  and  Queen,  the  Duke  and 
Duchess  of  Orleans,  Talleyrand,  Mirabeau,  Necker, 
Madame  de  Stael,  and  others.  He  saved  the  life  of 
Madame  Lafayette,  and,  had  his  advice  been  taken, 
would  have  saved  the  lives  of  the  King,  Queen  and 
royal  family.  He  furnished  money  to  Louis  Phillippe 
to  make  his  escape  to  America.  He  also  placed  a 
large  sum  of  money  at  the  command  of  Lafayette  and 
his  wife  when  they  were  imprisoned. 

I  will  give  a  few  extracts  from  his  diary :  "  Went 
to  Madame  Chattellux,  Madame  de  Sequer,  and  M.  de 


436  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS. 

Paisequieu  arrived  shortly  after.  In  a  few  minutes  the 
Duchess  of  Orleans,  and  then  more  company.  The 
Duchess  is  affable,  and  handsome  enough  to  punish 
the  Duke  for  his  irregularities." 

"March  2,  1789.— At  three  the  Marshal  de  Castries 
calls  and  takes  me  to  dine  with  Monsieur  and  Mad 
ame  Necker.  In  the  saloon  we  found  Madame.  She 
seems  to  be  a  woman  of  sense  and  somewhat  of  the 
masculine  in  her  character.  A  little  before  dinner, 
Monsieur  enters.  He  has  the  look  and  manner  of 
the  counting-house,  and  being  dressed  in  embroidered 
velvet,  he  contrasts  strongly  with  his  habiliments.  His 
bow,  his  address  say,  '  I  am  the  man/  ' 

"  April  3d. — I  go  to  the  Louvre  on  an  engagement 
with  Madame  de  Flahaut  to  see  the  statues  and  paint 
ings.  She  is  in  bed,  and  her  brother-in-law  in  the 
room  with  her,  so  that  it  appears,  as  she  says,  that  she 
has  forgotten  her  engagement  to  me." 

It  was  the  custom  in  Paris  for  ladies  to  receive  gen 
tlemen  in  their  bed-chambers  whilst  dressing. 

"  If  Monsieur  Necker  is  a  very  great  man  I  am  de 
ceived;  and  yet  this  is  a  rash  judgment.  If  he  is  not 
a  laborious  man,  I  am  also  deceived. 

"I  cannot  help  feeling  the  mortification  which  the 
poor  Queen  meets  with,  for  I  see  only  the  woman  ;  and 
it  seems  unmanly  to  treat  a  woman  with  unkindness." 

"  June  5.  Go  to  Mr.  Houdons.  He  has  been  wait 
ing  for  me  a  long  time.  I  stand  for  his  statue  of  Gen 
eral  Washington,  being  the  humble  employment  of  a 
manakin.  This  is  literally  taking  the  advice  of  St. 
Paul  to  be  all  things  to  all  men."  It  is  said  Gouverueur 
Morris  resembled  Washington  in  his  person.  The  same 
height,  shape  and  bearing. 

"  At  dinner  I  sit  next  to  Monsieur  Lafayette,  who 
tells  me  that  I  injure  the  cause,  for  that  my  sentiments 
are  continually  quoted  against  the  good  party.  I  seize 
this  opportunity  to  tell  him  that  I  am  opposed  to  the 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  437 

Democracy  from  regard  to 'liberty.  That  I  see  they  are 
going  headlong  to  destruction  and  would  fain  stop  them 
if  I  could." 

"July  14.  While  sitting  here  a  person  comes  and 
announces  the  taking  of  the  Bastile,  the  Governor  of 
which  is  beheaded,  and  provost  Des  Marchands  is  killed 
and  also  beheaded.  They  are  carrying  the  heads  in 
triumph  through  the  city  and  dragging  their  naked 
bodies  after  them." 

"Sept.  17.  Go  to  Mr.  Jefferson's.  The  Duke  de 
Rochesecault  comes  in  from  the  States  General,  and  at 
half  past  four,  Lafayette,  when  we  sit  down  to  dinner. 
Jefferson  at  that  time  was  American  Minister  to  the 
Court  of  France  and  had  his  daughters  with  him." 

"Oct.  6.  Paris  is  all  in  a  tumult.  The  Queen  obliged 
to  fly  from  the  bed  in  her  undress  with  her  stockings 
in  her  hand,  to  the  King's  chamber  for  protection,  being 
pursued  by  the  Paissardees. 

"  I  think  that  in  my  life  I  never  saw  such  exuberant 
vanity  as  that  of  Madame  de  Stael  upon  the  subject  of 
her  father.  She  said  wisdom  is  very  rare,  and  that  she 
knows  of  no  one  who  possesses  it  in  a  superlative  degree 
excepting  her  father. 

"  Every  man  is  dear  to  himself.  All  the  world  knew 
Mirabeau  to  be  a  rascal  whtn  Lafayette  connected  him 
self  with  him.  Mirabeau  had  sworn  that  he  would  ruin 
Lafayette. 

"  The  Duchess  of  Orleans  says  she  is  ruined  and 
reduced  from  450,000  to  200,000  livres  per  annum. 
She  tells  me  she  cannot  give  any  good  dinners,  but  if  I 
will  come  and  fast  with  her  she  will  be  glad  to  see  me." 
Poor  woman  with  only  200,000  livres  per  annum ! 

"April  1,  1790.  Mirabeau  died  this  day.  The 
funeral  was  attended  on  the  fourth  by  more  than  one 
hundred  thousand  persons.  It  is  a  vast  tribute  paid  to 
superior  talents.  Vices  both  degrading  and  detestable 
marked  this  extraordinary  being. 


438  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS. 

"  This  morning  I  wait  on  the  Duchess  of  Orleans,  and 
breakfast  in  her  chamber  with  Madame  de  Chautelleux. 
She  reads  to  me  her  letters  to  and  from  the  Duke 
(Egalite)  and  tells  me  the  history  of  their  breach.  She 
says  what  the  world  attributes  to  fondness  in  her  was 
merely  discretion.  She  hoped  to  bring  him  to  a  more 
decent  and  orderly  behavior."  This  is  a  pretty  confes 
sion  for  a  wife  to  make  to  a  stranger,  and  that  wife  the 
mother  of  Louis  Phillippe,  King  of  France. 

Gouverneur  Morris  says  the  first  time  he  saw  Talley 
rand,  Bishop  of  Auteeu,  he  took  him  for  "a  sly,  cool, 
cunning,  ambitious  and  malicious  man." 

I  regret  that  space  will  not  permit  me  to  make  further 
extracts  from  this  most  interesting  diary.  Whilst  in 
Paris  Mr.  Morris  was  appointed  by  Washington  to  go 
to  England  and  inquire  why  the  treaty  with  the  United 
States  was  not  carried  out.  He  was  then  appointed 
plenipotentiary  to  France  in  the  place  of  Jeiferson.  He 
remained  at  the  French  Court  for  several  years,  became 
offensive  to  the  savage  Republicans  after  the  murder  of 
their  king,  and  was  recalled.  He  then  spent  several 
years  in  travelling  over  Europe,  and  returned  to 
America  after  an  absence  of  ten  years.  He  was  imme 
diately  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  by  the  New 
York  Legislature,  and  took  a  high  and  commanding 
position  in  that  body.  Although  a  Federalist,  he  was, 
like  Alexander  Hamilton,  in  favor  of  Jefferson's  elec 
tion  over  Aaron  Burr. 

In  1809,  when  Mr.  Morris  was  bordering  on  three  score 
years,  he  was  married  for  the  first  time  to  "  Miss  Anne 
Carey  Randolph,  a  lady  accomplished  in  mind  and  per 
son,  and  belonging  to  one  of  the  ancient  and  most 
respectable  families  of  Virginia.  To  this  connection, 
although  formed  late  in  life,  he  often  refers  in  his  private 
correspondence  as  a  source  of  continued  satisfaction  and 
happiness."  In  July,  1816,  he  wrote  an  intimate  friend 
in  Europe,  "  I  lead  a  quiet  and,  more  than  most  of  my 
fellow-mortals,  a  happy  life.  The  woman  to  whom  I 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  439 

am  married,  has  much  genius,  has  been  well  educated, 
and  possesses,  with  an  affectionate  temper,  industry  and 
a  love  of  order.  Our  little  boy  grows  finely,  and  is 
generally  admired." 

There  is  a  tradition  connected  with  this  marriage 
which  was  told  me  by  one  of  Mr.  Morris's  relations, 
and  is  as  follows:  One  day  at  Morrisania,  Mr.  Morris 
sent  for  a  few  of  his  relations,  and  told  them  he  was 
going  to  be  married.  They  were  greatly  astonished, 
and  inquired  to  whom  ?  He  stepped  back  into  another 
room,  and  led  out  Miss  Randolph,  who  was  at  that  time 
his  housekeeper,  with  her  sleeves  rolled  up,  and  presented 
her  as  his  betrothed.  But  there  is  another  tradition 
connected  with  this  marriage  still  more  remarkable. 

This  tradition  came  to  the  writer  through  Colonel  Wil 
liam  C.  Preston.  Miss  Randolph  had  been  traduced. 
She  left  Virginia  in  disgrace,  and  wrote  Mr.  Morris 
reminding  him  that  she  had  seen  him  at  her  father's,  and 
begged  to  become  his  housekeeper.  He  said  to  her  when 
they  met,  "  It  will  not  do  for  you  to  become  my  house 
keeper  without  being  my  wife."  Thereupon  he  married 
her.  A  part  of  the  same  tradition  is,  that  John  Ran 
dolph  of  Roanoke,  her  relative,  after  visiting  Mr. 
Morris,  wrote  him  the  whole  scandal.  In  reply  to  this 
cruel  and  infamous  letter,  Mr.  Morris  wrote  her  un 
natural  relative  a  long  withering  letter,  reminding  him 
that  he  had  once  sworn  to  his  belief  of  her  innocence 
in  court.  Colonel  Preston  had  seen  a  copy  of  this  letter, 
and  said  it  surpassed  anything  he  had  ever  read  for 
rebuke,  invective  and  withering  sarcasm. 

Mr.  Morris  had  the  honor  of  first  suggesting  the 
great  Erie  canal,  connecting  the  waters  of  the  lakes  with 
the  Hudson  River.  His  official  and  private  corres 
pondence,  with  his  speeches  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
are  published  in  two  volumes,  and  show  that  he  was  a 
most  wise  statesman,  a  beautiful  and  interesting  writer, 
and  a  sterling  patriot.  In  his  person  Mr.  Morris  was 
tall  and  well-proportioned,  and  of  a  commanding  figure, 


440  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS. 

his  features  oval,  regular,  handsome  and  expressive,  his 
demeanor  frank  and  dignified. 

Madame  de  Damos,  a  French  lady,  intimately  ac 
quainted  with  Mr.  Morris  during  his  residence  in 
France,  says,  in  her  sketch  of  him,  "I  attempt  to 
delineate  the  character  of  a  man  who  so  little  resembles 
other  men  that  one  should  hardly  say  anything  of  him, 
which  has  already  been  said  of  them.  Like  others, 
however,  he  has  virtues,  defects  and  talents,  but  their 
nature,  their  use,  mixture  and  results,  form  a  whole 
entirely  different  from  anything  I  have  seen.  Were  I 
called  upon  to  distinguish  him  by  a  vsingle  trait,  I 
should  say  he  is  good  ;  it  is  this  which  gives  him  the 
first  place  in  all  honest  hearts,  and  entitles  him  to  their 
lasting  admiration  and  gratitude." 

Mr.  Morris  died  November  6,  1816,  sixty-four  years 
old,  and  left  a  remarkable  will  which  should  put  to 
shame  many  a  husband.  He  gives  his  wife  his  whole 
estate  of  Morrisania,  with  all  his  stock,  carriages,  plate, 
furniture  and  twenty-six  hundred  dollars  per  annum 
during  her  life,  and  if  she  married,  six  hundred  dollars 
more  per  annum  "  to  defray  the  increased  expenditures 
which  may  attend  that  connection/'  How  different 
from  other  husbands.  She  was  a  young  woman,  had 
made  him  a  good  and  affectionate  wife,  and  he  was  dis 
posed  to  provide  for  her  handsomely,  whether  she  re 
mained  his  widow,  or  mado  some  other  husband  happy 
by  becoming  his  wife.  But  she  never  married  the 
second  time,  and  no  doubt  this  very  provision  endeared 
to  her  the  memory  of  her  deceased  husband  as  it  should 
have  done.  This  provision  in  his  will  proves  what 
Madame  de  Damos  said  of  him,  he  so  little  resembled 
other  men." 


WILLIAM  HENRY  DRAYTON. 

South  Carolina  has  produced  several  sons  bearing  the 
name  of  Drayton,  whom  she  has  delighted  to  honor, 
and  who  have  honored  her  by  their  talents,  patriotism 
and  statesmanship.  William  Dray  ton,  LL.  D.,  was 
born  in  1733,  and  whilst  South  Carolina  was  a  Province 
of  Great  Britain,  he  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of 
Florida.  During  the  Revolutionary  war  he  was  sus 
pended  from  his  high  office  by  royal  authority,  no  doubt 
on  account  of  his  sympathy  for  his  native  State  and  the 
cause  in  which  the  American  Colonies  were  then 
struggling.  He  returned  to  South  Carolina  and  was 
appointed  successively  Judge  of  Admiralty,  Associate 
Justice  of  the  State,  and  a  Judge  under  the  Federal 
Government.  He  had  been  educated  for  the  Bar,  in 
the  Middle  Temple,  London.  His  son,  William  Dray- 
ton,  was  a  distinguished  lawyer,  and  for  many  years  at 
the  head  of  the  Charleston  Bar.  He  was  successively  a 
member  of  the  Legislature,  Mayor  of  the  city,  a  Repre 
sentative  in  Congress  and  President  of  the  United 
States  Bank.  His  pure  honor,  high-toned  feelings,  and 
great  ability,  have  endeared  his  memory  to  every 
Carolinian.  His  son,  Thomas  F.  Dray  ton,  a  graduate 
of  West  Point,  was  a  Confederate  General  during  our 
late  civil  war.  John  Drayton,  the  son  of  William 
Henry  Drayton,  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  was  Governor 
of  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  a  Doctor  of  Laws  and 
the  author  of  the  "  Memoirs  of  the  American  Revolu 
tion/7  in  two  volumes. 

The  Drayton    family  was   distinguished   in    North- 

hamptonshire,    England  ;     and    Thomas    Drayton,    a 

descendant  of  that  family,  came  to  South   Carolina  in 

1671,    with   Sir  John   Yeoman   and   others,   the  first 

441 


442  WILLIAM    HENRY   DRAYTON. 

settlers  of  the  Province.  His  son,  John  Drayton,  was 
the  proprietor  of  "Drayton  Hall,"  on  Ashley  River, 
near  Charleston.  William  Henry  Drayton  was  his  son, 
born  in  September,  1742,  at  Drayton  Hall.  When  he 
was  eleven  years  old,  he  went  to  England  to  be  edu 
cated,  in  company  with  Charles  Cotes  worth  Pinckney 
and  Thomas  Pinckney,  the  sons  of  Chief  Justice 
Pinckney  of  South  Carolina.  He  prosecuted  his  educa 
tion  for  eight  years  at  Westminster  school  in  London, 
and  then  entered  Oxford  University  where  he  remained 
three  years,  and  was  then  called  home  by  his  father. 
He  continued  to  prosecute  his  studies,  however,  after 
his  return  to  Carolina  with  great  industry.  He  made 
himself  thoroughly  acquainted  with  ancient  and  modern 
history  and  the  law  of  nations.  He  studied,  too,  with 
great  interest,  the  English  Constitution  and  the  rights 
of  the  colonies  under  it  and  their  charters.  His  father 
being  a  gentleman  of  large  estate,  and  William  Henry, 
being  his  eldest  son  and  heir  under  the  law  of 
primogeniture  then  in  force  in  South  Carolina,  he  did 
not  intend  to  bring  him  up  to  any  profession.  But  the 
activity  of  his  mind,  his  talents  and  thirst  for  knowl 
edge,  made  him  unwilling  to  settle  down  as  a  quiet 
country  gentleman.  When  he  was  twenty-two  years 
old  he  married  a  young  lady  of  great  beauty  and 
accomplishments  and  the  possessor  of  a  large  fortune. 

William  Henry  Drayton  was  a  fine  scholar  and 
accomplished  writer,  and  he  soon  began  to  publish 
political  essays  and  pamphlets.  This  involved  him  in 
a  political  controversy  with  that  sterling  prime  mover 
of  the  American  Revolution  in  South  Carolina,  Chris 
topher  Gadsden.  It  is  very  likely  he  was,  in  1769, 
more  moderate  in  his  views  than  Mr.  Gadsden.  He 
returned  to  England  with  his  family,  and  was  intro 
duced  at  the  British  Court,  and  noticed  by  Lord  Sand 
wich,  prime  minister,  and  others  of  the  nobility.  He 
was  appointed  by  the  King  a  privy  counsellor  of  South 
Carolina,  and  afterwards  one  of  the  assistant  judges  of 


WILLIAM    HENRY   DRAYTON.  443 

the  province.  But  these  honors  did  not  in  the  slightest 
alienate  his  love  of  liberty  and  devotion  to  the  rights  of 
his  native  country.  The  Continental  Congress  being 
about  to  assemble  in  1774,  he  wrote  and  published  a 
political  pamphlet  addressed  to  that  body,  in  which  "  he 
chalked  out,"  says  Dr.  Ramsay  in  his  History  of  South 
Carolina,  "  the  line  of  conduct  afterwards  adopted  by 
Congress."  This  caused  his  uncle,  Lieutenant-Governor 
Bull,  to  remove  him  from  His  Majesty's  council,  and 
he  was  soon  superseded  as  one  of  the  assistant  judges  of 
the  province. 

In  1775,  when  the  council  of  safety  was  organized, 
William  Henry  Drayton  was  one  of  its  most  .vigilant 
members,  and  chairman  of  the  secret  committee.  He 
caused  the  provincial  arsenal  and  powder  magazines  to 
be  seized  and  held  for  the  country.  He  also  went  with 
two  or  three  others  and  took  possession  of  the  mails 
which  had  just  arrived  from  England.  In.  this  way  the 
patriots  got  in  possession  of  much  important  informa 
tion  in  regard  to  the  intentions  of  the  British  ministry. 
These  were  bold  measures  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Drayton, 
and  of  great  service  to  the  country. 

When  the  Provincial  Congress  convened  in  1775, 
Mr.  Drayton  was  elected  president  of  that  body,  and 
continued  in  that  important  station  during  the  existence 
of  the  congress.  As  president,  he  issued  an  order  for 
opposing  the  British  navy  and  garrisoning  Fort  Johnson. 
He  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Tenant  were  appointed  to  visit  the 
upper  country  and  explain  to  the  people  the  nature  of 
the  controversy  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies. 
This  mission  they  performed  with  great  success,  and  at 
Ninety-Six  prevented  a  collision  between  the  Whigs  and 
Tories.  The  latter  were  assembled  in  great  force  under 
Colonel  Fletchal. 

In  March,  1776,  before  the  Declaration  of  American 
Independence,  the  State  of  South  Carolina  adopted  a 
Constitution  and  organized  a  new  government.  Mr. 
Drayton  was  elected  Chief  Justice  of  the  State,  and 


444  WILLIAM    HENRY    DRAYTON. 

opened  his  court  in  Charleston  with  an  elaborate  charge 
to  the  Grand  Jury  on  the  condition  of  the  country.  This 
able  and  full  charge  attracted  great  public  attention  both 
in  America  and  England.  He  declared  "  that  George 
III.,  King  of  Great  Britain,  has  abdicated  the  govern 
ment,  and  that  the  throne  is  thereby  vacant ;  that  he  has 
no  authority  over  us,  and  we  owe  no  obedience  to  him." 
This  bold  declaration  was  in  March,  1776,  four  months 
before  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  No  one  was 
more  active  and  zealous  in  the  cause  of  his  country  than 
Mr.  Drayton  ;  and  perhaps  no  one  did  more  to  encour 
age  and  animate  the  timid  and  wavering.  In  order  to 
cross  the  Rubicon  and  set  England  at  defiance,  he  took 
command  of  a  boat,  and  fired  the  first  gun  at  the  Brit 
ish  vessels  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston.  He  wished  to 
make  the  issue,  and  leave  no  ground  for  the  timid  and 
wavering  to  retreat  on  and  hope  for  a  compromise. 

In  October,  1777,  the  Chief  Justice  delivered  another 
admirable  charge  to  the  Grand  Jury.  In  it  he  took 
occasion  to  boast  of  what  South  Carclina  had  done,  by 
way  of  encouraging  the  people  in  the  future  not  to  relax 
in  their  exertions  or  tarnish  the  honor  already  achieved. 
He  said,  "  We  were  the  first  in  America  who  publicly 
denounced  Lord  North's  conciliatory  motion  inadmissi 
ble.  We  raised  the  first  regular  forces  on  the  continent, 
and  for  a  term  of  three  years.  We  first  declared  the 
cause  of  taking  up  arms.  We  originated  the  Council  of 
Safety.  We  were  among  the  first  who  led  the  way  to 
Independence  by  establishing  a  constitutional  govern 
ment.  We  were  the  first  who  made  a  law  authorizing 
the  capture  of  British  vessels  without  distinction.  We 
alone  have  victoriously  pierced  through  and  reduced  a 
powerful  nation  of  Indians." 

The  President,  John  Rutledge,  being  about  to  leave 
the  State,  in  December,  1777,  appointed  William  Henry 
Drayton  President  of  the  State  during  his  absence. 
This  he  was  authorized  to  do  by  an  act  of  the  Provin 
cial  Congress.  In  1778  Mr.  Drayton  was  elected  by  the 


WILLIAM    HENRY   DRAYTON.  445 

'General  Assembly  of  South  Carolina,  a  member  of  the 
Continental  Congress ;  and  he  was  a  most  active  and 
useful  member  of  that  body  till  his  death  in  1779.  He 
opposed  the  conciliatory  bills  of  Parliament  which  had 
been  sent  to  Lord  Howe.  He  published  a  pamphlet  on 
this  subject  "  full  of  argument,  ridicule  and  point/YDr. 
Ramsay  says,  in  his  History  of  South  Carolina.  "  This 
is  supposed  to  be  the  last  offering  made  by  his  pen  in 
favor  of  America.  He  was  a  statesman  of  great  deci 
sion  and  energy,  and  one  of  the  ablest  political  writers 
Carolina  has  produced." 

The  conduct  of  General  Charles  Lee  at  the  battle  of 
Mon  mouth  came  before  Congress,  and  Mr.  Dray  ton 
expressed  himself  in  very  strong  terms  against  General 
Lee.  He  had  previously  in  his  charge  to  the  Grand 
Jury  commented  severely  on  General  Lee's  conduct  in 
being  captured  by  the  British  in  New  Jersey.  In  conse 
quence  of  this  General  Lee  spoke  to  Mr.  Morris  and 
Mr.  Hutson  in  most  denouncing  terms  of  Mr.  Drayton, 
who  reported  his  conversation  to  Drayton.  He  wrote 
General  Lee  if  he  could  be  satisfied  that  he  had  done 
him  injustice — "  those  principles  of  honor  which  must 
make  General  Lee  feel  an  injury,  made  him  feel  even  an 
idea  of  having  done  an  injury — and  impelled  him  to 
make  reparation  where  it  was  due/'  General  Lee  sent 
him  a  challenge,  which  Drayton  refused  to  accept  or 
read.  He  said  that  although  duelling  was  sanctiond  by 
the  military,  it  was  not  by  the  judiciary,  and  as  Chief 
Justice  of  South  Carolina,  "  it  would  be,  in  the  eyes  of 
the  world,  a  public  outrage  on  government,  society  and 
common  decency,  for  him  to  accept  his  cordial  invitation 
to  meet  him  armed  with  pistols  and  sword." 

It  is  said  of  Mr.  Drayton  that  "  his  manners  were 
elegant  and  gentlemanly,  his  virtues  many — his  faults 
few.  His  literary  attainments,  acquired  by  good  talents 
and  an  excellent  education,  are  well  known  here  and  in 
Europe,  where  several  of  his  political  papers  have  been 
admired  and  read  in  different  languages."  He  was, 


446  WILLIAM   HENRY   DRAYTON. 

judging  from  his  likenesses,  a  very  handsome  man,  as 
well  as  "  an  elegant  gentleman  with  polished  manners." 

From  the  time  Mr.  Drayton  was  elected  a  member  of 
the  Continental  Congress  till  his  death,  he  kept  a  minute 
record  of  all  the  proceedings  of  Congress,  and  copied  all 
their  important  state  papers.  This  manuscript  at  his 
death,  in  Philadelphia,  was  considered  of  too  secret  and 
sacred  a  character  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  his  family, 
and  by  them  be  published  to  the  world  •  and  were  con 
sequently  destroyed  by  his  political  friends  after  his 
death.  It  would  seem  that  this  was  a  most  unwarranted 
act,  and  in  character  with  that  breach  of  trust  committed 
by  the  poet  Moore  in  burning  Lord  Byron's  manuscript 
or  memoir  of  his  own  life.  His  history  of  the  Ameri 
can  Revolution  down  to  1779  escaped  the  destruction  of 
the  others,  and  was  published  by  his  son,  Governor 
Drayton,  in  1821. 

Chief  Justice  Drayton  was  eminent  as  a  patriot  and 
writer  as  well  as  a  statesman.  He  was  likewise  distin 
guished  through  life  for  his  zeal,  energy  and  purity  of 
honor  as  a  public  man  and  as  a  private  gentleman. 


CHARLES  PINCKNEY. 

No  statesman  in  South  Carolina  ever  filled  as  many 
high  and  important  positions  in  the  State  and  Federal 
Government  as  Charles  Pinckney,  the  subject  of  this 
brief  memoir.  He  was  four  times  elected  Governor  of 
South  Carolina.  He  served  in  both  the  Colonial  and 
State  Legislatures  for  many  years.  He  was  appointed 
by  the  Legislature  to  represent  the  State  in  the  old 
Continental  Congress.  He  was  a  distinguished  member 
of  the  Federal  Convention  which  framed  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States.  He  was  an  active  member 
of  the  State  Convention  which  adopted  that  Constitu 
tion.  The  people  of  Charleston  elected  him  a  member 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress.  He 
presided  over  the  State  Convention  which  framed  the 
Constitution  of  1790.  He  was  elected  by  the  Legisla 
ture  United  States  Senator.  President  Jefferson  ap 
pointed  him  Minister  to  Spain,  and  he  negotiated  a 
treaty  by  which  the  Spanish  Government  released  all 
claim  which  she  had  to  the  magnificent  territory  ceded 
by  France  to  the  United  States.  Where  is  the  name  of 
another  statesman  in  South  Carolina  whose  record  is  so 
full  of  honors  and  distinctions? 

In  my  sketch  of  General  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinck 
ney,  already  published,  I  gave  some  account  of  the 
Pinckney  family  in  South  Carolina  and  Maryland. 
William  Pinkney,  the  great  and  accomplished  states 
man,  lawyer  and  orator  of  Annapolis,  was  a  branch  of 
the  South  Carolina  family.  Thomas  Pinckney,  the 
progenitor  of  the  family  in  South  Carolina,  emigrated 
from  Lincolnshire,  England,  to  Charleston,  in  1687,  a 
few  years  after  the  first  settlement  of  South  Carolina. 
He  was  a  gentleman  of  large  wealth,  and  built  a  mag- 
447 


448  CHARLES   PINCKNEY. 

nificent  brick  house  in  the  city,  which  is  still  standing 
and  now  nearly  two  hundred  years  old.  He  was  the 
father  of  Charles  Pinckney,  Chief  Justice  of  the  Colony 
under  Royal  Government,  grandfather  of  that  illustrious 
patriot  and  statesman,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney, 
and  great-grandfather  of  Governor  Charles  Pinckney, 
the  subject  of  my  present  sketch.  General  Charles 
Cotesworth  Pinckney  and  Governor  Charles  Pinckney 
were  second  cousins.  In  politics  they  differed  widely, 
— the  one  was  a  high-toned  and  honored  Federalist,  the 
other  was  the  prince  of  Democracy.  This  difference  in 
politics  produced  an  alienation  in  their  families  which 
grew  into  a  contempt  on  the  part  of  the  proud  Federalist 
for  his  Democratic  kinsman.  The  tradition  is  that  the 
family  escutcheon  of  the  General  was  purer  and  brighter 
than  that  of  the  Governor.  For  high-toned  honor, 
firmness  and  exalted  patriotism,  General  Charles  Cotes 
worth  Pinckney  had  no  superior. 

In  the  excited  and  bitter  contest  between  the  Repub 
licans  and  Federalists  for  the  Presidency  in  1800,  Gov 
ernor  Charles  Pinckney  was  active  in  the  support  of 
Thomas  Jefferson  and  Aaron  Burr  against  John  Adams 
and  his  kinsman,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney.  He 
supported  the  administration  of  Jefferson  with  great 
zeal  and  ability  while  he  was  in  Congress,  and  was  re 
warded  for  his  fidelity  to  the  great  Democratic  chief 
by  an  appointment  of  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the 
Court  of  Madrid.  Although  Jefferson  declared  in  his 
Inaugural  Address  that  "we  are  all  Federalists,  all 
Republicans"  yet  he  took  good  care,  as  all  of  his  suc 
cessors  in  the  Presidency  have  since  done,  to  appoint 
none  to  high  Federal  offices  except  his  warm  political 
friends  and  supporters. 

Governor  Charles  Pinckney  was  born  in  Charleston 
in  1758,  and  was  educated  for  the  Bar,  but  he  soon  be 
came  so  much  absorbed  in  politics  that  he  quickly  aban 
doned  his  profession.  It  is  stated  that  he  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  Legislature  under  the  Colonial  Govern- 


CHARLES   PINCKNEY.  449 

ment.     If  so,  he  could  not  have  been  twenty-one  years 
old  when  he  was  elected.     South  Carolina  threw  off  the 
Royal  Government  in  1776  and  formed  a  State  Consti 
tution  for  her  independent  government.    Charles  Pinck- 
ney  was  born  in  1758,  and  consequently  only  eighteen 
or  nineteen  years  old  when  American  independence  was 
declared.     At  the  fall  of  Charleston   he  was  taken  a 
prisoner  and  remained  in  captivity  till  the  close  of  the 
war.     I  am  not  informed  as  to  the  part  he  took  in  the 
Revolutionary  War  previous  to  his  capture  by  the  sur 
render  of  Charleston ;  but  there  is  no  question  that  he 
was  an  active  and  zealous  Whig,  or  he  would  not  have 
been  retained  as  a  prisoner  by  the  British  Government. 
In  the  list  of  confiscated  estates  in  South  Carolina  I  see 
that  of  Charles   Pinckney,  and  have  always  supposed 
that  he  was  the  father  of  Governor  Charles  Pinckney. 
It  often  occurred  in  that  Revolutionary  contest,  as  in 
all  others,  that  fathers  and  sons  espoused  different  sides. 
The  old  were  timid  and  prudent,  and  the  young  bold 
and  ardent,  reckless  of  danger,  and  bent  on  glory  and 
distinction.     The  old  had   fortunes   to  lose,  which  the 
young  had  not.     But  it  is  the  duty  of  all,  in  a  political 
revolution,  to  take  sides  with   their  country,  right  or 
wrong.     Thousands  and  hundreds   of  thousands  acted 
on  this  principle  in  our  late  civil  war,  North  and  South. 
Governor  Charles    Pinckney  married   the   daughter 
of    that   old    Roman   in   character.      Henry    Laurens, 
President  of  the  Continental  Congress,  Minister  to  Hol 
land,  a  captive  State  prisoner  in  the  Tower  of  London 
for  several  years,  and   one  of  the  commissioners  with 
Franklin,  Adams  and  Lee,  who  formed  the  treaty  of 
American  Independence  with  Great  Britain.     Governor 
Charles   Pinckney  was   the   father  of  Henry  Laurens 
Pinckney,   a    distinguished    writer   and   statesman    of 
recent  times.      He   was   also   the  father  of  Governor 
Robert  Y.  Hayne's  first  wife.     He  died  in  1824,  in  the 
sixty-sixth  year  of  his  age.     His  last  political  honor 
was  achieved  over  Judge  Huger  in  1819  for  a  seat  in 


450  CHARLES   PINCKNEY. 

Congress.  The  Judge  was  then  a  young  man,  and  no 
doubt  his  Federalism,  and  the  Republicanism  of  Gover 
nor  Pinckney  told  in  the  contest. 

But  although  Governor  Charles  Pinckney  was  the 
prince  of  democracy  in  his  latter  days,  he  was  not  so 
much  of  a  democrat  in  his  younger  days.  In  the 
Federal  convention  which  framed  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  he  opposed  the  election  of  members 
of  Congress  by  the  people,  and  advocated  their  appoint 
ment  by  the  different  State  Legislatures.  This  was  a 
most  grievous  error  for  a  democrat,  one  who  relied  on 
the  virtue  and  wisdom  of  the  people  for  self-government 
to  have  committed. 

Governor  Charles  Pinckney,  as  I  have  already  said, 
had  more  high  honors  and  distinctions  cast  on  him  than 
any  other  South  Carolinian.  Since  his  death  one  honor 
has  been  attached  to  him  far  and  near,  to  which  he  was 
not  entitled.  It  is  said  that  his  "Plan  of  a  Federal 
Constitution,"  submitted  to  the  convention  on  the  29th 
of  May,  1787,  was  the  model  from  which  was  framed 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  This  is  clearly 
and  unquestionably  an  error,  and  will  appear  most 
obviously  to  any  one  who  will  carefully  read  "  the 
Madison  Papers,"  giving  an  account  of  the  debates  in 
the  Federal  convention  and  Mr.  Madison's  comments 
on  the  same. 

Governor  Pinckney's  "  Plan  of  a  Federal  Constitu 
tion,"  as  now  published,  was  not  the  paper  submitted 
by  him  to  the  convention  on  the  29th  of  May.  It 
contains  principles  and  clauses  which  he  opposed  and 
denounced  in  the  convention  time  and  again  after  his 
plan  had  been  submitted.  It  is  absurd  to  suppose  that 
a  member  of  the  convention  would  oppose  in  debate  the 
very  important  principles  of  government  which  he  him 
self  had  previously  submitted  for  the  adoption  of  the 
convention.  The  plan  now  published  as  Governor 
Pinckney's  was  evidently  copied,  with  slight  alterations, 
from  the  report  of  the  committee  appointed  to  draft  a 


CHARLES   PINCKNEY.  451 

Federal  Constitution.  This  was  after  the  convention 
had  been  discussing  for  months  a  plan  of  Federal  Union. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  Governor  Pinckney  did  submit, 
on  the  29th  of  May,  a  form  of  government  for  the 
United  States,  but  that  paper  is  lost,  and  the  principles 
it  contained  are  unknown.  Edmund  Randolph  of 
Virginia  submitted,  on  the  same  day,  his  celebrated 
resolutions,  fifteen  in  number,  as  to  the  proper  organiza 
tion  of  the  Federal  Government.  He  stated,  that  as 
Virginia  had  taken  the  lead  in  calling  the  convention 
together,  it  was  proper  that  her  representatives  in  the 
convention  should  submit  a  plan  of  government  for  the 
United  States  as  a  substitute  for  the  old  articles  of  con 
federation.  These  resolutions  were  taken  up  seriatim  by 
the  convention  and  discussed  for  months  in  committee  of 
the  whole.  The  plan  submitted  by  Governor  Pinckney 
was  not  alluded  to  in  the  debates.  Finally  the  committee 
made  a  report  to  the  convention.  This  report  was  again 
discussed  in  the  convention,  and  at  last  referred,  with 
the  plan  of  Governor  Pinckney  to  a  committee,  for  the 
purpose  of  drafting  a  constitution. 

The  committee  they  appointed  reported  a  constitution 
for  the  United  States.  This  proposed  constitution  was 
again  discussed,  clause  by  clause,  and  altered  and 
amended  in  convention.  If  any  one  will  compare  the 
published  plan  of  a  constitution  by  Governor  Pinckney 
with  this  report  of  the  committee,  he  will  see  at  once 
that,  with  some  alterations,  the  one  was  copied  from  the 
other.  It  is  certainly  not  likely  that,  after  months  of 
discussion,  the  committee  should  have  adopted  the  plan 
of  government  submitted  by  Governor  Pinckney,  in  his 
own  language,  with  slight  alterations.  Mr.  Madison 
says  in  the  third  volume  of  "  the  Madison  Papers/'  that 
he  took  no  copy  of  Charles  Pinckney's  plan  of  govern 
ment  at  the  time  it  was  submitted  to  the  convention, 
and  that  the  plan  now  published  in  the  debates  was 
handed  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  first  printed  in  1819. 
" There  is,"  says  Mr.  Madison,  "in  the  paper  a  similarity 


452  CHARLES   PINCKNEY. 

in  some  cases,  and  an  identity  in  others,  with  details, 
expressions  and  definitions,  the  results  of  critical  discus 
sions  and  modifications  in  the  convention  that  could  not 
have  been  anticipated."  "Again,  in  several  instances 
where  the  paper  corresponds  with  the  constitution,  it  is 
at  variance  with  the  idea  of  Mr.  Pinckney,  as  decidedly 
expressed  in  his  propositions  and  in  his  arguments,  the 
former  in  the  journal  of  the  convention,  the  latter  in 
the  reports  of  its  debates."  "  In  article  111  it  is  required 
that  all  money  bills  shall  originate  in  the  first  branch  of 
the  Legislature,  which  he  strenuously  opposed  on  the 
8th  of  August,  and  again  on  the  llth  of  August."  "In 
article  5,  members  of  each  House  are  made  ineligible  to 
as  well  as  incapable  of  holding  any  office  under  the 
Union,  a  disqualification  highly  disapproved  and  opposed 
by  Mr.  Pinckney  on  the  14th  of  August,"  "A  still 
more  conclusive  evidence  of  error  in  the  paper  is  seen 
in  article  111,  which  provides  that  the  first  branch  of 
the  Legislature  shall  be  chosen  by  the  people,  whilst  the 
author  opposed  that  mode  of  choice  a  few  days  after  his 
plan  was  submitted,  and  urged  an  election  by  the  Legis 
latures  of  the  several  States." 

It  appears  also  that  after  the  ratification  of  the  con 
stitution  Charles  Pinckney  wrote  Mr.  Madison,  on  May 
28th,  1787,  as  follows:  "Are  you  not,  to  use  a  full 
expression,  abundantly  convinced  that  the  theoretical 
nonsense  of  an  election  of  the  members  of  Congress  by 
the  people  in  the  first  instance,  is  clearly  and  practically 
wrong — that  it  will,  in  the  end,  be  the  means  of  bringing 
our  councils  into  contempt — and  that  the  legislatures  of 
the  States  are  the  only  proper  judges  of  who  ought  to 
be  elected?" 

In  the  second  volume  of  the  Madison  Papers,  it  will 
be  seen  at  page  800  that  Mr.  Pinckney  moved  that  the 
members  of  Congress  should  be  elected  by  the  State 
Legislature,  and  not  by  the  people.  Whilst  his  plan  of 
a  constitution  provides  that  they  shall  be  elected  by  the 
{>eople.  His  plan  was  submitted  on  the  29th  of  May, 


CHARLES   PINCKNEY.  453 

and  his  motion  directly  in  teeth  of  it  was  made  June 
6th.  If  any  one  will  read  the  first  report  of  the  com 
mittee  of  a  constitution,  he  will  see  that  Governor 
Pinckney's  plan,  as  now  published,  was  copied  from  it, 
with  slight  alterations.  How  this  happened-  no  one  can 
now  tell.  Mr.  Madison  attempts  to  explain  the  matter 
by  erasures  and  interlineations. 

When  I  first  saw  "  the  plan  of  a  constitution,"  said 
to  have  been  submitted  by  Charles  Pinckney  soon  after 
the  Federal  convention  met,  its  similarity  to  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States  was  so  striking,  that  I  was 
induced  to  doubt  its  genuineness,  without  ever  having 
heard  it  disputed.  I  had  the  same  unbelief  when  I  saw 
the  Mecklenburg  Declaration  of  Independence,  as  to  the 
authenticity  of  that  paper. 

Governor  Charles  Pinckney,  though  a  very  able 
man,  did  not  take  anything  like  the  participation  in  the 
debates  on  the  Federal  constitution  that  Madison, 
Mason,  Gerry,  Wilson,  Hamilton  and  many  other 
members  did.  In  looking  over  the  debates  in  the 
Federal  convention  a  second  time,  very  recently,  I  was 
struck  with  the  wisdom  and  ability  of  George  Mason  of 
Virginia.  He  was  the  peer  of  any  man  in  that  con 
vention  for  statesmanship  and  wisdom.  In  the  Virginia 
convention  called  for  considering  the  adoption  of  the 
Federal  constitution,  George  Mason  and  Patrick  Henry 
were  its  ablest  opponents.  Edmund  Randolph,  who 
refused  to  sign  the  Federal  constitution  after  it  was 
agreed  on  by  a  majority  of  the  Federal  convention, 
advocated  its  adoption  in  the  Virginia  convention. 


ARTHUR  MIDDLETON. 

No  family  in  South  Carolina  has  produced  more 
distinguished  public  men  than  the  Middletons.  The 
Rutledges  and  Pinckneys  have  given  the  State  greater 
men,  but  not  so  many  of  them.  In  the  course  of  two 
hundred  years,  since .  the  first  settlement  of  South 
Carolina,  there  have  been  six  generations  of  Middletons, 
all  distinguished  in  political  life.  Edward  Middleton. 
the  founder  of  the  family  in  America,  came  to  South 
Carolina  in  1680,  and  was  a  member  of  the  Council 
under  the  Lords  Proprietors,  to  whom  the  Province 
was  granted  by  Charles  II.,  king  of  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland.  His  son,  Arthur  Middleton,  headed  the 
Revolution  of  1719,  and  transferred  the  government  of 
the  Province  from  the  Lords  Proprietors  to  the  crown 
of  England,  and  was  afterwards  appointed  by  the  king 
Governor  of  the  Province.  He  was  elected  President 
of  the  Convention  which  revolutionized  the  Province 
in  1719.  His  son,  Henry  Middleton,  was  President  of 
the  Continental  Congress  in  1775,  and  his  son,  Arthur 
Middleton,  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  was  one  of  the 
signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Henry 
Middleton,  the  son  of  Arthur,  was  Governor  of  South 
Carolina,  a  member  of  Congress,  and  Minister  to  Russia. 
His  son,  John  Izard  Middleton,  was  for  many  years  a 
leading  member  of  the  Legislature  of  South  Carolina 
and  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  Here 
are  six  generations  of  one  family,  lineal  descendants  of 
the  original  founder  of  the  house  in  South  Carolina,  all 
highly  distinguished  for  their  talents,  patriotism  and 
public  services.  Besides  these  six  lineal  descendants, 
there  were  several  other  members  of  the  Middleton 
family  who  were  distinguished.  Thomas  Middleton, 
454 


ARTHUR    MIDDLETON.  455 

the  son  of  the  first  Arthur,  distinguished  himself  as 
colonel  of  a  regiment  in  the  Cherokee  war  of  1761, 
John  Izard  Middleton,  the  son  of  the  second  Arthur, 
was  distinguished  in  Paris  for  his  taste  in  the  fine  arts 
and  his  love  of  poetry  and  music.  He  was  also  the 
author  of  a  work  on  "  The  Cyclopean  Walls,"  which 
showed  his  familiarity  with  classical  literature  and  the 
details  of  art.  Henry  Middleton,  the  son  of  Governor 
Henry  Middleton,  Minister  to  Russia,  was  an  accom 
plished  scholar  and  gentleman,  and  the  author  of  various 
political  essays  and  pamphlets,  published  both  in  Eng 
land  and  in  America. 

Arthur  Middleton,  the  signer  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  was  born  in  1743,  at  "  Middleton  Place," 
the  beautiful  and  magnificent  country  seat  of  the  Mid- 
dletons,  on  Ashley  River,  near  Charleston.  This  taste 
ful,  magnificent  residence,  so  handsomely  adorned  and 
improved,  continued  standing  for  more  than  a  hundred 
years,  and  was  laid  in  ashes  by  the  Goths  and  Vandals 
of  the  Federal  army  during  our  civil  war.  The  destruc 
tion  of  the  works  of  art,  genius,  and  literature  is  a 
disgrace  to  human  nature,  even  in  a  civil  war  or  revolu 
tion.  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  the  greatest  of  conquerors, 
would  rob  and  plunder  for  the  purpose  of  enriching  and 
adorning  his  magnificent  capital,  but  he  never  thought 
of  setting  fire  to  the  Vatican,  or  the  private  residences 
in  his  conquered  empires.  Self-interest  prompts  a  bad 
man  to  steal,  for  he  thereby  enriches  himself,  but  nothing 
but  the  blackest  and  most  diabolical  malignity  can  induce 
one  to  destroy  the  beautiful  works  of  art  and  genius. 

At  the  age  of  fifteen  Arthur  Middleton  was  sent  to 
England  to  be  educated,  as  was  the  universal  habit  of 
the  wealthy  planters  of  South  Carolina  before  the  Rev 
olutionary  war.  He  graduated  at  the  University  of 
Cambridge,  and  spent  two  years  in  travelling  over 
Europe.  On  his  return  to  Charleston  he  became  an 
active,  zealous,  and  prominent  leader  of  the  Revolution. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  Provincial  Con- 


456  ARTHUR    MIDDLETOST. 

gress,  and  the  Committee  of  Safety.  In  the  latter 
capacity  he  was  of  the  greatest  service.  This  committee 
was  composed  of  the  very  best  and  most  patriotic  men 
in  the  country,  but  a  portion  of  them  were  over-prudent 
and  afraid  to  take  any  hazardous  step.  They  required 
such  men  as  Arthur  Middleton,  John  Rutledge  and 
William  Henry  Drayton  and  Charles  Cotesworth 
Pinckney  to  embolden  their  prudence  and  inspire  them 
with  daring  deeds,  such  as  the  Revolution  required  to 
be  successful.  The  truth,  no  doubt,  is  that  a  large  por 
tion  of  the  people  of  South  Carolina  was  at  the  begin 
ning  of  the  Revolution  in  favor  of  a  reconciliation  with 
the  mother  country.  There  was  another  portion  of  the 
people,  as  Botta  says  in  his  "  History  of  the  American 
Revolution/7  in  favor  of  Independence  from  the  com 
mencement  of  the  controversy  between  the  colonies  and 
Great  Britain.  They  were  headed  in  South  Carolina  by 
such  men  as  Christopher  Gadsden,  John  Rutledge, 
Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  Willliam  Henry  Dray- 
ton,  and  Arthur  Middleton.  They  looked  far  beyond 
the  issues  made  by  the  Stamp  Act  and  the  duties  on  tea. 
They  wished  for  the  colonies  to  govern  themselves,  and 
revolted  at  the  idea  of  having  their  Governors,  Judges, 
and  members  of  Council  sent  over  from  England  to 
govern  and  administer  the  laws  for  them.  They  were 
ardent  Republicans,  and  believed  in  the  right  and  wis 
dom  of  every  people  governing  themselves. 

In  1776  Mr.  Arthur  Middleton  was  elected  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Continental  Congress,  and  his  father,  Henry 
Middleton,  a  very  old  man,  who  had  been  President  of 
this  Congress,  retired  to  private  life.  No  one  affixed 
his  signature  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence  with 
more  heart- felt  satisfaction  than  Arthur  Middleton.  He 
and  John  Hancock,  the  President  of  Congress,  became 
very  intimate,  and  lodged  together.  They  were  both 
gentlemen  of  large  fortunes  and  dispensed  a  most  lib 
eral  hospitality,  which  made  their  house  a  place  of 
resort  for  all  the  most  ardent  patriots  of  the  Revolution. 


ARTHUR  MIDDLETON.  457 

Whilst  a  member  of  Congress  he  took  down  in  short 
hand  a  great  many  of  the  important  debates  of  that 
body.  He  himself  was  an  active  participator  in  those 
debates.  His  son,  Governor  Henry  Middleton,  told  me 
that  in  looking  over  these  debates  in  his  father's  hand 
writing  he  was  surprised  to  see  a  speech  of  Madison's 
advocating  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain,  which 
would  have  left  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia  British 
Provinces.  When  he  was  himself  elected  a  member  of 
Congress  many  years  afterwards,  he  mentioned  this 
speech  to  Mr.  Madison  who  was  then  President  of  the 
United  States.  Mr.  Madison  admitted  that  he  had  made 
such  a  speech  and  attempted  to  justify  it  on  the  ground 
that  those  colonies  were  then  conquered  and  under  Brit 
ish  government,  and  the  chance  of  ever  reconquering 
them  almost  hopeless.  A  large  portion  of  the  people  of 
Charleston  had  signed  an  address  to  Lord  Corn  wall  is 
congratulating  him  on  the  conquest  of  the  State. 

In  1778  Mr.  Middleton  declined  the  office  of  Gov 
ernor  of  South  Carolina,  and  entered  warmly  into  the 
defence  of  Charleston.  When  the  city  surrendered,  he 
was,  like  other  prominent  patriots  parolled,  and  in  vio 
lation  of  his  parol  he  was  taken  one  night  with  thirty 
others,  who  had  also  been  parolled,  and  sent  to  Florida. 
There  he  was  confined  in  the  castle  of  St.  Augustine, 
and  thence  transferred  to  the  Jersey  prison  ship.  In 
the  latter  part  of  1780  he  was  exchanged  and  resumed 
his  seat  in  Congress.  He  continued  a  member  of  Con 
gress  till  the  close  of  the  war,  and  was  then  elected  a 
member  of  the  State  Senate.  He  died  in  1787,  in  the 
forty-fourth  year  of  his  age  and  in  the  prime  of  his  life 
and  usefulness.  He  was  not  permitted  to  see  the  Fed 
eral  Government  organized  and  witness  the  glorious 
results  of  his  long  and  laborious  efforts  in  the  cause  of 
his  country. 

Mr.  Arthur  Middleton  left  two  sons  and  two  daugh 
ters,  three  of  whom  I  knew.  His  son,  Governor  Henry 
Middleton,  a  most  interesting  and  courteous  old  gentle- 


458  ARTHUR   MIDDLETON. 

man,  was  elected  one  of  my  colleagues  from  Greenville 
in  the  State  Convention  of  1831.  He  was  a  strong 
Union  man,  had  just  returned  from  Russia  where  he 
had  spent  fifteen  years  as  Minister  of  the  United  States, 
and  was  spending  his  summer  in  Greenville,  where  he 
once  resided  before  his  mission  to  the  Court  of  St. 
Petersburg.  In  my  "  Reminiscences  of  Public  Men," 
I  have  mentioned  Governor  Middleton  and  sketched  his 
character.  One  of  Mr.  Arthur  Middleton's  daughters 
married  Major  Rutledge  of  Tennessee,  and  the  other 
my  old  friend,  Judge  Huger.  His  son,  John  Izard  Mid 
dleton,  lived  and  died  in  Paris,  where  he  married  the 
daughter  of  a  rich  banker  of  Naples.  I  have  already 
stated  that  he  was  a  fine  classical  scholar,  having  gradu 
ated  at  the  English  University  of  Cambridge,  and  that 
he  was  an  author  of  some  reputation  in  Europe. 

The  family  of  the  Middletons  in  England  from 
which  the  American  branch  has  descended,  was  an  old 
aristocratic  family  and  still  exists  as  such  in  that 
Kingdom. 


PIERCE  BUTLER. 

It  is  surprising  how  little  known  this  distinguished 
statesman  is  to  the  present  generation  in  South  Carolina. 
No  memoir  or  sketch  of  him  has  ever  been  written. 
His  name  is  not  mentioned  ever  in  any  encyclopedia  or 
biographical  dictionary,  yet  he  was,  in  his  day  and  time, 
an  eminent  statesman  of  Carolina,  a  prominent  mem 
ber  of  her  Legislature,  an  active  and  conspicuous  dele 
gate  in  the  Federal  Convention  which  framed  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  and  three  times  elected  a 
United  States  Senator. 

Pierce  Butler  was  a  sprig  of  nobility,  an  Irishman  by 
birth,  and  a  member  of  the  noble  house  of  the  great 
Duke  of  Ormond  who  was  educated  by  James  the  First 
of  England,  and  who  proved  himself  a  loyal  adherent 
to  his  son  and  grandson  in  all  the  civil  strifes  and  wars 
of  Great  Britain.  Pierce  Butler  was  a  colonel  in  the 
British  army,  and  sold  his  commission  for  fifteen 
thousand  pounds.  He  then  emigrated  to  America  and 
settled  in  South  Carolina  some  years  prior  to  our  revo 
lutionary  war.  He  married  a  Miss  Middleton,  I  think, 
the  aunt  of  Governor  Henry  Middleton.  He  became  a 
warm  and  active  partisan  in  our  revolutionary  struggle, 
as  all  of  his  countrymen  did,  without  a  single  exception 
known  to  the  writer.  The  Irish  were  known  then  and 
now  for  their  love  of  "liberty  and  hatred  of  oppression. 
And  yet,  few  people  on  earth  have  enjoyed  less  of  the 
one,  or  felt  more  of  the  other,  than  the  Irish  nation. 

When  Judge  William  Smith,  of  South  Carolina,  who 
had  been  a  distinguished  United  States  Senator  for  many 
years,  became  a  candidate  for  the  Legislature  in  York 
District,  he  was  charged  with  great  condescension  and 
want  of  dignity  by  the  Nullifiers,  in  his  humble  aspira- 
459 


460  PIERCE    BUTLER. 

tion ;  he  replied  that  Pierce  Butler,  the  heir  of  the  great 
dukedom  of  Ormond,  after  having  served  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  threw  aside  his  ducal  robes  and  coronets 
and  condescended  to  represent  the  little  Parish  of  Prince 
William  in  the  Legislature  of  South  Carolina.  The 
Judge  regarded  this  illustrious  example  as  a  complete 
vindication  of  his  own  political  course.  I  am  not 
informed  as  to  the  particular  services  rendered  by 
this  illustrious  Irishman  in  our  revolutionary  struggle, 
but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  was  a  very  active 
Whig,  from  the  honors  which  were  paid  him  by  South 
Carolina.  For  some  years  he  was  a  prominent  member 
of  the  Legislature,  then  a  member  of  the  Continental 
Congress,  and  when  the  Federal  Convention  was  called 
to  frame  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Pierce 
Butler,  with  John  Rutledge,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinck- 
ney,  and  Charles  Pinckney,  was  appointed  to  represent 
the  State  in  that  Convention.  His  course  there  and  his 
speeches  in  that  body  show  that  he  was  a  statesman  of 
great  ability,  wisdom,  and  republican  principles. 

When  the  convention  assembled  and  adopted  rules 
for  their  government,  Pierce  Butler  made  an  additional 
rule  to  provide  against  the  absence  of  members,  and  the 
licentious  publication  of  their  proceedings.  He  was 
opposed  to  the  reduction  of  the  powers  of  the  State, 
and  in  favor  of  members  of  Congress  being  elected  by 
the  State  Legislature.  He  favored  two  Houses  of  Con 
gress.  He  opposed  the  election  of  President  by  Congress, 
and  advocated  the  election  by  Electors  appointed  by  the 
Legislature.  He  favored  giving  the  President  power  to 
declare  war.  This  was  one  of  his  kingly  notions.  He 
was  opposed  to  the  frequency  of  Presidential  elections, 
and  voted  for  seven  years.  He  advocated  strongly  a 
single  Executive,  and  showed  the  dangers  of  a  plural 
Presidency.  He  opposed  giving  the  President  an  abso 
lute  negative  on  the  legislation  of  Congress.  He  said, 
in  all  countries  the  Executive  power  constantly  increased,, 
and  a  Catalineor  a  Cromwell  might  arise  in  this  country 
as  well  as  in  others. 


PIERCE    BUTLER.  461 

Mr.  Butler  proposed  that  the  Senators  should  receive 
no  compensation  for  their  services.  John  Rutledge 
concurred  with  him,  and  South  Carolina  and  Connec 
ticut  both  voted  for  it.  Mr.  Madison  thinks  that  their 
purpose  was  for  the  States  to  pay  their  Senators. 

There  was  great  difficulty  in  the  Convention  as  to  the 
representation  of  the  large  States  and  small  States  in 
Congress.  The  latter  were  for  an  equal  representation, 
which  the  former  obstinately  opposed.  Mr.  Butler  pro 
posed  that  the  several  States  should  be  represented  in  the 
Senate  in  proportion  to  their  wealth.  Here  his  aristo 
cratic  education  again  showed  itself.  But  there  is  wis 
dom  in  having  both  numbers  and  property  represented 
in  all  governments.  The  lower  House  should  represent 
population  and  the  upper  House  property.  The  one 
would  be  a  check  on  the  other  and  each  protect  itself. 

Mr.  Madison  moved  in  the  Convention  that  two- 
thirds  of  the  Senate  should  be  allowed  to  make  a  treaty 
of  peace  without  the  concurrence  of  the  President,  and 
Mr.  Butler  seconded  his  motion.  It  was  supposed  that 
.  the  President  might  acquire  so  much  power  and  influence 
in  war  as  to  make  him  impede  a  treaty  of  peace. 

Mr.  Butler  again  contended  that  the  representation  in 
the  lower  House  should  also  be  on  the  basis  of  wealth. 
He  argued  that  property  was  the  only  just  measure  of 
representation.  "  This  was  the  great  object  of  govern 
ment;  the  great  cause  of  war,  the  great  means  of  carry 
ing  it  on."  He  seems  to  have  forgotten  that  liberty  was 
.  also  the  great  object  of  government  and  the  cause  of  war, 
and  that  soldiers  were  more  important  than  money  in 
carrying  on  war. 

Mr.  Butler  was  in  favor  of  excluding  members  of 
Congress  from  holding  office  during  the  term  for  which 
they  were  elected,  and  for  one  year  afterwards.  He 
said,  "  this  precaution  against  intrigue  was  necessary  and 
appealed  to  the  example  of  Great  Britain  where  men  got 
into  Parliament  to  obtain  office  for  themselves  or  their 
friends."  He  argued  that  representation  should  include 


462  PIERCE   BUTLER. 

blacks  as  well  as  whites,  and  that  "  taxation  and  repre 
sentation  should  go  together." 

Mr.  Butler  opposed  any  abridgment  of  the  right  of 
suffrage,  and  said :  "  There  is  no  right  of  which  the 
people  are  more  jealous  than  that  of  suffrage  ; "  in  this 
he  showed  his  wisdom  and  republicanism.  He  contended 
that  representatives  in  Congress  should  be  elected  for 
three  years  instead  of  two.  He  was  decidedly  opposed 
to  the  admission  of  foreigners  into  Congress  without  a 
long  residence  in  the  country.  He  said,  "  foreigners 
bring  with  them,  not  only  attachments  to  other  coun 
tries,  but  ideas  of  government  so  distinct  from  ours,  that 
in  every  point  of  view  they  are  dangerous."  He  acknowl 
edged  that  "if  he  himself  had  been  called  into  public  life 
within  a  short  period  after  his  coming  to  America,  his 
foreign  habits,  opinions  and  attachments,  would  have 
rendered  him  an  improper  agent  in  public  affairs."  This 
was  a  very  frank  admission  for  an  Irish  sprig  of  nobility 
to  make. 

Mr.  Butler  insisted  in  the  Convention  that  members 
of  Congress  should  be  paid  by  the  States  in  order  to 
make  them  feel  their  dependence  on  the  States.  He 
opposed  most  strenuously  the  proposition  of  giving  Con 
gress  the  power  to  tax  exports  "as  unjust  and  alarming 
to  the  staple  States,  and  that  he  never  would  agree  to 
such  power  being  given  Congress."  On  the  clause  to 
exclude  the  Senate  from  originating  money  bills,  Mr. 
Butler  said  he  saw  no  reason  for  such  discrimination. 
"  We  were  always  following  the  British  Constitution, 
when  the  reason  of  it  did  not  apply.  There  was  no 
analogy  between  the  House  of  Lords  and  the  Senate." 

In  regard  to  giving  Congress  the  power  to  "  emit  bills 
of  credit,"  Mr.  Butler  remarked  that  "  paper  was  a  legal 
tender  in  no  country  in  Europe.  He  was  urgent  for 
disarming  the  government  of  such  a  power."  He  thought 
that  the  regulation  of  the  militia  should  be  left  to  Con 
gress  entirely  "as  they  had  the  care  of  the  general 
defence.  Mr.  Charles  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina, 


PIERCE   BUTLER.  463 

proposed  to  give  to  Congress  the  power  to  negative  all 
State  laws.  This  was  a  most  extraordinary  proposition, 
and  it  was  advocated  by  Mr.  Madison,  but  Mr.  Butler 
opposed  it  most  vehemently  and  said  it  was  "  cutting  off 
all  hope  of  equal  justice  to  the  distant  States."  He 
might  have  added  that  it  was  the  destruction  of  all  State 
sovereignty  and  power.  It  is  curious  to  see  how  crude 
the  notions  of  some  of  our  greatest  statesmen  were,  and 
it  is  wonderful  to  think  they  at  last  agreed  on  such  a 
wise  Constitution. 

The  Convention  determined  to  have  one  Supreme 
Court,  and  then  it  was  proposed  to  have  inferior  Federal 
Courts  in  each  State.  Mr.  Butler  thought  the  State 
courts  might  serve  for  inferior  tribunals  under  the  Fed 
eral  government.  In  regard  to  the  ratification  of  the 
Federal  Constitution,  Mr.  Butler  proposed  that  when  it 
was  adopted  by  nine  States  it  should  go  into  operation. 
He  had  no  idea  that  one  or  two  small  States  should 
have  the  power  of  defeating  the  Constitution.  His 
proposition  was  finally  adopted. 

On  the  16th  day  of  January,  1788,  the  Legislature  of 
South  Carolina  took  into  consideration  the  propriety  of 
calling  a  convention  for  the  purpose  of  ratifying  the 
Federal  Constitution,  or  rejecting  it,  as  the  convention 
might  determine.  Pierce  Butler  was  elected  a  member 
of  that  Legislature,  and  he  was  active  and  efficient  in 
urging  on  the  Legislature  the  propriety  of  calling  a 
convention.  The  Federal  Constitution  was  thoroughly 
discussed  by  the  members  of  the  Legislature  for  several 
days  on  the  call  of  a  convention.  Finally  a  vote  was 
taken  and  it  stood:  ayes,  76 — nays,  75.  So  the  con 
vention  was  called  by  only  a  majority  of  one  vote. 
Almost  all  the  distinguished  men  of  South  Carolina 
were  in  this  Legislature. 

The  Convention  convened  on  the  12th  of  May,  and 
continued  in  session  till  the  23d  of  May.  It  seems  that 
Pierce  Butler  was  not  in  the  Convention.  His  Parish, 
Prince  William,  was  unanimous  for  the  adoption  of  the 


464  PIERCE    BUTLER. 

Constitution.  He  may  have  been  elected  and  was  unable 
to  attend.  Almost  all  the  great  men  of  South  Carolina 
were  returned  to  this  Convention,  and  it  is  said,  "  the 
discussion  was  continued  for  eight  days  with  great  bril 
liancy.  Judge  Burke,  Mr.  Bowman,  Dr.  Faysoux  and 
others  discussing  the  abuses  and  misconstructions  of 
which  the  Constitution  was  susceptible ;  Judge  Pendle- 
ton,  General  Pinckney,  and  Harvey  Pringle,  among  many 
other  distinguished  members  enforcing  the  expediency 
and  necessity  of  its  adoption."  It  is  to  be  deeply 
regretted  that  we  have  no  full  report  of  this  discussion. 
Governor  Charles  Pinckney's  speech  is  almost  the  only 
one  given  in  full.  When  the  vote  was  taken  on  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  it  stood:  ayes,  149 — nays, 
73,  and  14  absent. 

After  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution  the 
Legislature  of  South  Carolina  assembled  and  elected 
Pierce  Butler  and  Ralph  Izard  their  first  Senators  to 
represent  the  State  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 
At  the  expiration  of  his  Senatorial  term  in  1793,  he  was  re- 
elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  and  continued  to  serve 
till  December  3d,  1796,  when  he  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
Senate  and  John  Hunter,  of  Laurens  District,  was  elected 
to  fill  his  vacancy.  In  November,  1802,  Pierce  Butler 
was  again  elected  United  States  Senator  in  place  of  John 
Ewing  Calhoun  who  had  died.  He  continued  in  the 
Senate  two  years  after  his  third  election,  when  he  again 
resigned  his  seat,  and  John  Gaillard  was  elected  to  fill 
his  vacancy. 

Whilst  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Butler 
was  one  of  its  ablest  members ;  but  all  the  discussions  in 
that  body  were  with  closed  doors,  and  no  reports  of 
speeches  made  till  the  session  of  1795.  Then  we  find  Mr. 
Butler  making  a  speech  on  the  address  to  the  President. 
He  had  opposed  the  ratification  of  Jay's  Treaty  and  thought 
that  the  address  reflected  on  the  ministry.  He  "could 
not  vote  for  it  without  involving  himself  in  a  palpable 
inconsistency."  Jacob  Read,  his  colleague  in  the  Senate 


PIERCE    BUTLER.  465 

from  South  Carolina,  who  had  voted  for  the  treaty,  made 
a  most  happy  and  admirable  reply  to  Mr.  Butler. 

Again,  on  January  6th,  1796,  we  find  Mr.  Butler 
making  a  speech  on  the  presentation  of  the  French  flag. 
It  seems  that  he  was  more  cordial  towards  the  French 
Republic  than  a  majority  of  the  Senate.  This  was  very 
natural  for  an  Irishman.  In  October,  1803,  Mr.  Butler 
proposed  as  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  that  no 
person  should  be  eligible  to  the  Presidency  for  more 
than  four  years  in  eight.  In  other  words  that  the  Presi 
dent  should  not  be  re-eligible  until  after  the  expiration 
of  four  years. 

In  consequence  of  the  contest  for  the  Presidency 
between  Jefferson  and  Burr,  Congress  determined  to 
alter  the  Constitution  and  require  the  Electors  to  vote 
separately  for  President  and  Vice-President.  In  1803, 
Mr.  Butler  was  chairman  of  the  committee  which  made 
a  report  on  this  subject  to  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States.  But  after  he  had  made  his  report  in  favor  of 
the  change,  he  became  doubtful  of  the  influence  the 
change  would  have  on  the  small  States:  He  began  to 
think  it  would  give  them  less  influence  in  the  election 
than  in  the  original  plan.  In  his  speech  on  the  subject 
he  referred  to  the  republics  of  Greece  and  Rome,  and 
said :  "  Their  history  is  that  of  all  nations  in  similar 
circumstances,  for  man  is  man  in  every  clime,  and  pas 
sions  mingle  in  all  his  actions."  Senator  Tracy,  of 
Connecticut,  repeated  this  expression  and  said  "  it  should 
be  written  in  letters  of  gold !  " 

Many  years  since  I  was  in  conversation  with  Mr. 
Henry  Middleton,  the  son  of  Governor  Middleton,  about 
Pierce  Butler.  He  spoke  of  him  from  tradition  as  "  a 
blundering  Irishman."  If  so,  he  was  a  very  successful 
blunderer,  for  he  blundered  into  one  of  the  first  and 
wealthiest  families  of  South  Carolina,  and  then  into  the 
United  States  Senate.  In  the  latter  part  of  his  life  he 
moved  to  Philadelphia,  and  died  in  1822.  He  left  a 
large  estate  and  two  or  three  daughters,  but  no  sons. 


466  PIERCE   BUTLER. 

This  was  a  sad  misfortune  to  a  proud  scion  of  the  noble 
House  of  Ormond,  who  wished  his  family  name  and 
posterity  to  be  perpetuated.  One  of  his  daughters  mar 
ried  a  gentleman  in  Philadelphia,  and  her  children 
assumed  the  name  of  Butler,  by  direction  of  their  grand 
father's  will.  One  of  her  sons  married  Fannie  Kemble, 
the  authoress  and  actress,  who  separated  from  him  after 
having  had  two  lovely  daughters,  on  account  of  incom 
patibility  of  temper  and  habits.  This  marriage  and 
separation  created  a  great  stir  in  the  aristocratic  circles 
of  Philadelphia.  Mr.  Butler  was  an  accomplished  gen 
tleman  of  large  fortune.  He  fell  desperately  in  love 
with  the  beautiful,  talented,  fascinating  actress,  who 
belonged  to  a  distinguished  family  in  England,  and 
whose  reputation  was  pure  and  unsullied.  But  it  seems 
they  were  not  congenial  spirits.  In  one  of  her  letters  to 
Mr.  Butler  she  said,  "  I  once  loved  you  enough  to  give 
you  my  hand."  But  she  did  not  say  "  my  heart." 

Mr.  Fisher,  of  Philadelphia,  whose  wife  was  a  daughter 
of  Governor  Middleton,  and  a  relation  of  Butler,  seemed 
to  think  he  was  to  blame  for  their  separation.  But 
there  seldom  occurs  a  separation  between  husband  and 
wife  when  both  were  not  to  blame.  Divorces  were  never 
allowed  in  South  Carolina  for  two  hundred  years,  and 
until  the  State  was  dishonored  by  a  carpet-bag  and  scal- 
lawag  and  negro  government.  The  religious  and  moral 
sentiment  of  public  opinion  now  demands  that  this  dis 
graceful  Act  should  be  erased  from  our  statutes. 


JOHN  MARSHALL. 

The  prominence  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  as  a 
Judge,  has  overshadowed  his  eminence  as  a  statesman. 
In  thinking  of  him,  and  speaking  of  him,  the  American 
people  regard  him  only  as  Chief  Justice  of  the  United 
States  and  the  most  illustrious  of  all  our  Judges.  But 
he  was  also  eminent  as  a  statesman,  and  justly  entitled 
to  rank  as  such,  with  Jefferson,  Hamilton,  Madison  and 
their  compeers.  He  was  also  a  great  diplomatist  and 
gallant  officer  of  the  Revolutionary  war.  More  than 
all  this,  he  was  a  sterling  patriot  and  a  man  of  incor 
ruptible  honor,  as  bold  and  fearless  in  civil  life  as  he 
had  been  m  war. 

We  are  told  in  the  lives  of  the  Chief  Justices  of  the 
United  States  that  the  grandfather  of  John  Marshall 
was  born  in  Wales,  and  that  he  emigrated  to  America 
in  1730,  and  settled  in  Westmoreland  county,  Virginia. 
There  he  married  Elizabeth  Markham,  a  native  of 
England.  His  eldest  son,  Thomas,  married  Mary 
Keith,  a  connection  of  the  Randolph  family.  They 
had  fifteen  children,  and  John  Marshall,  the  Chief 
Justice,  was  the  eldest  of  them.  They  moved  from 
Westmoreland  county  to  Fauquier  county  and  settled 
at  a  place  called  Germantown,  where  John  was  born. 
Lord  Fairfax  was  at  that  time  the  proprietor  of  this 
county,  and  he  employed  George  Washington  two  or 
three  years  in  surveying  his  vast  domain,  which  included 
all  the  northern  neck  of  Virginia  as  well  as  Fauquier 
county.  Thomas  Marshall  and  George  Washington 
"  had  been  near  neighbors  from  birth,  associates  from 
boyhood,  and  were  always  friends,"  says  Mr.  Birney,  in 
his  eulogy  on  the  Chief  Justice.  Washington  employed 
him  to  assist  in  surveying  Lord  Fairfax's  lands.  He 
467 


468  JOHN   MARSHALL. 

was  a  practical  surveyor,  a  man  of  great  energy  of 
character  and  vigor  of  intellect.  Although  he  was 
without  the  advantages  of  early  education,  like  his 
friend  Washington,  yet  he  was  a  man  of  great  natural 
ability  and  obtained  very  considerable  mental  culture. 
He  was  well  read  in  history,  poetry  and  general  litera 
ture.  He  was  a  good  mathematician,  and  had  some 
knowledge  of  astronomy.  It  is  said,  too,  he  possessed 
all  the  standard  works  of  English  literature.  He  was  a 
Colonel  in  the  Continental  army,  and  served  all  the 
war  under  the  immediate  command  of  General  Wash 
ington.  In  the  battles  of  Brandywine  and  Monmouth 
he  was  distinguished  for  his  bravery  and  gallantry. 
"  My  father,"  said  the  Chief  Justice  in  after  life,  "  was 
a  far  abler  man  than  any  of  his  sons." 

John  Marshall  was  born  the  24th  of  September, 
1755,  and  soon  after  his  birth,  his  father  moved  east 
of  the  mountains,  where  his  son  grew  up  to  manhood  in 
a  wild  country,  very  thinly  settled.  He  received  no  edu 
cation  till  he  was  fourteen  years  old,  except  what  he 
obtained  at  home  under  the  instruction  of  his  father. 
He  was  studious  and  read  with  great  avidity  Shake 
speare,  Milton,  Dry  den  and  Pope.  At  the  age  of  twelve, 
he  transcribed  the  whole  of  Pope's  Essay  on  Man,  and 
had  memorised  portions  of  his  Moral  Essay.  He 
manifested  a  poetical  turn  of  mind  and  indulged  in  the 
cultivation  of  the  muses.  Throughout  life,  it  is  said,  he 
had  a  fondness  for  poetry,  which  no  one  would  have 
supposed  from  his  dry  logical  mind. 

At  the  age  of  fourteen  he  was  sent  to  school  for  the 
first  time.  There  was  no  school  in  the  wilderness  of 
mountains  where  his  father  had  settled.  He  went  to  an 
academy  in  Westmoreland  county  and  there  stayed  one 
year.  James  Monroe,  President  of  the  United  States, 
was  his  fellow-student.  Little  did  these  raw  country 
lads  then  suppose  that  they  were  to  fill  two  of  the 
highest  offices  in  America.  Lord  Mansfield  says  that 
when  he  started  from  Edinburgh  for  London  on  a 


JOHN    MARSHALL.  469 

little  pony,  he  never  dreamed  of  being  Chief  Justice  of 
Great  Britain.  Marshall  returned  home  and  studied 
the  classic  one  year  longer  at  his  father's  house  under 
the  direction  of  a  Scotchman.  But  in  truth,  it  may  be 
said,  with  a  dictionary  and  grammar  he  educated 
himself. 

He  was  nineteen  years  old  when  the  battle  of  Lexing 
ton  was  fought.  He  was  appointed  Lieutenant  of  a 
militia  company  and  walked  ten  miles  with  his  gun  on 
his  shoulder  to  the  muster  ground.  The  Captain  was 
absent  and  he  drilled  the  company,  told  them  that  there 
had  been  fighting  in  the  North  and  he  expected  to 
volunteer  his  services  and  hoped  that  they  would  do  the 
same.  He  was  dressed  in  a  blue  hunting  shirt,  fringed 
with  pantaloons  of  the  same  cloth.  He  wore  a  round 
hat  with  a  deer's  tail  in  it  for  a  cockade.  After  the 
muster  was  over  he  indulged  in  pitching  quoits  and 
running  foot  races.  Such  was  the  great  Chief  Justice 
of  the  United  States  at  nineteen.  He  marched  with 
his  company  to  the  seaboard  of  Virginia,  and  there 
participated  in  the  first  battle  of  the  Old  Dominion  for 
liberty  and  independence.  He  afterwards  received  the 
appointment  of  Captain  in  the  Continental  Army,  and 
served  under  Washington  till  1780.  He  was  in  the 
battles  of  Brandy  wine,  Monmouth,  Paulus  Hook  and 
others.  He  was  in  the  army  at  Valley  Forge  during 
that  terrible  winter,  when  the  soldiers  were  tracked  in 
the  snow  by  the  blood  on  their  feet. 

In  1780  he  was  sent  home  to  recruit  men  for  filling 
up  the  ranks  of  his  company.  During  this  time  he 
read  law  and  attended  the  lectures  of  Chancellor 
Wythe  and  Bishop  Madison  in  William  and  Mary's 
College.  When  Virginia  was  invaded  by  Arnold,  he 
joined  the  army  again  under  the  command  of  Baron 
Steuben,  and  remained  there  till  the  termination  of  the 
invasion.  He  obtained  a  license  to  practice  law,  and 
soon  rose  to  distinction  at  the  Bar.  In  after  life  he 
modestly  attributed  his  early  success  in  his  profession  to 


470  JOHN   MARSHALL. 

the  influence  and  patronage  of  the  officers  of  the  army 
with  whom  he  had  become  acquainted  during  the 
Revolutionary  war.  He  had  acted  as  Judge  Advocate 
of  the  Brigade  in  which  he  served,  and  this  introduced 
him,  and  made  him  acquainted  with  all  the  officers  of 
the  army.  No  doubt  the  talents  and  ability  he 
displayed  as  Judge  Advocate  satisfied  the  officers  that 
they  could  not,  when  peace  returned,  entrust  their 
business  to  an  abler  lawyer. 

Mr.  Marshall  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Virginia 
Legislature  in  1782,  being  then  twenty-seven  years  old, 
and  in  1874  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  Executive 
Council.  He  was  again  elected  to  the  Legislature  and 
continued  a  member  of  that  body  for  a  number  of 
years.  In  1783  he  was  married  to  Miss  Mary  Willie 
Ambler,  the  daughter  of  the  State  Treasurer,  for  whom 
he  formed  an  attachment  whilst  in  the  army.  They 
lived  together  in  married  life  almost  fifty  years,  with 
uninterrupted  happiness.  When  Mrs.  Marshall  died, 
her  loss  cast  a  gloom  over  the  thoughts  of  the  Chief 
Justice,  from  which  he  never  recovered,  says  Judge 
Story,  his  intimate  friend  and  associate  in  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States. 

Soon  after  his  marriage  Mr.  Marshall  moved  to 
Richmond,  and  devoted  himself  to  his  profession.  But 
the  people  forced  him  to  continue  in  the  Legislature, 
where  he  was  associated  with  Patrick  Henry,  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  Tyler,  Tazewell,  and  President  Madison. 
At  that  time  he  and  Madison  labored  together  in  all 
their  political  views;  but  differed  widely  in  after  life. 
This  difference,  however,  never  produced  any  alienation 
of  mutual  respect  and  friendship.  Judge  Story  says 
"Nothing  could  be  more  touching  to  an  inquiring  mind 
than  to  hear  from  their  own  lips,  in  their  latter  years, 
expressions  of  mutual  respect  and  confidence;  or  to 
witness  their  earnest  testimony  to  the  talents,  virtue, 
and  services  of  each  other."  This  was  not  the  case, 
however,  with  Jefferson  and  Marshall.  In  his  old  age 


JOHN   MARSHALL.  471 

Jefferson  accused  Marshall  of  falsifying  history,  and 
soiling  his  gown  by  his  commentaries  on  the  letter  writ 
ten  by  Jefferson  to  Mazzie.  And  Marshall  said  of 
Jefferson,  that  "the  morals  of  the  author  of  the  letter  to 
Mazzie  cannot  be  pure."  After  the  trial  of  Aaron  Burr 
for  high  treason,  Marshall  and  Jefferson  never  spoke  to 
each  other.  The  greatest  and  best  of  men  will  sometimes 
misunderstand  each  other,  suspect  each  other's  actions, 
expressions  and  motives,  and  fall  out. 

Marshall  was  the  earnest,  fearless  advocate  of  a  better 
and  stronger  Union  than  we  had  under  the  old  articles 
of  confederation,  and  when  the  adoption  of  the  Federal 
Constitution  was  submitted  to  the  Virginia  Convention 
he  was  a  candidate  for  a  seat  in  that  convention.  A 
majority  of  his  constituents  were  opposed  to  the  adop 
tion  of  the  Constitution,  and  they  informed  Marshall 
that  there  would  be  no  opposition  to  him  if  he  would 
pledge  him  to  vote  against  the  adoption.  This  Marshall 
positively  refused  to  do,  and  the  election  was  warmly 
discussed.  His  personal  popularity  secured  his  election. 
The  ablest  and  most  distinguished  men  of  Virginia 
were  members  of  that  convention.  Patrick  Henry, 
George  Mason,  Bland,  Grayson,  Tyler  and  President 
Monroe  were  opposed  to  the  adoption  of  the  Federal 
Constitution.  On  the  other  hand,  Madison,  Marshall, 
Randolph,  Nicholas,  Pendleton,  Wythe  and  Bushrod 
Washington  were  the  advocates  of  its  adoption.  These 
debates  comprise  the  entire  third  volume  of  "Elliot's 
Debates/7  and  although  imperfectly  reported,  show  the 
great  talents  and  ability  of  the  convention.  It  will 
be  seen  by  reference  to  this  work,  that  the  speeches  of 
Marshall  and  Madison  surpass  all  others  that  were 
made,  Patrick  Henry's  and  George  Mason's  not  excepted. 
John  Marshall,  at  that  time,  was  only  thirty-three  years 
old.  The  constitution  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  89  to 
79.  But  for  the  unsurpassed  ability  of  Marshall  and 
Madison  it  would  unquestionably  have  been  rejected. 

Mr.    Marshall  continued   a   member  of  the  Virginia 


472  JOHN   MARSHALL. 

Legislature  till  1794.  He  was  ten  years  one  of  the 
most  prominent  and  active  members  of  that  body, 
and  during  that  time  the  most  important  questions 
affecting  the  State  and  the  national  government  were 
discussed  and  settled.  The  practice  of  Mr.  Marshall 
at  the  Bar  in  1792  rendered  it  impossible  for  him  to 
continue  in  the  Legislature.  He  was  engaged  on  all 
the  leading  cases  in  the  State  and  national  tribunals. 
These  cases  fill  in  a  great  measure  the  two  volumes  of 
Washington's  Reports,  and  are  "proud  monuments  of 
the  professional  fame  of  the  future  Chief  Justice." 

Jay's  treaty  excited  the  whole  nation  in  1796,  and 
party  divisions  ran  higher  than  they  ever  did  before. 
The  Federalists,  with  Washington  at  their  head, 
approved  of  the  treaty,  and  the  Republicans  denounced 
it  in  most  unmeasured  terms.  Marshall  addressed  a 
public  meeting  in  Richmond  approving  the  treaty. 
The  election  for  a  member  of  the  Legislature  came  on 
immediately  afterwards.  There  were  two  opposing 
candidates,  and  Marshall  went  to  the  polls  and  voted 
for  the  one  who  was  his  personal  and  political  friend. 
Some  one  demanded  that  a  poll  be  opened  for  John 
Marshall.  This  Mr.  Marshall  positively  refused  and 
went  off.  No  sooner  had  he  gone  than  a  poll  was 
opened  for  him,  and  he  was  elected  by  a  large  majority 
of  the  voters.  When  the  Legislature  met,  Jay's  treaty 
came  up  for  discussion,  and  Marshall  made  the  greatest 
effort  of  his  genius,  which  at  once  gave  him  a  national 
reputation,  and  placed  him  amongst  the  eminent  states 
men  of  the  Republic.  He  was  re-elected  the  next  year 
a  member  of  the  Legislature,  without  opposition.  He 
went  to  Philadelphia  to  argue  in  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  the  great  case  involving  the  pay 
ment  of  English  debts  which  had  been  confiscated  by 
the  State  of  Virginia.  His  argument  in  this  case  was 
one  of  great  ability  and  learning.  "He  was  followed 
by  crowds,"  says  Wirt,  "  looked  upon  and  courted  with 
every  evidence  of  admiration  and  respect  for  the  great 


JOHN    MARSHALL.  473 

powers  of  his  mind."  He  was  on  the  side  of  the 
debtor  and  gained  the  case  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  the 
United  States,  but  lost  it  in  the  Supreme  Court. 

The  office  of  Attorney-General  of  the  United  States 
was  now  tendered  him  by  President  Washington,  which 
he  declined.  Washington  then  appointed  him  Minister 
to  France.  This  high  position  he  likewise  declined,  and 
General  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  was  appointed  in 
,his  place.  General  Pinckney  was  not  received  by  the 
French  Directory.  Mr.  Adams,  who  was  now  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  made  an  effort  to  prevent  a 
war  between  the  United  States  and  the  French  Republic 
by  appointing  Marshall,  Pinckney  and  Gerry  Ministers 
Extraordinary  to  the  French  Government.  Mr.  Mar 
shall  felt  it  his  duty  to  accept  this  appointment,  and  he 
made  an  address  to  the  French  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  which,  his  biographer  says,  "  will  compare 
favorably  with  the  ablest  diplomatic  correspondence  in 
the  American  Archives."  It  was  a  voluminous  and 
most  elaborate  defence  of  the  American  policy  with 
regard  to  France.  Although  the  mission  was  unsuc 
cessful,  Marshall  acquired  great  popularity  for  his  efforts 
to  adjust  the  difficulties  between  the  two  countries,  and 
on  his  return  he  received  everywhere  the  highest  honors 
for  his  services  in  the  cause  of  his  Government. 

In  1798  the  mind  of  Washington  was  filled  with  the 
most  gloomy  forebodings  of  the  Republic,  and  he  took 
a  deep  interest  in  forcing  into  public  service  the  ablest 
and  best  men  of  the  country.  Marshall  was  invited  to 
Mount  Vernon,  and  Washington  prevailed  on  him  to 
become  a  candidate  for  Congress.  "  After  a  sharp  con 
test  he  was  elected,  and  took  his  seat  in  that  body  in 
December,  1799."  President  Adams  had  tendered  him 
a  seat  on  the  Circuit  bench  of  the  United  States,  which 
he  promptly  declined.  He  entered  Congress  determined 
to  do  his  duty,  and  was  above  all  partisan  feelings.  He 
voted  for  the  repeal  of  the  "  Sedition  Law,"  which  had 
been  passed  at  the  preceding  session.  He  made  a  speech 


474  JOHN    MARSHALL. 

in  defence  of  the  President  for  his  conduct  relative  to 
the  extradition  of  Jonathan  Robins,  which,  Judge  Story 
says,  "  was  one  of  the  most  consummate  judicial  argu 
ments  that  was  ever  pronounced  in  the  halls  of  legisla 
tion."  "  Like  Lord  Mansfield's  answer  to  the  Prussian 
Memorial,  it  was  reponse  SOMS  replique — an  answer  so 
irresistible  that  it  admitted  of  no  reply." 

Immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress  in 
May,  1799,  Marshall  was  appointed  Secretary  of  War. 
He  wrote  to  President  Adams  to  withdraw  the  appoint 
ment,  and  before  he  received  an  answer  he  found  him 
self  appointed  Secretary  of  State.  This  position  he 
accepted,  and  a  more  judicious  appointment  could  not 
have  been  made.  He  was  well  acquainted  with  all  our 
foreign  affairs,  and  conducted  them  with  distinguished 
ability  and  wisdom.  Mr.  Adams  had  had  great  diffi 
culty  with  his  disjointed  cabinet,  as  it  was  termed  ;  but 
after  Mr.  Marshall  came  into  it  all  was  pleasant  and 
agreeable. 

In  February,  1801,  whilst  Secretary  of  State,  Mr. 
Marshall  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  the  United 
States,  in  the  place  of  Ellsworth,  who  had  resigned  ; 
but  he  continued  to  discharge  the  duties  of  Secretary  of 
State  till  the  termination  of  Mr.  Adams's  administration 
on  the  4th  of  March  ensuing.  In  writing  to  Judge 
Story,  John  Quincy  Adams  said  that  his  father's  ap 
pointment  of  Marshall  Chief  Justice  of  the  United 
States,  and  his  declining  the  appointment  of  Associate 
Judge  in  favor  of  Story,  were  enough  to  make  the 
country  grateful  to  them,  if  they  had  done  nothing  else 
during  the  terms  of  their  administration. 

Chief  Justice  Marshall  presided  in  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  thirty-five  years,  and  his  able  and 
learned  decisions  in  that  court  are  a  monument  of  his 
fame  and  wisdom.  I  shall  not  pretend  in  a  sketch  of 
this  kind  to  review  his  judicial  character.  I  speak  of 
him  as  an  eminent  American  statesman,  and  I  hope  that 
I  have  shown  that  he  was  entitled  to  rank  as  such  in  the 


JOHN   MARSHALL.  475 

estimation  of  his  country.  All  the  great  constitutional 
questions  which  have  risen  under  our  complex  form  of 
government  were  decided  by  him.  He  first  decided  the 
power  of  the  Federal  Courts  to  declare  an  act  of  Con- 

§ress    unconstitutional,  and   that   any  legislation  of  a 
tate  in  conflict  with   the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  was  null  and  void. 

The  family  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall  were  all 
remarkable  for  their  talents — brothers  and  sisters, 
fifteen  in  all.  They  are  scattered  over  Kentucky  and 
Virginia,  and  many  of  them  have  risen  to  eminence. 
The  appearance  of  the  Chief  Justice  was  not  remarkable 
or  striking.  He  was  tall  and  slender — over  six  feet ; 
not  graceful,  and  not  having  the  appearance  of  strength. 
He  was  plain  and  affable  in  his  manners  and  negligent 
of  his  dress ;  indeed,  he  looked  like  a  plain,  awkward 
countryman.  It  is  said  in  his  biography  that  he  always 
went  to  market  himself;  and  on  one  occasion  a  fashion 
able  young  gentleman  asked  him  to  carry  home  for  him 
a  turkey,  which  he  did.  The  young  gentleman  then 
offered  him  a  shilling  for  his  services,  which  he  modestly 
declined.  The  young  gentleman  enquired  of  some  one 
who  this  obliging  countryman  was,  and  was  told  he  was 
Judge  Marshall',  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States  ! 

The  following  description  of  him  is  by  William  Wirt, 
then  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States  :  "  He  was 
tall,  meagre,  emaciated ;  his  muscles  relaxed  and  his 
joints  so  loosely  connected  as  not  only  to  disqualify  him 
apparently  for  any  vigorous  exertion  of  body,  but  to 
destroy  everything  like  harmony  in  his  air  or  move 
ments.  Indeed,  in  his  whole  appearance  and  demeanor 
— dress,  attitude,  gesture,  sitting,  standing  or  walking 
— he  is  as  far  removed  from  the  idealised  graces  of  Lord 
Chesterfield  as  any  other  gentleman  on  earth."  John 
Randolph,  the  most  fastidious  and  aristocratic  of  men, 
said  that  "  the  Chief  Justice's  manner  was  perfect  good 
breeding.77  Natural  simplicity,  without  any  pretention 
or  assumption,  is  the  characteristic  of  the  highest  aristo 
cracy  of  England. 


476  JOHN   MARSHALL. 

In  1808  Mr.  Justice  Story  visited  Washington  for 
the  first  time,  then  a  young  lawyer,  and  gave  the  fol 
lowing  description  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall  in  a  letter 
to  a  friend  in  Boston  :  "  He  is  of  a  tall,  slender  figure, 
not  graceful  or  imposing,  but  erect  and  steady.  His 
hair  is  black,  his  eyes  small  and  twinkling,  his  forehead 
rather  low,  but  his  features  are,  in  general,  harmonious. 
His  manners  are  plain  yet  dignified ;  and  an  unaffected 
modesty  diffuses  itself  through  all  his  actions.  His 
dress  is  very  simple,  yet  neat,  his  language  chaste,  but 
hardly  elegant ;  it  does  not  flow  rapidly,  but  it  seldom 
wants  precision.  I  love  his  laugh." 

A  venerable  kinsman  of  the  Chief  Justice  pays  the 
following  tribute  to  his  domestic  virtues: — "  He  had 
no  frays  in  boyhood.  He  had  no  quarrels  or  outbreak- 
ings  in  manhood.  He  was  the  composer  of  strife.  He 
spoke  ill  of  no  man.  He  meddled  not  with  their 
affairs.  He  viewed  their  worst  deeds  through  the 
medium  of  charity.  He  had  eight  sisters  and  six 
brothers,  with  all  of  whom,  from  youth  to  age,  his  inter 
course  was  marked  by  the  utmost  kindness  and 
•affection." 

After  the  death  of  Mrs.  Marshall,  Judge  Story  wrote 
his  wife,  after  visiting  the  Chief  Justice :  "  I  saw 
at  once  he  had  been  shedding  tears  over  the  memory  of 
his  own  wife ;  and  he  said  to  me  he  rarely  goes  through 
a  night  without  weeping  over  her  departure."  u  She 
must  have  been  a  very  extraordinary  woman  so  to  have 
attached  him,  and  I  think  he  is  the  most  extraordinary 
man  I  ever  saw  for  the  depth  and  tenderness  of  his 
feelings." 

Chief  Justice  Marshall,  with  President  Madison  and 
President  Monroe,  was  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Con 
vention  in  1829  for  the  purpose  of  adopting  a  new  Con 
stitution.  In  a  speech  which  he  made  in  that  Conven 
tion  he  uttered  the  following  memorable  words  :  "  I  have 
always  thought,  from  my  earliest  youth  till  now,  that 
the  greatest  scourge  an  angry  Heaven  ever  inflicted  upon 


JOHN   MARSHALL.  477 

an  ungrateful  and  sinning  people  was  an  ignorant,  a 
corrupt,  or  a  dependent  judiciary ." 

It  was  the  fashion  in  times  past  to  compare  Marshall 
with  Mansfield  as  a  judg;e.  But  his  biographer  says  : 
"  The  American  Chief  Justice  is  something  more  than 
a  Mansfield.  Equally  endowed  with  every  moral  as 
well  as  intellectual  attribute  which  can  adorn  the  high 
est  judicial  character,  but  with  a  firmer  temper  and 
a  loftier  courage,  a  more  solid  and  compact  intellect,  a 
more  robust  and  rugged  manhood,  he  stands  before  us, 
if  not  superior  as  a  judge,  yet  greater  as  a  man."  Wil 
liam  Pinkney,  the  most  accomplished  lawyer  the 
American  Bar  ever  produced,  said  that  "  Marshall  was 
born  to  be  the  Chief  Justice  of  any  country  into  which 
Providence  should  have  cast  him."  He  was  a  member 
of  the  Episcopal  Church,  and  died  in  Philadelphia  July 
6th,  1835,  in  his  eightieth  year,  in  full  possession  of 

.his  mental  faculties. 

• 

"  The  great,  the  good,  the  wise, 
Born  for  all  ages,  honored  in  all  skies." 


THEOPHILUS  PARSONS. 

This  intellectual  colossus  of  the  Old  Bay  State  was 
more  eminent  as  a  lawyer  than  as  a  statesman.  His 
soubriquet  was  "  the  giant  of  the  Law."  Mr.  Justice 
Story  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  pro 
nounced  him  "  the  greatest  living  lawyer,  and  head  and 
shoulders  taller  than  any  of  his  co-temporaries."  These 
cotemporaries,  too,  were  such  lawyers  as  Fisher,  Ames, 
Dexter,  Cabot,  Strong,  Alexander  Hamilton  and 
Governor  Sullivan.  But  he  was  also  a  profound  states 
man,  classical  scholar,  mathematician  and  learned  man. 
His  memory  was  as  great  as  his  other  intellectual 
endowments,  and  he  never  forgot  anything  that  he  read  * 
Had  he  devoted  his  wonderful  abilities  to  politics  as  he 
did  to  law  he  would  have  been  among  the  most  eminent 
of  American  statesmen. 

Theophilus  Parsons  was  the  son  of  a  poor  clergyman 
of  Byefield,  Massachusetts,  who  managed  to  support 
himself,  his  wife  and  five  children,  on  a  salary  of  two 
hundred  and  eighty  dollars  per  annum.  What  would 
our  clergy  of  the  present  day  say  to  a  stipend  like  this  ? 
What  would  Parson  Beecher,  a  New  England  man, 
with  an  annual  salary  of  twenty  thousand  dollars  think 
of  this  devout  and  pious  clergyman's  compensation?  On 
his  mother's  side,  who  was  a  most  remarkable  talented 
and  learned  woman,  he  was  the  lineal  descendant  of 
John  Robinson  of  Leyden,  who  projected  the  expedition 
of  the  Pilgrims  in  the  Mayflower  to  Plymouth  Rock, 
and  died  before  he  could  follow  them.  Theophilus  used 
to  boast  of  this  descent,  though  he  was  not  vain  and 
cared  nothing  for  distinction.  It  is  said  he  scorned 
applause  and  popularity,  and  had  no  ambition  for  hon 
ors  or  office.  He  was  born  in  Byefield,  Massachusetts, 
478 


THEOPHILTJS   PARSONS.  479 

on  the  2.4th  of  February,  1750,  and  educated  in  the 
academy  at  that  place  till  he  was  fifteen  years  old.  The 
parson  owned  a  little  farm,  and  no  doubt  Theophilus, 
like  most  New  England  boys  of  that  day,  worked  on  it 
in  the  summer  and  went  to  school  in  the  winter.  His 
extraordinary  capacity  for  learning  and  his  studious 
habits  induced  his  father  to  think  of  sending  him  to 
college.  The  parishioners  contributed  some  of  the  pro 
ducts  of  their  farms  for  this  purpose,  and  he  entered 
Harvard  College  in  1765,  and  graduated  in  1769. 
Judge  Tudor,  who  was  his  classmate  and  chum  and 
friend  for  a  half  century,  says  :  "  He  was  an  insatiable 
student,  and  after  learning  his  lesson  would  turn  for  his 
amusement  to  a  mathematical  problem  or  a  novel  with 
equal  relish." 

In  a  playful  description  of  his  chum,  as  "  Chrysander," 
the  Judge  wrote  as  follows  whilst  they  were  in  college  : 
"  Nature,  when  she  made  Chrysander,  was  unkind  in 
point  of  externals.  But  though  she  left  him  defective 
in  the  trappings  of  person,  that  deficiency  was  amply 
compensated  by  the  bestowment  of  ten  thousand  ami 
able  and  valuable  qualities.  To  a  vivacity  of  fancy  and 
promptitude  of  invention  she  joined  a  penetrating  genius 
and  a  spirit  of  investigation  that  pervaded  her  deepest 
recesses.  With  an  industry  that  difficulties  in vigorated> 
and  a  sagacity  that  nothing  could  elude,  it  is  not  to  be 
thought  strange  that  he  soon  became  familiar  with  the 
whole  circle  of  the  sciences."  The  likeness  of  Chief 
Justice  Parsons,  in  the  frontispiece  of  his  life,  by  his  son, 
would  indicate  that  he  was  left  very  "  defective  in-  the 
trappings  of  person."  His  head  and  face  are  large  and 
rather  ruffian  looking ! 

Daniel  Webster,  whilst  a  law  student,  describes  Chief 
Justice  Parsons  in  his  journal,  as  follows  :  "  Theophi 
lus  Parsons  is  now  about  fifty-five  years  old,  of  rather 
large  stature,  and  inclining  a  little  to  corpulency.  His 
hair  is  brown,  and  his  complexion  not  light.  His  face 
is  not  marked  by  any  striking  feature,  if  we  except  his 


480  THEOPHILUS   PAKSONS. 

eyes.  His  forehead  is  low  and  his  eyebrows  prominent. 
He  wears  a  blue  coat  and  breeches,  worsted  hose,  a 
brown  whig  with  a  cocked  hat.  He  has  a  penetrating  eye 
of  an  indescribable  color.  A  great  scholar  in  everything 
in  his  profession,  he  is  peculiarly  great.  *  *  *  * 
He  has  no  fondness  for  public  life,  and  is  satisfied  with 
standing  where  he  is — at  the  head  of  his  profession." 

His  son  says :  Mr.  Webster  is  mistaken  in  the  color 
of  his  hair,  which  was  black,  and  in  saying  he  had  a  low 
forehead.  He  wore  a  wig  at  that  time  which  was 
brown,  and  concealed  the  height  of  his  forehead.  No 
doubt  his  forehead  was  high,  for  no  great  man  ever  yet 
had  a  low  forehead.  Brains  make  greatness,  and  there 
must  be  a  capacious  forehead  to  hold  them.  Mr.  Web 
ster  says  he  is  a  wit,  but  his  son  says  what  he  remem 
bers  of  his  father,  is  not  ivit,  but  fun.  "  If  ever  a  man 
loved  fun  and  frolic,  he  did.  He  laughed  easily  and 
heartily,  although  often  with  his  mouth  shut,  and 
silently,  he  loved  to  laugh  and  make  others  laugh,  and 
he  knew  how  to  do  it." 

His  son  says  he  could  turn  into  a  laugh  what  might 
have  become  a  quarrel.  He  and  Governor  Sullivan 
had  some  little  war  of  words  in  court,  in  which  Parsons 

at  the  better  of  him.  Sullivan  took  the  broad-brimmed 
t  of  Parsons  whilst  he  was  addressing  the  jury, 
and  wrote  on  it  with  a  piece  of  chalk,  "  This  is  the  hat 
of  a  darned  rascal."  The  bar  saw  it,  and  laughed. 
Parsons  turning  round  picked  up  the  hat  and  said, 
"  May  it  please  your  Honor,  I  crave  the  protection  of 
the  court.  Brother  Sullivan  has  been  stealing  my  hat 
and  writing  his  own  name  in  it."  In  Connecticut  no  man 
was  allowed  to  travel  on  Sunday,  and  Parsons,  who  had 
been  attending  court  at  Hartford,  started  home  Sunday 
morning.  He  was  stopped  by  a  constable,  and  he 
demanded  his  authority,  which  was  produced,  and 
authorized  the  officer  to  stop  him.  Parsons  told  his 
driver  to  get  in  the  carriage,  and  they  would  stop  in 
obedience  to  law.  The  constable  told  him  he  must  go 


THEOPHILUS   PARSONS.  481 

back  with  him.  "  No,"  said  Parsons,  "you  are  author 
ized  to  stop  me  and  nothing  more."  After  waiting  some 
time  the  constable  left  him  and  he  proceeded  on  his 
journey. 

Like  a  great  many  other  great  men,  Parsons  taught 
school  three  years  after  graduating.  In  the  meantime 
he  was  reading  law,  and  admitted  to  the  Bar.  He 
established  himself  at  Suffolk,  now  Portsmouth,  which 
town  was  immediately  afterwards  burned  by  the  British 
army,  and  he  returned  to  his  father's.  Fortunately  for 
him,  Judge  Trowbridge  had  taken  refuge  at  Byefield, 
with  the  best  law  library  in  America.  For  three  years 
Parsons  read  the  Judge's  books,  day  and  night,  and  his 
memory  was  such  that  he  never  forgot  what  he  had  read. 
This  was  during  the  revolutionary  war.  He  established 
himself  after  the  war  ceased  in  Massachusetts,  at  New- 
berry  port,  and  commenced  again  to  practice  law.  His 
learning  and  ability  soon  placed  him  at  the  head  of  his 
profession,  and  his  greatness  was  the  talk  of  the  town. 
One  day,  says  his  son  and  biographer,  Judge  Greenleaf 
told  his  daughter,  Betsey,  who  was  keeping  house  for  him, 
that  he  would  have  some  company  the  next  day  to  dine 
with  them,  and  amongst  others  Mr.  Parsons.  "  What," 
said  Miss  Betsey,  "  that  great  lawyer  about  whom  every 
body  is  talking  ?  I  shall  not  be  able  to  say  a  word  to 
him !  "  "  Never  mind,"  replied  her  father,  "he  can  talk 
enough  for  both  of  you."  Within  twelve  months  from 
that  time  he  and  Miss  Betsey  were  married,  and  she  had 
the  great  lawyer  to  talk  to  all  her  life  !  They  had  twelve 
children,  seven  of  whom  grew  up  to  an  adult  age. 
His  profession  proved  as  fruitful  as  his  wife,  and  he 
made  a  fortune,  lived  sumptuously,  entertained  a  great 
deal  of  company  and  was  happy.  No  doubt  Miss  Bet 
sey  often  looked  back  to  that  terrible  dinner  with  a  great 
deal  of  pleasure.  It  gave  her  a  great,  good  and  loving 
husband,  which  all  young  ladies  would  be  glad  to  have, 
although  some  of  them  may  be  too  modest  to  acknowl 
edge  it. 


482  THEOPHILTJS   PARSONS. 

In  1800  Parsons  moved  to  Boston.  He  was  then 
fifty  years  old,  with  an  overshadowing  reputation  as  a 
lawyer.  He  was  sent  for  all  over  New  England  and 
New  York  to  argue  great  cases  in  the  State  Courts  and 
the  United  States  Court.  He  frequently  met  Alex 
ander  Hamilton  and  Aaron  Burr  on  opposite  sides  to 
him,  and  he  showed  himself  as  a  lawyer  greatly  superior 
to  either  of  them.  Whilst  he  resided  in  Essex  county 
he  took  an  active  part  in  defeating  the  new  Constitution, 
which  had  been  framed  for  the  State  of  Massachusetts, 
and  wrote  the  famous  "  Essex  Result,"  which  showed 
him  to  be  a  profound  statesman.  A  convention  was  then 
called  to  form  another  constitution  and  he  was  elected  a 
member  of  that  convention.  The  State  Constitution 
adopted  was  very  much  the  work  of  his  great  mind. 
When  the  Federal  Constitution  was  submitted  to  the 
people  of  Massachusetts  for  their  ratification,  Parsons 
was  elected  a  member  of  the  convention  before  whom 
the  Constitution  was  laid  for  their  adoption.  A  majority 
of  the  members  were  opposed  to  the  Constitution,  and 
but  for  the  management  and  ability  of  Parsons  it  would 
have  been  rejected.  Samuel  Adams  arid  Governor  Han 
cock  were  both  opposed  to  the  Constitution.  They  were 
States'  Rights  men,  and  the  most  popular  men  in  Massa 
chusetts.  They  thought  the  Federal  Constitution  yielded 
too  much  authority  to  the  general  government,  and 
would  result  in  arbitrary  power  and  destruction  of 
the  State  government.  The  fate  of  the  Federal  Con 
stitution  depended  on  its  adoption  by  Massachusetts. 
This  was  the  opinion  of  Washington,  Madison  and 
other  eminent  statesmen.  If  rejected  by  Massachusetts, 
Virginia  and  New  York  would  certainly  do  the  same 
thing.  All  eyes  were  therefore  turned  to  the  Massa 
chusetts  Convention,  and  the  friends  of  the  Constitution 
waited  with  trembling  anxiety  the  result. 

After  a  discussion  of  every  article  and  section  of  the 
Constitution,  and  when  the  vote  was  about  to  be  taken, 
Parsons  drew  up. several  amendments,  and  placed  them 


THEOPHILUS   PARSONS.  483 

in  the  hands  of  Governor  Hancock  to  submit  to  the 
convention.  This  gratified  the  vanity  of  the  Governor 
and  gave  him  an  opportunity  of  playing  mediator 
between  the  Federalists  and  anti-Federalists  or  Repub 
licans  as  they  were  afterwards  called.  These  amend 
ments  were  most  formally  submitted  by  Hancock, 
and  Samuel  Adams  agreed  to  them.  If  they  had 
been  oifered  by  Parsons,  a  strong  Federalist,  they  would 
not  have  been  considered  satisfactory  to  the  anti-Federal 
party.  This  drafting  the  amendments  by  Parsons  was 
kept  a  profound  secret.  Hancock  was  applauded  by 
both  parties,  and  became  the  popular  idol  of  Massachu 
setts.  Most  of  these  amendments  were  ratified  by  the 
States,  and  became  a  part  of  the  Federal  Constitution. 
It  may  then  with  truth  be  said  that  this  great  lawyer, 
Parsons,  had  the  Federal  Constitution  ratified,  and  but 
for  his  ability  and  management  it  would  not  have  been 
adopted  by  nine  States. 

Parsons  cared  nothing  more  for  popularity  than  he 
did  for  the  whistling  of  the  wind.  He  had  no  ambition 
and  despised  applause  and  flattery.  President  Adams 
tendered  him  the  Attorney-Generalship  of  the  United 
States,  which  he  declined  to  accept.  His  acceptance 
would  have  required  him  to  live  in  Washington.  In 
1806,  Chief  Justice  Dana  resigned  his  office  and  imme 
diately  Judge  Parker  and  Judge  Sewell  went  to  Gover 
nor  Strong  and  urged  him  to  appoint  Mr.  Parsons  Chief 
Justice,  without  consulting  him,  and  they  thought  if  he 
would  do  so,  they  could  prevail  on  Parsons  to  accept  the 
office.  At  that  time  Parsons's  practice  was  worth  ten 
thousand  dollars  in  cash,  and  it  was  known  that  he  had 
an  aversion  to  holding  any  office.  But  his  friends  made 
him  think  that  a  sense  of  public  duty  required  him- to 
accept  the  Chief  Justiceship.  It  would-occupy  too  much 
space  to  give  their  reasons.  Parsons,  too,  was  getting 
old,  and  had  thought  of  retiring  from  the  Bar,  and  giv 
ing  advice  at  Chambers.  He  was  finally  prevailed  on 
to  accept  the  appointment,  and  he  continued  to  discharge 


484  THEOPHILTJS   PAKSONS. 

the  duties  of  this  high  office  till  his  death  in  1813,  with 
great  honor  to  himself  and  State.  It  is  said  his  appoint 
ment  gave  the  highest  satisfaction  to  the  people, 
to  the  Bar  and  the  Judges,  except  Judge  Sedge- 
wick,  who  thought  he  was  entitled  to  the  appointment 
himself.  Judge  Sedgewick  had  been  a  long  time  on  the 
bench,  and  had  once  been  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  of  the  United  States. 

His  biographer  says  Parsons  "was  not  eloquent,  and 
could  not  be,  although  he  was  exceedingly  fluent,  and 
had  much  power  of  rich  and  varied  expression."  Why 
then  was  he  not  eloquent  when  occasion  called  for  elo 
quence?  He  entertained  the  opinion  that  eloquence  was 
a  great  hindrance  to  a  lawyer,  and  of  no  great  value 
anywhere.  "  One  reason  for  this  opinion,"  says  his 
biographer,  "  was  probably  his  want  of  that  love  of 
admiration  and  applause  which  those  who  philosophize 
about  these  things  consider  a  principal  source  and  stim 
ulus  of  eloquence.  These  were  never  desired  by  him, 
and  indeed  he  sometimes  avoided  them,  and  manifested 
his  disgust  for  them  in  a  rude  and  peremptory  way." 
It  is  said  he  never  delivered  an  oration  or  an  address, 
or  made  a  speech  in  his  life,  excepting  in  court,  or  in  a 
legislative  assembly.  He  was  purely  intellectual  and 
without  ambition.  A  rare  man  in  this  American 
Republic ! 

Chief  Justice  Parsons,  with  all  his  amiability  of  dis 
position,  was  sometimes  very  rude  to  the  members  of 
the  Bar,  but  he  always  passed  it  off  pleasantly .  Amongst 
many  instances  given  in  his  life,  I  will  mention  one : 
Tristam  Burgess  was  a  gentleman  of  the  old  school,  and 
made  his  appearance  in  court  in  silk  stockings,  lace 
ruffles  and  powdered  hair.  He  was  an  old  personal 
friend  of  the  Chief  Justice,  and  rose  to  argue  his  case  to 
the  jury.  The  points  of  the  case  were  called  for  by  the 
Court.  In  reply,  Burgess  stated  the  first.  The  Chief 
Justice  said :  "  That  is  no  point  at  all,  Brother  Burgess. 
Have  you  another?"  "Yes,  your  Honor,"  and  he 


THEOPHILUS    PARSONS.  485 

stated  it.  "You  have  not  a  particle  of  evidence  for 
that  point,  as  you  very  well  know,  Brother  Burgess. 
What  other?"  The  same  remark  was  made  to  all  the 
points.  Mr.  Burgess  said :  "  May  it  please  your 
Honor,  I  think  I  have  a  very  good  case,  and  believe  I 
can  satisfy  the  jury  of  it."  His  Honor  replied:  "A 
very  good  case  you  may  have,  but  unfortunately  there 
is  no  evidence  offered  to  support  before  the  jury."  Mr. 
Burgess  gathered  up  his  papers  most  indignantly  and 
walked  out  of  court  whilst  the  Judge  was  charging  the 
jury.  He  commenced  haranguing  the  crowd  in  the 
court-yard  about  the  tyranny  of  the  Chief  Justice,  and 
called  on  them  to  rise  up  and  stop  the  court,  or  their 
liberties  were  lost.  Just  at  this  point  the  Chief  Justice 
passed  out  of  Court  and  stopped  to  listen  to  Mr.  Bur 
gess.  The  crowd  were  amused  and  commenced  laugh 
ing.  The  Chief  Justice  stepped  up  to  him  and  said  : 
"  Brother  Burgess,  if  you  get  through  in  time  I  wish 
you  to  come  and  dine  with  me  !"  Burgess  paused  and 
said :  "  I  give  it  up,  I  give  it  all  up,"  and  took 
the  Judge's  arm.  They  had  a  very  pleasant  dinner. 

The  memory  of  Chief  Justice  Parsons  was  most  ex 
traordinary,  except  in  recalling  names.  He  could  re 
member  the  principle  decided  in  a  case,  and  repeat  it, 
but  he  could  not  tell  the  name  of  the  case.  He  remem 
bered  everything  about  it  but  the  names  of  the  parties. 
Very  often  he  would  miscall  the  names  of  his  guests  at 
his  table.  On  one  occasion  a  dignified  old  lady,  who 
prided  herself  on  her  family  and  was  dressed  in  the 
height  of  fashion,  and  whose  name  was  "  Mrs.  Sevon," 
the  Chief  Justice  addressed  her  as  "  Mrs.  Schooner/' 
This  mortified  Mrs.  Parsons  very  much,  and  she 
exclaimed :  "  Good  heavens,  Mr.  Parsons,  what  are  you 
thinking!" 

His  son  says  the  Chief  Justice  "  was  inattentive  to 
his  dress  to  the  last  degree,  and  scarcely  seemed 
to  know  what  he  had  on  or  how  it  was  put  on,  and  was 
as  much  under  the  constant  supervision  of  my  mother 


486  THEOPHILUS   PARSONS. 

as  one  of  her  younger  children.  She  often  went  with 
him  on  the  circuit,  and  said  if  she  did  not  go  with  him 
he  would  not  be  dressed  fit  to  be  seen."  On  one  occa 
sion  he  took  the  circuit  without  his  wife,  and  was  to  be 
gone  seven  days.  She  packed  his  trunk  for  him 
and  put  in  it  seven  clean  shirts,  and  requested  him  not 
to  forget  to  put  one  on  every  day.  He  returned,  and 
on  looking  into  his  trunk  she  found  no  shirts,  and  said 
to  him,  "  What  has  become  of  them  ?"  He  replied : 
"  You  told  me  to  be  sure  and  put  one  on  every  morn 
ing,  and  I  suppose  they  are  on  my  back.  I  obeyed 
your  instructions."  This  gave  rise  to  the  story  that  he 
had  actually  come  home  with  seven  shirts  on  his  back, 
and  the  story  was  told  and  believed  all  over  New  Eng 
land  ;  but,  in  fact,  the  shirts  had  been  stowed  away 
somewhere  else. 

Chief  Justice  Parsons  was  a  religious  man  all  his  life, 
but  he  never  joined  any  church  till  towards  the  close  of 
his  earthly  career.  He  then  became  a  communicant  of 
the  Unitarian  Church.  He  was  utterly  opposed  to  the 
Calvinistic  doctrine,  vicarious  punishment  and  salvation 
by  faith  alone.  He  was  a  strict  observer  of  the  Sab 
bath,  although  he  seldom  went  to  church  till  he  became 
a  member.  He  was  hypochondriacal  in  his  old  age,  and 
imagined  himself  troubled  with  a  great  many  ailments. 
His  use  of  tobacco  was  excessive;  he  smoked,  snuffed 
and  chewed,  either  one  or  the  other,  all  the  time,  except 
when  in  court.  But  in  his  old  age  he  quit  the  use  of 
tobacco  altogether.  When  he  did  so,  he  carried  around 
the  circuit  with  him  a  box  of  fine  cigars  to  prove  that  it 
was  not  necessity  or  the  want  of  cigars  which  prevented 
his  smoking. 

Personally  he  had  no  enemies,  but  politically  many 
bitter  ones.  He  was  a  strong  Federalist,  or  conserva 
tive,  as  he  called  himself,  and  hated  Radicalism.  His 
celebrated  essay,  called  the  "  Essex  Result,"  is  a  pro 
found  philosophical  disquisition  on  government,  and 
shows  him  to  be  as  true  a  Republican  and  friend  of 
constitutional  liberty  as  ever  breathed. 


THEOPHILUS   PARSONS.  487 

The  Massachusetts  reports  are  his  best  monument  as 
a  lawyer  and  judge.  His  decisions  whilst  Chief  Justice 
will  compare  with  those  of  the  most  eminent  judges  of 
England  or  any  other  nation.  He  was  the  great  oracle 
of  the  common  law — had  thoroughly  studied  it  and 
mastered  it.  He  was  all  his  life  as  hard  a  student  as 
any  one  could  be.  He  took  no  exercise  and  was  a  very 
hearty  eater,  which  brought  on  indigestion  and  hypo 
chondria.  All  great  men,  as  well  as  all  other  men,  have 
their  faults  and  lack  of  prudence  in  some  things.  He 
was  learned  in  all  -the  languages,  in  all  literature  and  in 
every  science.  He  was  a  prodigy  in  wisdom,  learning 
and  purity,  and  yet  his  wife  had  to  take  care  of  him  as 
she  did  one  of  her  younger  children. 

In  his  person  he  was  tall  and  slender  in  early  life, 
but  afterwards  became  stout  and  rather  corpulent.  His 
eyes  were  a  striking  feature  in  his  face,  and  never 
winked  whilst  looking  at  you.  Chief  Justice  Marshall 
had  the  same  kind  of  eyes,  and  it  is  said  his  steady  gaze 
at  a  prosy  lawyer,  without  winking,  frequently  silenced 
him  !  This  was  said  by  the  great  William  Lowndes  to 
the  son  and  biographer  of  Chief  Justice  Parsons. 

The  son's  life  of  his  father  is  an  extremely  interesting 
book.  The  author  has  inherited  a  good  deal  of  his 
father's  talents,  and  has  distinguished  himself  as  a 
writer.  He  was  in  1859  Professor  of  Law  in  Harvard 
University.  His  mother,  "  Miss  Betsey  Green  leaf," 
who  "  could  not  say  a  word  to  the  great  lawyer  about 
whom  everybody  was  talking,"  was  a  charming  and 
talented  lady,  and  made  "  the  great  intellectual  col 
ossus"  a  loving  and  model  wife,  u  taking  care  of  him  as 
she  did  of  her  younger  children,"  and  riding  the  circuit 
with  him  to  see  that  he  was  always  genteelly  dressed ! 
Next  to  dressing  herself  nicely  and  with  taste,  a  wife 
likes  to  see  her  husband  well  dressed.  Jefferson  said 
that  as  persons  grew  older  and  lost  the  freshness  of 
youth,  they  should  pay  more  attention  to  their  dress. 
There  is  great  wisdom  and  good  sense  in  the  remark  of 
the  sage  of  Monticello. 


ROGER  SHERMAN. 

This  distinguished  statesman  and  sterling  patriot,  like 
President  Andrew  Johnson, commenced  life  a  mechanic. 
Johnson  was  bound  to  a  tailor  when  a  boy,  and  Sher 
man  apprenticed  to  a  shoemaker.  They  both  continued 
to  work  at  their  respective  trades  several  years  after 
they  became  of  age.  Neither  of  them  had  any  educa 
tion,  or  property,  or  influential  friends,  and  yet  they 
both  rose  to  eminence  and  were  distinguished  for  their 
talents,  learn  ing  and  virtues.  Benjamin  Franklin  com 
menced  his  illustrious  life  as  an  apprenticed  printer,  and 
Langdon  Cheves,  one  of  the  greatest  and  purest  of 
American  statesmen,  commenced  his  career  in  a  shop, 
belonging  to  his  father,  on  Sullivan's  Island.  George 
McDuffie,  whom  Colonel  Benton  pronounced  "  more  elo 
quent  than  Demosthenes  in  his  prime/7  was  a  clerk  in 
a  store  in  Augusta  till  he  was  a  man  grown.  Andrew 
Jackson,  the  hero  of  New  Orleans,  and  President  of  the 
United  States,  worked  some  time  at  the  saddler's  trade. 
President  Lincoln  was  splitting  rails  and  rowing  a  boat 
on  the  Mississippi  till  he  was  a  man  grown.  General 
Grant  was  a  tanner's  boy  before  he  went  to  West  Point. 
And  Nathaniel  Greene,  a  much  greater  General,  hero 
and  patriot,  was  a  Quaker  blacksmith  till  he  entered 
the  American  Revolution.  I  might  mention  many,  very 
many  others,  illustrious  in  life,  who  commenced  as 
humble  as  Roger  Sherman,  the  shoemaker. 

This  remarkable  man,  eminent  as  a  Judge  and  Sena 
tor,  was  born  in  Massachusetts,  April  19,  1721,  fifteen 
years  after  the  birth  of  the  printer  Franklin,  in 
the  same  State.  He  was  bound  an  apprentice  to  a 
shoemaker  by  his  father,  when  a  little  boy.  He  con 
tinued  to  work  at  his  trade  till  he  was  twenty- 


ROGER   SHERMAN.  48 91 

two  or  three  years  old,  and  supported  his  widowed 
mother  and  her  younger  children.  During  all  this 
time  he  was  most  diligently  reading  and  studying 
whenever  he  had  leisure  to  do  so.  He  was  particularly 
fond  of  the  study  of  mathematics,  and  made  great  pro 
gress  in  that  science.  He  afterwards  became  county 
surveyor,  like  George  Washington,  and  made  astrono 
mical  calculations  for  an  almanac,  published  in  New 
York. 

In  1743,  when  he  was  twenty-two  years  old,  he 
moved  to  Connecticut  and  joined  his  elder  brother  in 
keeping  a  little  shop.  There  he  read  law  and  was 
admitted  to  the  Connecticut  Bar,  when  he  was  thirty- 
three  years  old,  six  years  older  than  Demosthenes, 
Cicero,  and  Patrick  Henry  were,  when  they  made  their 
first  great  efforts  at  the  Bar.  Although  Roger  Sherman 
was  not  so  eloquent  as  these  illustrious  orators,  he  was 
nevertheless  an  able  advocate,  and  made  a  learned 
Judge  and  a  great  Senator.  Soon  after  his  admission  to 
the  Bar  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Connecticut 
Legislature,  and  was  several  times  re-elected. 

In  1761  he  moved  to  New  Haven  from  New  Mil- 
ford  where  he  had  previously  resided  in  Connecticut. 
No  doubt  he  became  conscious  of  the  genius  within  him, 
he  wished  a  larger  theatre  for  the  display  of  his  learning 
and  talents.  Four  years  after  his  removal  to  £sew 
Haven  he  was  elected  a  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Common 
Pleas  and  a  member  of  *'  the  upper  house  "  of  the  Leg 
islature.  In  those  days  a  man  could  be  a  Judge  and  a 
member  of  the  Legislature  at  the  same  time.  Mr.  Sher 
man  held  both  these  offices  for  nineteen  years,  and  was 
also  a  member  of  Congress. 

In  1774  Roger  Sherman  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  and  continued  a  member  of  that 
congress  for  fifteen  years.  How  he  managed  to  discharge 
the  duties  of  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court  and  member 
of  the  Connecticut  Legislature  at  the  same  time  it  is- 
hard  to  conceive.  But  it  is  probable  that  there  was  not 


490  ROGER    SHERMAN. 

much  business  done  in  court  during  the  Revolutionary 
war.  There  were  a  great  many  Judges  in  the  old  Con 
tinental  Congress,  and  even  after  the  organization  of  the 
present  Federal  Government.  Chief  Justice  Jay  was 
sent  on  a  mission  to  England,  by  Washington,  without 
resigning  his  high  office.  It  is  said  that  John  Adams, 
who  was  then  Vice-President  of  the  United  States, 
desired  this  appointment  without  resigning  his  office  of 
Vice- President. 

Mr.  Sherman  was  an  active  member  of  the  old  Conti 
nental  Congress ;  and  when  a  committee  was  appointed 
to  draft  the  Declaration  of  Independence  he  was  placed  on 
that  committee  with  John  Adams,  Dr.  Franklin,  Robert 
R.  Livingston  and  Thomas  Jefferson.  Mr.  Jefferson  in 
forms  us  in  his  notes  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Congress,  on 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  that  when  the  Virginia 
instructions  to  their  delegates  were  submitted,  directing 
them  to  declare  the  colonies  free  and  independent,  South 
Carolina  and  Pennsylvania  voted  against  their  adoption. 
New  Jersey  was  divided,  and  New  York  did  not  vote 
at  all.  The  resolutions  were  reported  to  the  House,  and 
Mr.  Edward  Rutledge  said  if  they  were  postponed  till 
the  next  day,  he  and  his  colleagues,  though  disapproving, 
would  vote  for  them  for  the  sake  of  unanimity.  There 
were  a  great  many  warm  and  zealous  patriots  who 
thought  the  Declaration  of  Independence  premature, 
that  is,  they  thought  the  people  would  not  at  that  time 
approve  such  a  step.  Roger  Sherman  never  hesitated, 
and  finally  all  the  members  signed  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  except  Mr.  Dickinson,  the  author  of  the 
"  Farmer  Letters,"  and  he  was  as  true  a  patriot  as  any 
of  them,  but  over-prudent  and  cautious. 

In  1787,  Mr.  Sherman  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
Federal  Convention  to  form  a  Constitution  for  the 
United  States;  and  the  debates  of  the  convention,  by  Mr. 
Madison,  show  the  active,  wise,  and  important  part  he 
took  in  the  formation  of  our  Federal  Constitution.  The 
convention  assembled  May  25th,  1787,  but  Mr.  Slier- 


ROGER  SHERMAN.  491 

man  did  not  take  his  seat  until  the  30th  of  May.  The 
resolutions  of  Mr.  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  the  draft  of  a 
constitution  by  Mr.  Charles  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina, 
had  been  already  submitted  to  the  convention.  Mr. 
Madison  shows  very  conclusively  that  the  draft  of  Mr. 
Pinckney  as  now  published  was  not  the  original  draft 
submitted  by  him.  The  published  draft  contains  sev 
eral  provisions,  which  Mr.  Pinckney  strenuously  op 
posed  three  months  after  he  had  submitted  his  original 
draft.  The  present  draft,  published  in  1819,  is  so  much 
like  the  Federal  Constitution,  as  agreed  on  in  conven 
tion,  that  no  one  can  suppose  it  was  the  original  draft  of 
Mr.  Pinckney,  submitted  when  the  convention  assem 
bled.  It  must  have  been  drawn  up  towards  the  latter 
part  of  the  session  of  the' convention. 

Mr.  Sherman  was  a  States7  rights  man  in  the  Federal 
Convention,  and  objected  to  the  constitution  deviating 
too  much  from  the  Articles  of  the  Confederation.  He 
wished  all  powers  of  the  government  left  to  the  States 
which  were  not  absolutely  needed  for  the  ends  of  the 
Union.  On  the  subject  of  prohibiting  the  slave  trade 
he  was  opposed  to  the  prohibition,  and  also  to  levying  a 
tax  of  ten  dollars  on  each  slave  imported.  Virginia 
voted  in  favor  of  the  prohibition  and  Connecticut  against 
it.  Mr.  Jefferson  says  that  his  section  of  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence  on  this  subject  was  stricken  out, 
out  of  respect  to  the  wishes  of  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia. 

He  likewise  says  the  Northern  States  which  were  con 
cerned  in  this  trade  were  a  little  tender-footed  on  the 
subject.  The  truth  is  they  felt  as  deep  an  interest  in 
the  continuance  of  the  African  slave  trade  as  South 
Carolina  did,  for  they  were  reaping  immense  profits  by 
this  diabolical  traffic. 

In  regard  to  the  Federal  Congress,  Mr.  Sherman 
preferred  one  house,  like  the  old  Congress,  to  two 
nouses;  but  said  if  there  were  two  one  should  represent 
the  equality  of  the  States,  and  the  other  the  population 
of  the  States.  Dr.  Franklin  at  one  time  ridiculed  the 


492  ROGER   SHERMAN. 

having  two  legislative  bodies,  and  said  it  was  like  hitch 
ing  an  extra  yoke  of  oxen  to  the  tail  of  a  cart  to  pull 
the  other  way.  But  the  wisdom  of  having  a  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives  is  now  universally  admitted 
and  adopted  all  over  the  civilized  world. 

The  representation  .of  the  States,  whether  equal  or  in 
proportion  to  population,  divided  the  small  States  from 
the  larger,  and  the  convention  came  to  a  dead  lock  in 
June.  Dr.  Franklin  proposed  that  they  should  have 
prayers  every  morning  and  ask  the  assistance  of  the 
Almighty  Ruler  of  the  universe.  Roger  Sherman  sec 
onded  the  motion,  but  it  was  not  adopted. 

Mr.  Gerry,  of  Massachusetts,  was  afraid  the  new 
Western  States  wroiild,  after  a  while,  have  the  power  to 
control  the  Federal  government,  and  he  therefore  pro 
posed  that  they  should  not  have  an  equal  representation 
in  Congress  with  the  old  thirteen.  This  Mr,  Sherman 
opposed,  and  said  their  descendants  were  as  likely  to  be 
citizens  of  the  new  States  as  of  the  old  ones.  He  was 
opposed  to  the  executive  being  independent  of  the  Legis 
lature,  and  favored  a  plural  executive.  This  was  Mr. 
Calhoun's  doctrine  sixty  years  afterwards.  Mr.  Sher 
man  favored  the  election  of  a  president  for  three  years, 
and  his  re-eligibility.  He  should  be  elected,  too,  by 
Congress  and  not  by  the  people.  This  was  at  one  time 
adopted  by  the  votes  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina  and  Georgia.  The  States  of 
Pennsylvania  and  Delaware  voted  against  it. 

Mr.  Sherman  proposed  that  if  no  election  of  president 
was  made  by  the  people,  that  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  should  choose  the  president  by  ballot,  each  State 
having  one  vote.  It  was  proposed  by  other  members 
that  the  Senate  in  such  a  case  elect  the  president.  He 
opposed  an  absolute  negative  of  the  president  on  legisla 
tion,  and  favored  an  executive  council  being  given  the 
president.  He  advocated  the  election  of  Senators  by  the 
State  Legislatures,  and  proposed  that  they  should  be 


EOGER   SHERMAN.  493 

elected  for  six  years.  He  wished  the  judges  to  be  ap 
pointed  by  the  Senate,  and  members  of  Congress  elected 
by  the  State  Legislatures.  He  favored  annual  elections, 
and  that  the  representatives  should  be  ineligible  to  Fed 
eral  offices.  Had  this  proposition  been  adopted  it  would 
have  been  a  wise  one. 

Although  opposed  to  slavery  Mr.  Sherman  advocated 
the  introducing  of  slaves  into  the  ratio  of  representation 
as  justly  due  the  Southern  people.  This  showed  great 
liberality  on  his  part.  He  opposed  the  proposition  of 
Charles  Pinckney  to  give  Congress  a  negative  on  State 
legislation.  He  was  opposed  to  the  States  issuing  paper 
money.  In  regard  to  making  it  the  duty  of  a  State  to 
deliver  up  fugitive  slaves  he  "  saw  no  more  propriety  in 
the  public  seizing  and  surrendering  a  slave  or  servant, 
than  a  horse."  But  he  voted  for  the  clause  as  it  stands 
in  the  constitution,  as  did  the  whole  convention.  He 
denounced  the  right  of  Congress  to  pass  a  bankrupt  law, 
and  Connecticut  was  the  only  State  that  voted  against 
this  clause  in  the  constitution. 

Mr.  Pinckney  moved  that  "no  religious  test  shall  ever 
be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any  office  or  public 
trust  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States.  Mr. 
Sherman  thought  it  unnecessary,  the  prevailing  liberal 
ity  being  a  sufficient  security  against  such  tests."  But 
the  proposition  was  adopted  unanimously  and  Mr.  Sher 
man  voted  for  it. 

This  analysis  of  Mr.  Sherman's  speeches  and  votes  in 
the  Federal  convention,  though  not  complete,  will  show 
what  manner  of  statesman  he  was. 

When  the  convention  of  Connecticut  assembled  to 
consider  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  Mr.  Sherman 
was  a  member.  It  is  said  a  majority  of  the  members 
were  opposed  to  the  Constitution,  and  thought  it 
infringed  too  much  on  the  rights  of  the  States.  But 
owing  to  the  influence  of  Chief  Justice  Ellsworth  and 
Mr.  Sherman  it  was  adopted.  Unfortunately  no  pro 
ceedings  or  debates  of  this  convention  have  ever  been 


494  ROGER   SHERMAN. 

published.  There  is  nothing  in  Elliott's  Debates  on 
the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution  in  the  different 
States  except  a  fragment  of  one  short  speech.  In  the 
South  Carolina  Legislature  the  vote  on  calling  a  con 
vention  to  consider  the  Federal  Constitution,  was  a 
majority  of  one  only  ! 

When  the  Federal  Government  was  organized  we 
find  Judge  Sherman  elected  a  member  of  Congress  from 
New  Haven,  and  a  very  active  and  prominent  member 
he  was  until  transferred  to  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States.  In  that  body  we  have  very  meagre  sketches  of 
what  was  done  in  the  early  history  of  the  Federal  gov 
ernment.  In  the  first  session  of  the  first  Congress 
Judge  Sherman  advocated  the  levying  duties  on  imports, 
instead  of  direct  taxation.  His  speech  is  a  very  sensible 
one.  The  duties  imposed  by  this  Congress  were  only 
five  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  In  modern  times  for  the 
purpose  of  encouraging  manufactures,  this  duty  has 
been  increased  to  fifty  per  cent. 

The  Senate  passed  a  resolution  that  the  President's 
title  should  be  "  His  Highness,  the  President  of  the 
United  States  of  America  and  Protector  of  their  Liber 
ties."  This  silly  piece  of  vanity,  on  the  part  of  the 
Senate,  Judge  Sherman  opposed,  as  well  as  the  title  of 
"His  Excellency,"  and  all  other  titles.  The  House  of 
Representatives  had  the  good  sense  to  reject  all  titles 
for  the  President;  and  left  him  to  be  addressed  simply 
as  "President  of  the  United  States."  In  regard  to 
giving  the  President  power  to  dismiss  his  cabinet  with 
out  the  consent  of  the  Senate,  Judge  Sherman  was 
opposed  to  giving  this  power.  General  Suruter,  of 
South  Carolina,  said  :  "Thisjbill  appears  to  my  mind  so 
subversive  of  the  Constitution  and  its  consequences  so 
destructive  to  the  liberties  of  the  people,  that  I  cannot 
consent  to  let  it  pass  without  expressing  my  detestation 
of  the  principle  it  contains."  It  has  nevertheless  been 
the  law  of  the  land  ever  since  the  organization  of  the 
first  cabinet. 


ROGER   SHERMAN.  495 

In  the  amendments  proposed  to  the  Constitution  by 
the  first  Congress,  Mr.  Tucker,  of  South  Carolina,  pro 
posed  to  add  the  right  of  the  people  to  instruct  their 
representatives  in  Congress.  Judge  Sherman  opposed 
this  amendment.  "  If  the  members  were  to  be  guided 
by  instructions,"  said  Judge  Sherman,  "there  would  be 
no  use  in  deliberation  ;  all  that  a  member  would  have 
to  do  would  be  to  produce  his  instructions,  and  lay 
them  on  the  table  and  let  them  speak  for  him  !"  His 
constituents  might  instruct  him  to  vote  for  an  uncon 
stitutional  law,  in  violation  of  his  oath  to  support  the 
Constitution.  Instead  of  a  representative  Republic, 
we  should  have  a  pure  Democracy. 

In  1792,  on  the  resignation  of  Senator  Johnson,  of 
Connecticut,  Judge  Sherman  was  elected  a  member  of 
the  United  States  Senate.  He  served  two  sessions  in 
the  Senate  and  died  July  23,  1893.  It  is  truthfully 
said  of  him,  "  His  services  to  the  country  were  invalu 
able,  and  few  of  his  contemporaries  left  their  impress 
more  clearly  upon  American  institutions."  Like 
Franklin,  Jackson,  Greene  and  Washington,  he  was 
one  of  nature's  noblemen.  Though  born  in  humble 
poverty,  and  apprenticed  to  a  shoemaker,  the  nobility 
of  his  nature  and  his  great  intellectual  endowments 
could  not  be  suppressed  and  concealed  from  the  world. 

I  believe  General  Sherman,  the  great  Incendiary  of 
the  South,  claims  his  descent  from  or  kinship  with  this 
great  and  good  man.  After  many  crosses,  the  Sherman 
blood  of  1776  may  run  very  thin  in  the  veins  of  the 
General.  Roger  Sherman  was  a  man  of  a  great  deal 
of  dry  humor  and  wit.  In  the  old  Continental  Congress 
a  member  said  he  detested  the  English  so  much  that  he 
wished  the  Americans  to  speak  a  different  language, 
and  praised  the  Greek  as  the  most  beautiful  of  all  lan 
guages.  Mr.  Sherman  said  he  was  too  old  to  begin  to 
learn  Greek,  and  hoped  the  member  would  make  the 
English  speak  that  language  and  leave  their  vernacular 
tongue  for  the  use  of  the  Americans  only. 


DAVID  RAMSAY. 

The  United  States  are  indebted  to  the  Irish  and  their 
descendants  for  a  great  many  of  the  patriots  and  heroes 
of  the  Revolution.  The  Scotch,  with  some  distinguished 
exceptions,  such  as  Witherspoon,  Lord  Stirling  and 
others,  were  mostly  tories  in  the  war  of  Independence. 
Their  clanships^  following  a  chieftain  and  obeying  all 
his  orders,  have  made  them  loyal,  and  that  loyalty,  on 
the  extinction  of  the  Stuarts,  was  transferred  with  equal 
fidelity  to  the  House  of  Hanover.  The  Irish,  from  the 
long  and  cruel  oppressions  of  their  government,  are  dev 
otees  of  liberty  and  have  no  loyalty.  They  and  their 
descendants  in  America  were  ready  at  any  time  to  throw 
off  their  allegiance  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  and 
become  ardent  and  zealous  revolutionists. 

David  Ramsay,  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  was  the  son 
of  an  Irishman.  He  was  born  in  Lancaster  county, 
Pennsylvania,' on  the  2d  day  of  April,  1749.  His  father, 
James  Ramsay,  was  a  respectable  farmer,  who  by  his 
own  labor  supported  his  family  and  educated  his  chil 
dren.  His  sons  all  had  a  collegiate  education.  David 
graduated  at  Princeton.  In  his  infancy  he  manifested 
an  extraordinary  love  of  reading  and  study.  Before  he 
was  twelve  years  old  he  was  prepared  to  enter  college  ! 
and  was  appointed  assistant  tutor  in  a  respectable  acad 
emy  at  that  early  age.  Governor  Hayne,  in  his  memoir 
of  Dr.  Ramsay,  says,  whilst  a  child  at  school,  grown 
young  men  would  take  the  little  fellow  on  their  knees 
and  get  him  to  learn  them  their  lessons.  After  teaching 
one  or  two  years,  young  David  entered  the  sophomore 
class  in  Princeton  college.  He  was  prepared,  it  is  said, 
to  enter  the  junior  class,  but  in  consequence  of  his  youth 
he  was  persuaded  to  enter  a  lower  class.  He  passed 
496 


DAVID    RAMSAY.  497 

through  college  with  a  high  reputation  for  learning  and 
talent,  and  graduated  in  1765.  He  then  spent  two 
years  in  Maryland  in  teaching  a  classical  school,  before 
he  commenced  his  professional  studies.  How  many 
great  men  in  the  United  States  have  commenced  life  by 
teaching  school ! 

Dr.  Ramsay  commenced  the  study  of  medicine  in 
Philadelphia,  and  attended  regularly  the  lectures  in  the 
Pennsylvania  College.  The  celebrated  Doctor  Benjamin 
Rush  was  at  that  time  a  professor  in  this  college.  He 
and  his  young  student  formed  a  mutual  friendship  for 
each  other,  which  continued  unbroken  through  life. 
The  following  extraordinary  recommendation  of  Dr. 
Ramsay  was  given  by  Dr.  Rush  :  "  Dr.  Ramsay  stud 
ied  physic  regularly  with  Dr.  Bond,  attended  the  hos 
pital  and  public  lectures  of  medicines,  and  afterwards 
graduated  Bachelor  of  Physic  with  great  e"ciat;  it  is 
saying  but  little  of  him  to  tell  you  that  he  is  far  superior 
to  any  person  we  ever  graduated  at  our  college;  his 
abilities  are  not  only  good,  but  great ;  his  talents  and 
knowledge  universal ;  I  never  saw  so  much  strength  of 
memory  and  imagination  united  to  so  fine  a  judgment. 
His  manners  are  polished  and  agreeable,  his  conversa 
tion  lively,  and  his  behavior  to  all  men  always  without 
offence.  Joined  to  all  these,  he  is  sound  in  his  princi 
ples  ;  strict,  nay  more,  severe  in  his  morals ;  and  attach 
ed,  not  by  education  only,  but  by  principle,  to  the  dis 
senting  interest.  He  will  be  an  acquisition  to  your 
society.  He  writes,  talks,  and  what  is  more,  lives  well. 
I  can  promise  more  for  him  in  everything,  than  I  could 
for  myself."  Higher  praise  from  a  higher  source  than 
this  couldn't  be  had  by  a  young  man  just  entering  life. 
And  his  character  ever  afterwards  justified  the  correct 
ness  of  this  praise. 

After  graduating  in  medicine,  Dr.  Ramsay  established 
himself  in  Maryland,  as  a  practicing  physician,  and 
continued  there  for  one  year,  with  high  reputation ;  and 
then  moved  to  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  where  a 


498  DAVID   RAMSAY. 

wider  field  was  opened  for  his  talents  and  skill.      He 
rapidly  rose  to  eminence  in  his  profession,  and  great 
popularity  as  a  patriot  and  statesman.       He  was  an 
ardent  friend  of  freedom  and  his  country ;  and  one  of  the 
earliest  and  most  zealous  advocates  of  American  inde 
pendence.     Immediately  after  the  declaration  of  Amer 
ican  independence  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  South 
Carolina  Legislature,  and   continued  to  serve   in   that 
body  till  the  war  was  over.      His  talents,  learning  and 
patriotism  made  him  a  prominent  politician  during  that 
period,  and  one  of  great  influence  and  consideration.    In 
1778  he  was  appointed  to  deliver  an  oration  on  the  4th 
of  July,  which  Governor  Hayne  says  was  the  first  ever 
delivered  in  the  United  States   on  the  anniversary  of 
American  independence.     This  may  be  so ;  but  Samuel 
Adams  had  the  honor  of  being  selected  by  Congress  to- 
deliver  an  oration  on  American  independence  the  first  of 
August,  1776.     This,  however,  was  not  the  anniversary 
of  American  independence,  and  Governor  Hayne  may 
be  correct  in  his  assertion.      But  it  is  remarkable  that 
there  should  have   been  no  oration   delivered  on  this 
subject  on  the  4th  of  July,  1777,  in  any  portion  of  the 
United  States.      Twenty  years  ago  there  was  scarcely 
a  county   in  any  of  the  United  States  where  the  4th 
of  July  was  not  celebrated.     Since  the  close  of  the  con 
federate  war,  the  carpet-bag,  scallawag  and  negro  gov 
ernment  of  the  Southern  States   caused  all  decent  and 
patriotic  men  to  lose  all  interest  in  the  celebration  of  the 
4th  of  July.    They  thought  very  properly  that  it  would 
have  been  better  for  us  to  have  remained  British  prov 
inces  than  to  live  under  such  an  infamous  government. 
They,  therefore,  ceased  to  celebrate  the  day;  but  it  is  to 
be  hoped  that  now  we  are  restored  to  self-government, 
this  great  day  will  be  celebrated  as  usual. 

At  every  period  of  the  war  Dr.  Ramsay  spoke  and 
wrote  boldly  in  favor  of  independence.  His  speeches 
and  fugitive  pieces  were  of  great  service  to  the  cause  of 
American  liberty.  He  wrote  "  a  sermon  on  tea/' 


DAVID   RAMSAY.  499 

which  excited  much  attention  at  the  time.  The  text 
taken  is  from  the  Epistle  of  Paul  to  the  Colossians  : 
"  Touch  not,  taste  not,  handle  not."  Lord  North  is 
very  ludicrously  represented  as  holding  forth  chains 
and  halters  in  one  hand,  and  in  the  other  a  cup  of  tea, 
while  the  genius  of  America  exclaims,  "touch  not, 
taste  not,  handle  not,  for  in  the  day  thou  drinkest 
thereof,  thou  shalt  surely  die."  In  his  youth,  Dr. 
Ramsay  was  distinguished  for  wit  and  humor,  but  in 
his  old  age  this  quality  left  him.  He  was  a  member  of 
the  Council  of  Safety  for  two  years  in  Charleston, 
and  banished  to  Florida  with  a  large  number  of  the 
most  prominent  citizens  of  the  State,  by  Lord  Corn- 
wallis.  There  he  remained  in  prison  eleven  months. 
He  was  finally  exchanged,  and  on  his  return  to  South 
Carolina  immediately  took  his  seat  in  the  Legislature 
assembled  at  Jacksonborough.  He  opposed  the  confis 
cation  acts  passed  by  this  Legislature,  and  urged  that 
the  better  policy  was  after  achieving  our  independence 
to  forgive  our  erring  brethren.  He  thought  some  of 
them  acted  conscientiously  and  from  principle.  But 
the  remembrance  of  the  wrongs  done  by  the  tories  and 
British  army  was  too  fresh  in  the  recollection  of  the 
members  for  them  to  pursue  so  humane  a  course.  A 
large  number  of  estates  were  confiscated,  and  many  poor 
deluded  citizens  exiled.  Some  were  afterwards  per 
mitted  to  return  and  possess  their  property  after  the 
excitement  of  the  war  had  subsided. 

In  1782  Dr.  Ramsay  was  elected  by  the  Legislature 
a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  and  he  was  a 
very  active  and  useful  member  of  that  body.  He  was 
an  eloquent  speaker,  as  well  as  an  able  writer,  fluent  in 
his  words,  and  pure  in  his  diction.  His  arguments 
were  logical  and  lucid,  and  he  seldom  failed  to  convince 
his  audience.  He  was  again  elected  a  member  of  Con 
gress  in  1785,  and  for  twelve  months  was  president  of 
the  Continental  Congress.  This  shows  the  high  esti 
mate  that  patriotic  body  placed  on  his  ability  and 
services  as  a  statesman  and  patriot.  In  1786  he 


500  DAVID   RAMSAY. 

resumed  his  practice  in  Charleston  as  a  physician  and 
was  eminently  successful. 

Dr.  Ramsay  was  not  only  eminent  as  a  statesman 
and  patriot  in  civil  life,  but  he  entered  the  war  as  a 
surgeon  in  the  army,  and  was  at  the  siege  of  Savannah. 
He  was  ready  at  all  times  to  serve  his  country  in  any 
position  where  his  services  were  most  useful.  He  was 
unambitious,  and  one  of  the  most  disinterested  of  men 
in  public  and  in  private. 

But  Dr.  Ramsay  was  still  more  eminent  as  an  histo 
rian.  He  was,  in  fact,  the  father  of  history  in  the 
United  States.  Immediately  after  the  war  he  published 
his  history  of  the  Revolution  in  South  Carolina,  and 
on  going  to  Congress  in  1785  he  determined  to  enlarge 
his  history  and  make  it  the  history  of  the  whole  revo 
lutionary  war.  He  was  encouraged  to  do  this  by  the 
northern  members,  who  gave  him  many  facts  and  much 
material  for  his  "  History  of  the  Revolution."  Then 
he  published  the  history  of  South  Carolina  in  two 
volumes.  He  next  published  the  "  history  of  the 
United  States,"  in  three  volumes.  He  had  been  all  his 
life  preparing  a  "  Universal  History,"  which  was  pub 
lished  after  his  death  in  seven  or  eight  volumes.  It  is 
wonderful  that  he  should  have  prepared  and  written  so 
many  historical  works  whilst  actively  engaged  in  a 
most  extensive  practice  as  a  physician.  But  it  is  said 
he  never  slept  more  than  four  hours.  It  is  very  true, 
that  some  men  can  do  with  great  deal  less  sleep  than 
others.  Four  hours'  sleep  were  enough  for  Napoleon, 
whilst  his  great  enemy,  William  Pitt,  prime  minister  of 
England,  required  eight  or  ten. 

The  works  of  Dr.  Ramsay  have  made  him  famous  in 
Europe  as  well  as  in  America.  •  His  history  of  the  rev 
olution  in  South  Carolina  was  translated  into  French 
immediately  after  its  publication.  In  writing  his  histo 
ries  of  the  revolution  he  had  the  assistance  of  Dr. 
Franklin,  Dr.  Witherspoon,  General  Green  and  Gene 
ral  Washington. 


DAVID   RAMSAY.  501 

In  addition  to  these  histories  we  have  mentioned,  Dr. 
Ramsay  wrote  the  life  of  General  Washington,  and  a 
most  interesting  memoir  of  his  wife.  He  also  pub 
lished  an  oration  on  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana,  a 
eulogy  on  Dr.  Rush,  a  review  of  the  progress  of  medi 
cine  in  the  eighteenth  century,  a  history  of  the  Con 
gregational  church,  and  a  great  many  other  valuable 
papers  on  religious,  medical,  scientific  and  political  sub 
jects. 

Dr.  Ramsay  was  assassinated  in  1815  by  a  maniac, 
in  broad  daylight  near  the  Doctor's  house  in  Charles 
ton.  This  assassin  had  been  indicted  for  an  assault  on 
his  lawyer,  and  the  court  appointed  Dr.  Ramsay  and 
Dr.  Simons  to  examine  him  and  report  the  condition  of 
his  mind.  They  reported  that  he  was  unquestionably 
insane,  and  in  consequence  of  their  report,  the  prisoner 
was  kept  in  jail  until  it  was  supposed  that  his  mind 
was  restored.  He  was  then  discharged  and  in  a  short 
time  his  derangement  returned.  The  Doctor  was  aware 
of  his  threats  but  paid  no  attention  to  them.  The 
cause  of  his  hostility  to  Dr.  Ramsay  was  the  report 
he  made  that  he  was  insane.  The  Doctor  lived  two 
days  after  he  was  shot  in  the  back,  and  knowing  that 
he  could  not  survive,  he  requested  his  friends  not  to 
have  the  assassin  prosecuted  for  his  murder,  as  he  was 
unquestionably  insane,  and  not  accountable  for  his 
crime.  He  was  a  tailor,  and  his  name  was  Lumen, 

Dr.  Ramsay  was  thrice  married,  first  to  a  daughter 
of  the  celebrated  Doctor  Witherspoon,  president  of 
Princeton  College,  and  a  signer  of  American  Independ 
ence,  and  his  third  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Henry 
Laurens,  the  great  patriot  and  statesman  of  South 
Carolina.  But  he  left  no  children  except  by  the  last 
marriage. 

A  want  of  judgment  in  the  affairs  of  the  world  was 
said  to  have  been  the  weak  point  in  Dr.  Ramsay's 
character.  He  had  studied  human  nature  from  books 
and  not  from  observation.  This  is  the  fault  of  all  great 


602  DAVID    RAMSAY. 

literary  men.  Dr.  Ramsay  lost  by  the  Santee  Canal 
thirty  thousand  dollars.  He  was  frequently  made  the 
dupe  of  designing  and  fraudulent  men,  and  ultimately 
ruined  by  them  financially.  He  was  kind,  generous 
and  confiding,  and  knowing  the  rectitude  of  his  own 
heart  he  never  suspected  the  duplicity  of  that  of  others. 
His  whole  life  was  devoted  to  the  formation  and  prose 
cution  of  plans  for  the  good  of  others.  He  was  a  phi 
lanthropist  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word,  and  devoted 
his  life  to  the  benefit  of  mankind.  "  As  a  husband, 
as  a  father,  and  in  every  domestic  relation  of  life  he 
was  alike  exemplary."  He  was  a  most  sincere  and 
devout  Christian,  and  on  his  death-bed  said  :  "  I  am 
not  afraid  to  die."  Why  should  such  a  man,  so  blame 
less  in  life,  so  full  of  love  for  his  country,  for  mankind 
and  for  his  God,  be  afraid  to  die.  But  there  are  thou 
sands  dying  every  day,  who,  although  "  not  afraid  to 
die,"  yet  wish  to  live.  And  no  doubt  this  was  the 
wish  of  this  great  and  good  man,  who  was  not  only  an 
ornament  to  his  native  and  adopted  States,  but  to  the 
whole  Union,  and  to  human  nature  and  literature. 

The  oration  of  Dr.  Ramsay  on  the  second  anniversary 
of  American  Independence  is  given  in  full  by  the 
author  of  u  American  Eloquence,"  and  if  it  be  the  first 
ever  delivered  on  such  an  occasion,  as  Governor  Hayne 
asserts  it  to  be,  there  is  some  doubt  whether  this  4th  of 
July  oration  has  ever  been  surpassed  in  power,  elo 
quence  and  ability,  by  the  hundreds  and  thousands 
which  have  been  delivered  since  by  the  first  orators 
and  statesmen  of  America.  He  commences  by  saying: 
"  We  are  now  celebrating  the  anniversary  of  our  eman 
cipation  from  British  tyranny;  an  event  that  will  con 
stitute  an  illustrious  era  in  the  history  of  the  world, 
and  which  promises  an  extension  of  all  those  blessings 
to  our  country  for  which  we  would  choose  to  live,  or 
dare  to  die." 

In  comparing  our  present  form  of  government  with 
the  Royal  government  thrown  oiF,  he  truthfully  and 


DAVID   RAMSAY.  503 

beautifully  says  :  "  It  is  much  more  favorable  to  purity 
of  morals,  and  better  calculated  to  promote  all  our 
important  interests.  Honesty,  plain  dealing  and  simple 
manners,  were  never  made  the  patterns  of  courtly 
behavior.  Artificial  manners  always  prevail  in  kingly 
governments;  and  royal  courts  are  reservoirs  from 
whence  insincerity,  hypocrisy,  dissimulation,  pride, 
luxury  and  extravagance  deluge  and  overwhelm  the 
body  of  the  people.  On  the  other  hand  Republics  are 
favorable  to  truth,  sincerity,  frugality,  industry  and 
simplicity  of  manners.  Equality,  the  life  and  soul  of 
commonwealths,  cuts  off  all  pretentions  to  preferment, 
but  those  which  arise  from  extraordinary  merit,  whereas 
in  royal  governments  he  that  can  best  please  his  supe 
riors  by  the  low  acts  of  fawning  and  adulation  is  most 
likely  to  obtain  favor. 

u  The  arts  and  sciences,  which  languished  under  the 
low  projects  of  subjection,  will  now  raise  their  droop 
ing  heads  and  spread  far  and  wide,  till  they  have 
reached  the  remotest  parts  of  this  untutored  continent. 
It  is  the  happness  of  our  present  constitution  that  all 
offices  lie  open  to  men  of  merit,  of  whatever  rank  or 
condition,  and  that  even  the  reins  of  State  may  be  held 
by  the  poorest  man  if  possessed  of  abilities  equal  to  the 
important  station.  We  are  no  more  to  look  for  the 
blessings  of  government,  to  hungry  courtiers,  or  the 
needy  dependents  of  British  nobility  ;  but  must  edu 
cate  our  own  children  for  these  exalted  purposes.  When 
subjects,  we  had  scarcely  any  other  share  in  government, 
but  to  obey  the  arbitrary  mandates  of  a  British  Parlia 
ment.  But  honor  with  her  dazzling  pomp,  interest 
with  her  golden  lure,  and  patriotism  with  her  heart 
felt  satisfaction,  jointly  call  upon  us,  now,  to  qualify 
ourselves  and  posterity  for  the  bench,  the  army,  the 
navy,  the  learned  professions,  and  all  the  departments 
of  civil  government. 

"  The  times  in  which  we  live,  and  the  government 
we  have  lately  adopted,  all  conspire  to  fan  the  sparks 
of  genius  in  every  breast  and  kindle  them  into  flame. 


504  DAVID   RAMSAY. 

"The  weight  of  each  State  in  the  continental  scale 
will  ever  be  proportioned  to  the  abilities  of  its  repre 
sentatives  in  Congress.  Hence,  an  emulation  will  take 
place,  each  contending  with  the  other  which  shall  pro 
duce  the  most  accomplished  statesmen. 

We  are  the  first  people  in  the  world  who  have  had 
it  in  their  power  to  choose  their  own  form  of  government. 
Constitutions  were  forced  on  all  other  nations  by  the 
will  of  their  conquerors,  or  they  were  formed  by  accident, 
caprice,  or  the  over-bearing  influence  of  prevailing  par 
ties  or  particular  persons. 

"  Such  will  be  the  fruits  of  our  glorious  institution, 
that  in  a  little  time  gay  fields,  adorned  with  the  yellow 
robes  of  ripening  harvest,  will  smile  in  the  utmost 
depths  of  our  western  frontier,  where  impassable  forests 
now  frown  over  the  uncultivated  earth.  The  face  of 
our  interior  country  will  be  changed  from  a  barren 
wilderness  into  the  hospitable  abodes  of  peace  and 
plenty.  Cities,  too,  wil-  rise  majestic  to  the  view  on 
those  very  spots  which  are  now  hunted  over  by  savage 
beasts  and  more  savage  men. 

"  As  at  the  conflagration  of  Corinth,  the  various 
melted  metals  running  together  formed  a  new  one, 
called  Corinthian  brass,  which  was  superior  to  any  of 
its  component  parts — in  like  manner,  perhaps  it  is  the  will 
of  Heaven  that  a  new  empire  should  be  here  formed 
of  the  different  nations  of  the  old  world,  which  will  rise 
superior  to  all  that  have  gone  before  it,  and  extend 
human  happiness  to  the  utmost  possible  limits." 

The  above  is  a  beautiful  idea  that  the  funning 
together  of  the  different  nations  of  the  earth,  English, 
Irish,  Scotch,  French,  Germans,  etc.,  on  the  American 
continent,  and  being  amalgamated,  will  produce  a 
people  superior  to  all  the  world  as  the  Corinthian 
brass,  composed  of  different  metals,  was  superior  to  any 
of  its  component  parts. 

He  says  it  has  never  yet  been  fairly  tried  how  far  the 
equal  principles  of  republican  government  would  secure 


DAVID  EAMSAY.  505 

the  happiness  of  the  governed.  The  ancient  Republics 
had  no  idea  of  a  representative  government.  He  con 
tends  that  if  Greece  had  ever  had  a  governmental  head 
like  the  national  Congress,  she  would  probably  have 
preserved  her  freedom  to  the  present  day. 

In  conclusion  the  orator  says  :  "  Ever  since  the  flood, 
true  religion,  literature,  arts,  empire  and  riches  have 
taken  a  slow  and  gradual  course  from  East  to  West, 
and  are  now  about  fixing  their  favorite  abode  in  this 
new  Western  world.  Our  sun  of  political  happiness  is 
already  risen  and  hath  lifted  its  head  over  the  moun 
tains,  illuminating  our  hemisphere  with  literary  light 
and  polished  life.  Our  independence  will  redeem  one 
quarter  of  the  globe  from  tyranny  and  oppression,  and 
consecrate  it  to  the  chosen  seat  of  truth,  justice,  freedom, 
learning  and  religion.  We  are  laying  the  foundations 
of  happiness  for  countless  millions.  Generations  yet 
unborn  will  bless  us  for  the  blood-bought  inheritance 
we  are  about  to  bequeath  to  them.  Oh  happy  times  !' 
Oh  glorious  days !  Oh  kind,  indulgent,  beautiful 
Providence,  that  we  live  in  this  highly  favored  period, 
and  have  the  honor  of  helping  forward  these  great 
events,  and  of  suffering  in  a  cause  of  such  infinite 
importance." 

These  extracts  give,  however,  a  very  imperfect  idea 
of  the  merit  of  this  oration.  As  a  whole  it  is  grand,, 
eloquent  and  beautiful,  and  shows  the  statesman, 
patriot  and  polished  writer. 

Dr.  Ramsay  left  four  sons  and  four  daughters.  One 
of  the  daughters  was  the  second  wife  of  her  cousin, 
Hon.  Henry  L.  Pinckney.  His  son,  David,  married  his 
cousin,  the  daughter  of  Governor  Charles  Pinckney,  and 
his  son,  Dr.  James  Ramsay,  married  his  cousin,  Miss  Lau- 
rens,  and  by  her  had  two  sons,  both  died  young  and  unmar 
ried.  David  Ramsay,  the  eldest,  inherited  his  grand 
father's  talents  and  nobility  of  character ;  he  was  opposed 
to  secession,  but  after  South  Carolina  seceded,  like  a 
true  patriot,  fought  in  her  defence,  and  was  killed  early 


506  DAVID   KAMSAY. 

in  the  war  while  fighting  on  one  of  the  islands  near 
Charleston.  If  his  life  had  been  spared  he  would 
have  done  honor  to  the  name  of  Ramsay. 

The  three  single  daughters  taught  a  school  of  high 
repute  in  Charleston.  In  their  veins  were  mingled 
the  blood  of  Laurens  and  Rutledge  with  that  of  Ramsay. 

I  remember  seeing  a  son  of  his  in  the  State  Senate, 
and  another  one  an  officer  in  the  State  Bank.  He  left 
no  male  descendant  of  the  name  of  Ramsay. 


RUFUS  CHOATE. 

This  "  wonder  and  marvel "  of  a  man,  as  Daniel 
Webster  pronounced  Rufus  Choate  to  be,  was  not  only 
distinguished  as  a  statesman,  but  pre-eminent  as  a  lawyer 
and  advocate.  Mr.  Edward  G.  Parker,  of  Boston,  in  his 
most  interesting  "Reminiscences  of  Rufus  Choate,"  says 
he  was  a  cross  between  the  Yankee  and  the  Greek  in 
character.  But  there  was  not  a  particle  of  the  yankee 
in  his  nature,  character  or  genius,  although  born  in 
Massachussets  of  Puritanic  ancestors.  Nor  was  he  Saxon, 
Celt  or  Gaelic  in  his  character,  appearance  and  genius, 
but  wholly  oriental.  His  dark,  sallow  complexion,  very 
slender  form,  and  fiery,  excentric  impulses,  would  have 
stamped  him  with  an  Eastern  origin.  He  might  have 
been  taken  for  a  Saracen,  or  a  descendant  of  the  wild 
Bedouin  of  the  Great  Desert.  He  may  have  had  some 
of  the  national  characteristics  of  the  Greek,  and  did  have 
their  love  of  learning,  their  exquisite  perfection  of  lan 
guage  and  taste  for  the  beautiful  in  art  and  nature,  but 
he  had  nothing  of  the  cold,  calculating,  selfish,  pas 
sionless  yankee  or  New  Englander  about  him.  He 
cared  nothing  for  money,  was  not  ambitious,  and  had  no 
pride  or  vanity.  He  was  frank,  open,  generous  and 
sincere  in  every  word  and  act  of  his  life,  devoted  to  his 
profession,  literature  and  the  fine  arts,  and  caring  nothing 
for  general  society.  He  was  kind,  cordial  and  bland  in 
his  manners,  and  loved  most  devotedly  by  the  people. 
He  was  liberal  and  generous  in  his  disposition,  and  never 
denied  when  sought,  an  act  of  charity. 

Mr.  Parker  was  his  law  student  on  terms  of  great 
intimacy  with  him  for  a  number  of  years;  and  like  Bos- 
well,  the  biographer  of  Dr.  Samuel  Johnson,  he  made 
memoranda  of  all  his  conversations.  These  conversa- 
5°7 


508  RUFUS   CHOATE. 

tions  with  sketches  of  "  the  great  advocate,"  and  extracts 
from  his  speeches,  compose  the  reminiscences  embodied 
in  his  most  interesting  book.  This  is  the  most  valuable 
and  reliable  species  of  biography.  It  makes  you  ac 
quainted  with  the  man  by  his  own  words,  expressions 
and  sentiments.  It  was  said  of  Mr.  Choate,  when  the 
news  of  his  death  in  Canada  reached  Boston,  that  "he 
had  left  no  man  on  earth  like  himself."  There  may 
have  been  more  living  as  eloquent  as  he  was,  but  they 
did  not  possess  all  of  his  virtues,  eccentricities  and  mar 
vellous  characteristics. 

Rufus  Choate  was  born  in  Essex  county,  Massachu 
setts,  October  1st,  1799,  just  forty-nine  years  after  the  birth 
of  that  colossus  of  literature  and  law,  Theophilus  Parsons, 
in  the  same  county.  Old  Essex  has  the  honor  of  having 
given  to  the  United  States  two  of  the  most  remarkable 
men  that  ever  appeared  in  our  courts  of  justice  or  legis 
lative  halls.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Mr.  Parker  has 
not  told  us  more  about  the  parentage,  family,  and  early 
life  of  this  "wonder  and  marvel "  of  a  man.  We  like 
to  know  all  about  the  father  and  mother  of  a  great  man, 
his  boyhood  and  early  training,  his  associates,  and  how 
he  was  brought  up.  It  would  seem  that  the  parents  of 
Rufus  Choate  were  poor  and  humble,  and  his  advantages- 
of  early  education  were  not  great.  He  manifested  an 
unquenchable  thirst  for  knowledge  in  early  life,  and  an 
ardent  wish  to  secure  a  collegiate  education.  This  he 
succeeded  in  acquiring  by  teaching  school  and  going  in 
debt.  He  entered  Dartmouth  college,  the  alma  mater 
of  Daniel  Webster,  when  he  was  fifteen  years  old,  and 
was  graduated  in  due  course  of  time  with  the  highest 
honors  of  his  class. 

In  college  Rufus  acquired  a  high  reputation  for  schol 
arship  and  oratory.  He  said  that  he  studied  every 
night  till  one  or  two  o'clock.  He  said  to  Mr.  Parker 
that  hard  study  was  not  going  to  hurt  any  boy  in  good 
health.  If  he  had  said  that  very  few  boys  in  good 
health  were  ever  known  to  hurt  themselves  by  hard 


RUFUS   CHOATE.  509 

study,  it  would  perhaps  have  been  more  correct.  He 
-remained  in  college  as  tutor  one  year  after  he  graduated. 
Then  he  entered  the  law  school  at  Cambridge,  and  after 
remaining  there  two  or  three  months  he  went  to  Wash 
ington  and  read  law  one  year  in  the  office  of  William 
Wirt,  then  Attorney-General  of  the  United  States.  He 
.finished,  his  legal  studies  in  Salem.  Massachusetts,  with 
Judge  Gumming. 

After  the  admission  of  Mr.  Choate  to  the  bar  he  es 
tablished  himself  in  his  native  county,  and  his  success 
was  very  extraordinary.  He  got  into  a  full  practice  and 
took  all  cases  that  came.  First  come,  first  served,  was 
-his  maxim.  And  what  is  wonderful,  is  that  in  this 
miscellaneous  practice  all  cases  taken  as  they  came,  civil 
and  criminal,  he  succeeded  in  almost  every  case  in  gain 
ing  the  verdict  before  the  jury  !  He  displayed  an  ability 
and  tact  in  the  management  of  his  cases  which  was  most 
remarkable.  It  seems  that  he  understood  human  nature 
perfectly.  He  knew  all  the  jury,  and  knew  how  to 
appeal  to  each  one  separately.  If  he  saw  a  juror  inatten 
tive  to  his  argument  he  went  up  to  him  and  begged  him 
for  his  attention.  In  one  case  where  a  Roman  Catholic 
priest  was  indicted  for  an  assault  on  a  woman  on  the 
sidewalk,  he  contended  that  it  was  an  unintentional  jos 
tling  up  against  her.  Looking  to  one  juror  who  was 
in  the  habit  of  attending  prayer  meetings  and  preaching 
at  night,  he  illustrated  the  case  by  a  crowd  coming  out 
of  the  church  in  the  dark.  To  another  juror,  who  was 
fond  of  attending  musical  concerts,  looking  at  him,  he 
.compared  the  jostling  to  the  company  running  against 
each  other  as  they  retired  from  the  performance.  And 
to  a  third,  who  was  a  politician,  he  alluded  to  the  rush 
at  such  public  gatherings. 

His  manner  at  the  Bar  was  as  remarkable  as  his  tact 
and  eloquence.  Although  courteous  and  civil  at  all 
times  to  the  court,  the  jury,  his  opposing  counsel  and 
witnesses,  yet  he  was  most  impassioned  and  vehement 
.in  his  argument  and  seemed  wild  in  his  exclamations. 


510  KUFUS   CHOATE. 

Without  any  regard  to  rule  or  discipline,  he  would  ges 
ticulate  in  the  most  furious  manner,  throwing  his  arms- 
in  every  direction,  jumping  up  and  lighting  on  the  heels 
of  his  boots,  and  bending  and  twisting  his  body  in  all 
sorts  of  shapes  !  There  was  nothing  studied  or  graceful 
about  him.  Sometimes  he  would  come  into  court  with 
three  or  four  coats  on  of  different  colors.  In  the  course 
of  his  argument,  as  he  became  heated  by  his  exertions,  he 
would  pull  off  one  coat,  then  another  and  another.  When 
he  moved  to  Boston,  and  commenced  practicing  in  that 
sober,  steady  and  polite  city,  his  manner  was  very  much 
ridiculed  by  the  other  members  *of  the  Bar ;  but  his 
success  in  gaining  all  of  his  verdicts  began  to  alarm 
them. 

As  a  lawyer  his  reading  was  general,  profound  and 
perfect.  He  had  a  most  retentive  memory  and  could 
cite  case  and  principle  without  any  hesitation  and  cor 
rectly.  He  studied  his  cases  thoroughly  out  of  court, 
and  always  came  into  court  prepared  at  every  point. 
He  never  brow-beat  a  witness,  or  was  rude  to  them  in 
his  cross-examination.  But  with  the  utmost  politeness 
and  a  tact  that  was  wonderful,  he  never  failed  to  catch 
a  witness  who  was  swearing  falsely.  If  he  saw  that  the 
witness  opposed  to  him  was  giving  his  testimony  cor 
rectly,  he  seldom  cross-examined  him.  He  said  that  to 
make  a  witness  repeat  what  he  had  testified  to  in  his 
examination  in  chief,  was  only  impressing  the  facts  on 
the  minds  of  the  jurors.  And  very  often  by  a  rigid 
cross-examination  the  witness  would  state  facts  and  cir 
cumstances  against  his  case  which  had  been  forgotten  in 
his  direct  examination.  He  never  argued  a  case  to  make 
a  display  of  his  learning  or  eloquence  or  to  gain  reputa 
tion  at  the  Bar.  All  that  he  thought  of  or  cared  for  was 
to  get  the  verdict,  and  to  this  his  whole  soul  and  all  his 
energies  were  directed. 

It  is  said  that  Daniel  Webster  was  only  great  on 
great  occasions  but  that  Rufus  Choate  was  great  on  all 
occasions.  He  exerted  himself  as  much  in  a  small  case 


RUFUS   CHOATE.  511 

and  was  as  learned  and  eloquent  in  its  argument  as  if  it 
had  been  a  case  involving  thousands  of  dollars  or  life 
itself.  He  cared  nothing  for  money  and  was  moderate 
in  his  charges  and  neglectful  in  collecting  his  fees.  He 
said  that  a  lawyer  should  not  only  be  learned  in  his  pro 
fession  but  that  he  should  make  himself  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  all  literature  and  all  sciences.  He  was 
himself  most  learned  in  all  classical  literature,  in  all 
history  and  every  branch  of  human  knowledge.  He 
seldom  went  into  company  but  spent  all  of  his  leisure  time 
in  his  library,  which  was  very  extensive.  He  was  con 
stantly  buying  books  and  fitting  up  shelves  for  them. 
For  a  rare  work  he  would  give  any  price.  On  one 
occasion  he  instructed  a  friend  to  attend  an  auction  and 
bid  as  high  as  ten,  fifteen  and  twenty  dollars  for  certain 
books  ;  but  there  was  one  work  to  be  sold  which  he  told 
him  to  purchase  at  any  price.  This  work  sold  for  ten 
cents.  No  one  else  seemed  to  value  it  as  highly  as  he  did. 

His  habit  was,  after  his  success  at  the  Bar,  to  go  to  bed 
at  ten  o'clock  and  rise  at  six  in  the  morning  and  take  a 
walk  of  a  mile  or  two  before  breakfast.  He  abandoned 
his  college  habit  of  sitting  up  till  one  or  two  o'clock  at 
night.  In  this  he  was  wise  or  he  could  not  have  lived. 
There  is  nothing  like  sleep  to  restore  the  worn  out 
energies  of  body  and  mind.  It  is  true  that  some  men 
require  more  sleep  than  others,  but  as  a  general  rule  the 
division  of  time  should  be  eight  hours  in  twenty-four 
for  sleeping,  eight  for  relaxation  and  eight  for  study  and 
business. 

Mr.  Choate  served  one  term  in  each  branch  of  the 
Massachusetts  Legislature  and  one  term  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  and  he  was 
elected  to  fill  Mr.  Webster's  vacancy  in  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  when  Webster  accepted  a  seat  in 
President  Harrison's  cabinet.  Whilst  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  he  made  a  very  able  speech  in  favor  of 
a  moderate  tariff.  This  was  in  1832,  when  it  was  pro 
posed  to  reduce  the  duties  on  imports.  He  admitted 


512  RUFUS   CHOATE. 

the  tariff  laws  were  injurious  to  the  South,  but  to  reduce 
the  duties  at  that  time  would  work  a  much  greater 
injury  to  the  manufacturing  States.  He  said  Massa 
chusetts  was  opposed  to  protection  in  its  origin,  but  after 
it  had  become  the  settled  policy  of  the  government,  she 
withdrew  her  capital  from  commerce  and  invested  it  in 
manufactories.  To  withdraw  this  protection  now  would 
be  the  destruction  of  her  manufacturing  interest,  which 
had  been  built  up  on  the  faith  of  the  government. 

In  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Choate  made 
a  speech  again  in  1845,  against  the  reduction  of  duties, 
and  in  favor  of  the  rejection  of  Governor  McDuffie's 
bill  for  that  purpose.  He  also  made  a  speech  during 
the  same  session  of  the  Senate  against  the  constitutional 
right  of  admitting  Texas  into  the  Union  under  the  treaty 
making  power.  As  a  specimen  of  his  style  of  speaking 
I  will  give  an  extract  of  a  sentence  or  two  from  that 
speech.  "  He  held  that  we  could  not  do  this  though  it 
were  ever  so  high  an  object  of  protection.  We  could 
not  do  it  if  it  insured  a  thousand  years  of  liberty  to  the 
Union.  If  this  Texas  annexation  were  to  work  all  these 
incomparable  and  inconsistent  and  impossible  good 
things — if  it  were  to  establish  a  millennium  in  every  part 
of  the  earth,  and  furnish  a  good  monopoly  for  Pennsyl 
vania  iron  and  Massachusetts  shoes — if  it  should  pro 
duce  all  the  cotton  and  sugar  in  the  world,  and  be  tilled 
only  by  the  hands  of  the  free — if,  like  the  fabled  garden 
of  old,  its  rivers  should  turn  out  to  run  pearls,  and  its 
trees  bear  imperial  fruit  of  gold-1— yet  even  then  we 
could  not  admit  her."  To  all  these  temptations  he  had 
but  one  answer — how  could  he  do  this  and  not  sin 
against  the  Constitution.  He  cleaved  to  the  constitution 
and  abstained  from  any  discussion  upon  the  grounds  of 
expediency. 

In  many  respects  Mr.  Choate  was  a  Southern  man, 
and  it  would  have  been  happy  for  him  if  he  had 
been  born  at  the  South.  He  said  "  Massachusetts  poli 
tics  are  narrow.  In  moral  point  of  view,  she  has  no 


RUFUS   CHOATE.  513 

right  to  touch  the  subject  of  slavery.  These  zealots  for 
get  that  there  may  be  conflicting  duties,  and  that  it  is 
duty  to  support  the  compromise  of  slavery,  to  secure 
universal  peace  and  prosperity.  Massachusetts  contin 
ually  breaks  the  foedus.  Southern  States,  homogeneous 
in  productions  and  characters  peculiarly  adapted  form  a 
separate  State.  Southern  leaders  are  now  busy  on  that 
really  delightful  task,  the  creation  of  a  new  common 
wealth.  New  England  is  somewhat  anti-progressive 
against  acquisition  of  territory  and  free  trade.  She 
should  catch  that  great  gale  of  impulse,  enthusiasm  and 
enterprise,  which  is  ever  agitating  and  giving  tone  to 
A  merica." 

He  believed  in  State  rights,  and  did  not  think  that  a 
State  could  be  whipped  back  in  the  Union.  He  said, 
"  In  Kansas  blood  will  be  shed  yet,  but  that  is  not  the 
great  danger.  The  danger  in  our  Union  is  that  a  State's 
quo  (or)  a  State  in  its  sovereign  capacity  shall  declare 
war  and  take  the  field.  Whenever  a  fetate  quo  (or)  a 
State,  shall  come  out  against  the  national  government, 
we  can't  do  anything;  for  that  which  ordinarily  would 
be  treason  is,  as  it  were  saved  from  being  so  by  the  flag 
of  the  State  ;  certainly  at  least  so  far  as  to  save  the  point 
of  honor.  Herein  lurks  the  great  danger  of  our  system 
of  government." 

When  Colonel  Fremont  was  nominated  as  a  sectional 
candidate  for  the  Presidency,  he  came  out  boldly  against 
him,'  and  for  Mr.  Buchanan.  He  observed, "  every  duty 
and  taste  is  against  this  party  of  the  sections.  They 
will  conduct  a  canvass,  every  speech  of  which  will  be 
charged  with  hatred — to  one  portion  of  the  country.  I 
will  never  march  in  their  party  ;  I  have  never  yet  seen, 
however,  the  good  argument  that  slavery  wasn't  better 
for  the  blacks  than  freedom,  as  regards  merely  their  sen 
sations — the  gratification  of  their  merely  sensual  wants." 
He  said  he  felt  it  clearly  to  be  his  duty  to  support  Bu 
chanan,  for  the  Fremont  party  was  a  sectional,  anti-Union 
party,  and  nothing  should  be  left  undone  to  defeat  it. 


514  RUFUS   CHOATE. 

Mr.  Choate's  conversations  with  Parker,  in  reference 
to  public  men  and  the  classics,  is  particularly  interesting 
and  instructive.  He  said  :  "  The  Deraosthenian  is  the 
style  for  oratoric  success  before  the  people — sharp  and 
strong — might  he  less  hold.  You  mustn't  read  lives  with 
the  idea  of  getting  any  facts.  It's  all  a  splendid  ro 
mance.  Horace  and  Juvenal  are  for  the  Bar.  Virgil 
contains  nothing  for  quoting  there,  so  terse,  pithy,  sen 
tentious.  Macaulay  is  not  a  historical  style— an  essayist ; 
his  glitter  wearisome  in  a  history.  Hume  and  Robin 
son  are  both  superior  for  style. 

<f  Napoleon,  if  he  had  not  been  employed  in  public 
affairs,  would  have  become  a  great  mathematician,  a  La 
Place.  Caesar,  the  most  remarkable  man  of  the  world, 
with  all  his  revels,  must  have  immensely  labored. 
Erskine  will  live  in  the  speeches  reported  by  himself. 
Cicero  on  his  eternal  writings.  Erskine  spoke  the  best 
English  ever  spoken  by  an  advocate.  It  was  learned 
from  Burke  and  Milton  ;  it's  the  finest,  richest,  and  most 
remarkable  English  extant.  Burke  will  live  for  ever. 
Brougham's  style  is  very  classic.  Webster's  idiom  is 
not  at  all  classic.  Clay's  reputation,  he  thinks,  is  ephem 
eral.  Webster  has  as  living  and  enduring  a  reputa 
tion  as  that  kind  of  fame  ever  reaches.  Brougham  has 
more  talent  and  is  less  self-indulgent,  but  will  not  live 
so  long  in  memory.  You  ought  to  read  Tacitus  over 
and  over  to  catch  his  idiom.  These  terse  writers  have 
the  style  which  the  Bar  should  affect ;  the  Ciceronian  is 
too  diffuse  and  loose. 

"  Sir  Robert  Peel  had  not  either  that  heroic  order  of 
mind  which  wins  the  support  most  delightful  to  the 
magnanimous  spirit,  that  of  free,  unrewarded  admiration. 
His  eloquence  lacked  the  Direna  mens,  the  burning  en 
thusiasm,  the  breathing  thoughts,  which  sweep  like  tem 
pests  over  minds.  His  was  an  adaptive,  not  a  creative 
mind. 

"  Pope  in  English,  Horace  in  Latin,  have  the  mastery 
of  the  finesses — the  exquisite  niceties,  the  curiosa  felicitus 


BUFUS   CHOATE.  515 

of  speech.  Mistake  to  think  Burke  was  not,  in  his 
prime,  a  great  orator.  Erskine  was  a  very  vehement 
speaker.  In  addressing  a  jury  he  would  sometimes  jump 
up  and  knock  his  feet  together  before  he  touched  the 
floor  again.  He  was  very  judicious  in  his  forensic 
fights,  never  made  a  blunder.  The  management  of  his 
cases,  too,  was  admirable.  Master  of  every  art  and 
trick,  and  subtlety  and  contrivance. 

"  Webster  in  his  prime  was  a  prodigious  orator.  He 
can  give  an  eifect  to  single  passages  greater  than  any 
man  I  ever  saw.  Clay  was  a  great  orator.  His  lan 
guage  was  as  an  absorbing  mind  would  naturally  pick 
up  in  thirty  years'  intimacy  with  thoroughbred  men.  It 
is  quite  equal  to  William  Pitt's.  I  have  seen  him  in  the 
middle  of  a  speech  in  the  Senate  completely  plobbergosted 
for  want  of  a  pinch  of  snuff — the  only  stimulus  I  ever 
knew  him  to  use.  Calhoun  was  a  great  reasoner  and 
logician,  arid  as  a  desert,  no  pretentious  to  genuine  elo 
quence.  He  stood  up  straight  and  spoke  clearly  some 
thirty  minutes  generally.  He  spoke  as  Euclid  would 
have  spoken.  He  was  full  of  fine-spun  distinction, 
but  lacked  in  later  days  common  sense. 

"  Demosthenes  had  in  addition  to  iron  logic  and 
massive  reason,  an  awful  vehemence,  perfectly  tempes 
tuous  and  boisterous ;  a  diction  every  word  of  which 
was  clean  cut  and  sterling  like  stamped  gold ;  a  har 
mony  of  numbers  also.  Legan's  article  in  the  New 
York  Review  on  him  is  the  best  thing  ever  written  in 
English  about  him.  He  was  very  common  sense  and 
straightforward. 

"  Judge  Woodbury  is  in  many  respects  remarkable. 
Used  to  study  sixteen  hours  a  day,  always  very  labo 
rious — traveled  with  a  book — studies  too  much — over 
tasks  and  clouds  his  mind.  Used  to  sleep  on  a  board 
in  order  not  to  prolong  his  repose.  Singularly  deficient 
in  taste  and  accomplishments  in  belles  lettres,  and  polite 
letters  and  literature  generally. 

"  When  I  was  with  Wirt,  I  heard  Pinckney  speak 


516  RUFUS   CHOATE. 

three  days.  The  first  two  days  he  tore  himself  all  to 
pieces ;  but  the  third  day,  with  his  vast  command  of 
words  rolling  out,  it  was  inexpressible  music.  He  had 
a  tough  head.  Judge  Story's  English  was  very  common 
place  and  wishy-washy.  His  was  a  mere  fluency,  a  rat 
tle-clap  common  English.  He  never  had  time,  amid 
his  splendid  legal  accomplishments,  to  enlarge  his  vocab 
ulary. 

"  William  Pitt  was  indebted  for  his  charm  of  oratory 
mainly  to  his  voice  and  his  periods.  These  were  equally 
and  sometimes  beautifully  balanced,  and  most  harmoni 
ously  constructed.  The  musical  tide  rode  on  with  a 
fine  flow.  Macaulay's  speeches,  with  their  exquisite  art 
of  composition,  were  in  the  House  of  Commons  very 
effective  and  captivating.  Chatham's  studies  were  very 
wide.  His  English  is  vastly  before  his  son's.  Boling- 
broke  is  rich  and  glorious.  He  had  a  Caesarian  head. 
Kossuth  was  truly  a  most  eloquent  man.  He  has  warm 
sensibilities  and  ardent  imagination,  and,  more  than  all, 
an  object  of  impassioned  interest  to  him  and  to  us." 

Mr.  Choate  was  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
from  1841  to  1845,  and  during  that  time  made  brilliant 
speeches  on  the  tariff,  Oregon,  California,  the  Bankrupt 
Law,  and  the  Courts  of  the  United  States.  He  was  not, 
however,  a  very  frequent  debater.  It  was  not  his  appro 
priate  field.  He  preferred  being  in  court  and  before  a 
jury,  where  he  could  gain  verdicts  by  a  sort  of  mesmeric 
eloquence.  He  returned  to  the  Bar,  and  continued  to 
practice  his  profession  with  pre-eminent  success.  He 
was  frequently  called  upon  to  deliver  orations  and 
addresses  before  the  people  on  important  occasions.  He 
delivered  an  oration  on  the  death  of  President  Harrison 
before  the  people  of  Boston,  in  Faneuil  Hall.  On  the 
death  of  Mr.  Webster,  who  was  his  most  intimate  and 
bosom  friend.  Dartmouth  College  called  on  him  to 
deliver  an  eulogy  on  the  illustrious  pupil  and  graduate 
of  that  institution.  The  citizens  of  Boston  wished  him 
to  do  the  same  thing  in  Faneuil  Hall.  But  he  declined 


RUFUS   CHOATE.  517 

this  last  invitation,  thinking  that  his  oration  would  be 
more  appropriate  delivered  within  the  walls  of  his  and 
Mr.  Webster's  Alma  Mater.  July  4th,  1858,  he  deliv 
ered  an  address  before  the  young  men's  Democratic  club 
of  Boston.  When  the  Republican  party  became  a  sec 
tional  party  Mr.  Choate  left  it  and  joined  the  Demo 
crats.  His  great  and  noble  heart  was  too  large  and  his 
patriotism  too  broad  to  be  confined  to  New  England. 
He  was  a  statesman  and  not  a  politician.  He  loved  the 
whole  Union,  and  was  not  disposed  to  oppress  or  insult 
any  portion  of  it. 

The  handwriting  of  Mr.  Choate  was  as  remarkable 
and  extraordinary  as  his  genius  or  eloquence.  There 
was  never  anything  like  it  in  chirography,  except  the 
hieroglyphics  on  the  Chinese  tea  chests  sent  to  "  the 
outer  world."  It  was  impossible  for  one  unacquainted 
with  his  marks  and  scratches  to  decipher  his  handwriting. 
It  looked  something  like  a  spider  had  crawled  over  the 
paper  after  getting  out  of  an  ink  bottle. 

In  person  Mr.  Choate  was  tall,  slender  and  ungainly, 
lank  and  hollow-visaged,  with  a  brilliant,  dazzling  eye, 
deeply  sunk  in  his  coffee-colored  face.  The  hair  of  his 
head  stood  out  in  a  wild,  fantastic  fashion.  His  smile, 
notwithstanding  his  hard  features  was  sweet,  and  fasci 
nating.  His  large  head,  remarkable  for  its  length,  and 
his  broad  high  forehead,  indicated  his  great  intellectual 
powers. 

Mr.  Choate  died  in  Canada,  July,  1859,  where  he 
had  gone  for  his  health.  Faneuil  Hall  was  draped  in 
mourning,  and  opened  for  the  reception  of  the  people 
of  Boston  when  the  melancholy  news  reached  that  city. 
Mr.  Everett  and  several  other  distinguished  persons 
made  addresses  on  the  life  and  character  of  this  great 
advocate,  lawyer,  statesman,  scholar  and  patriot. 


FISHER  AMES. 

There  were  few  eminent  statesmen  of  his  day  and 
time  more  distinguished  as  an  orator  than  Fisher  Ames, 
of  Massachusetts.  In  olden  times  there  were  brilliant 
extracts  from  his  speeches  published,  which  were  mem 
orized  and  spoken  by  schoolboys  at  their  exhibitions 
throughout  the  country.  He  was  a  fine  logician,  as  well 
as  a  wise  statesman  and  eloquent  rhetorician.  In  American 
Eloquence,  by  Frank  Moore,  published  in  1858,  there  are 
two  of  Mr.  Ames's  speeches  in  Congress,  given  as  models 
of  eloquence  and  statesmanship.  The  one  on  the  "  Com 
mercial  Relations  of  the  United  States  with  Foreign  Na 
tions,"  and  the  other  on  "  Jay's  celebrated  Treaty  with 
Great  Britain  in  1796."  In  the  first  he  avows  himself 
as  the  advocate  of  free  trade  and  opposed  to  all  restric 
tions  on  commerce.  We  ought  to  be  allowed  to  pur 
chase  in  the  cheapest  market  and  sell  in  the  dearest.  He 
says :  "  Were  I  invested  with  the  trust  to  legislate  for 
mankind,  it  is  very  probable  the  first  act  of  my  authority 
would  be  to  throw  all  the  restrictive  and  prohibitory 
laws  into  the  fire  ;  the  resolutions  on  the  table  would  not 
be  spared.  But,  if  I  were  to  do  so,  it  is  probable  I 
should  have  a  quarrel  on  my  hands  with  every  civilized 
nation."  These  .  resolutions  were  introduced  by  Mr. 
Madison  and  advocated  by  him  with  great  zeal  and 
ability. 

The  speech  on  Jay's  treaty  is  indeed  a  model  speech 
for  an  American  statesman,  patriot  and  orator.  It  con 
tains  thrilling  bursts  of  eloquence,  with  sentiments  of 
the  highest  honor  and  principles  of  the  profoundest 
wisdom.  He  says :  "  The  consequences  of  refusing  to 
make  provision  for  the  treaty  are  not  all  to  be  foreseen. 
By  rejecting,  vast  interests  are  committed  to  the  sport  of 
518 


FISHER   AMES.  519 

the  winds.  Chance  becomes  the  arbiter  of  events,  and  it 
is  forbidden  to  human  foresight  to  count  their  number 
or  measure  their  extent.  Before  we  resolve  to  leap  into  the 
abyss,  so  dark  and  so  profound,  it  becomes  us  to  pause 
and  reflect  upon  such  of  the  dangers  as  are  obvious  and 
inevitable.  If  this  assembly  should  be  wrought  into  a 
temper  to  defy  these  consequences,  it  is  in  vain,  it  is  decep 
tive,  to  pretend  that  we  can  escape  them.  It  is  more 
than  weakness  to  say,  that  as  the  public  faith  and  vote 
have  already  settled  the  question,  another  tribunal  than 
our  own  is  already  erected.  The  public  opinion,  not 
only  of  our  own  country  but  of  the  enlightened  world, 
will  pronounce  a  judgment  that  we  cannot  resist,  that  we 
dare  not  even  affect  to  despise.  Well  may  I  urge  it  to 
men  who  know  the  worth  of  character,  that  it  is  no  trivial 
-calamity  to  have  it  contested.  Refusing  to  do  what  the 
treaty  stipulates  shall  be  done,  opens  the  controversy. 
Even  if  it  should  stand  justified  at  last,  a  character  that 
is  vindicated  is  worse  than  it  stood  before,  unquestioned 
and  unquestionable.  Like  the  plaintiff  in  an  action  of 
slander,  we  reach  a  reputation  disfigured  by  invective, 
and  even  tarnished  by  too  much  fondling.  In  the  con 
test  for  the  honor  of  the  nation,  it  may  receive  some 
wounds,  which,  though  they  should  heal,  will  leave  scars. 
I  need  not  say,  for  surely  the  feelings  of  every  bosom 
have  anticipated,  that  we  cannot  guard  this  sense  of 
national  honor,  this  everlasting  fire,  which  alone  keeps 
patriotism  warm  in  the  heart,  with  a  sensibility  too 
vigilant  and  jealous." 

It  has  been  supposed  that  the  Southern  States  are 
more  congenial  and  more  productive  of  eloquence  than 
the  Northern  States.  It  is  true  that  during  the  Revolu 
tion  there  were  no  orators  North  equal  in  heart-stirring 
eloquence  to  Patrick  Henry,  John  Rutledge,  and  Rich 
ard  Henry  Lee.  And  since  the  Revolution,  Henry 
Clay,  Robert  Y.  Hayne,  William  Pinckney,  and  Hugh 
S.  Legare  have  scarcely  had  their  equals  in  any  of  the 
Northern  States.  Buckle,  in  his  History  of  Civilization, 


520  FISHER   AMES. 

a  work  of  the  greatest  ability  and  learning,  and  the 
most  profound  philosophy  and  original  thoughts,  says 
that  climate,  soil,  food  and  aspect  of  the  country  have 
their  influence  on  the  characteristics  of  every  people. 
He  contends  that  a  southern  country  has  been  more  favor 
able  to  and  productive  of  eloquence,  poetry  and  paint 
ing  than  a  northern  clime;  and  that  the  latter  has  been 
more  productive  of  science  and  learning.  Italy,  Spain 
and  Portugal  have  excelled  in  poetry  and  painting, 
without  producing  a  single  man  of  pre-eminent  science 
and  learning  or  philosophy.  In  ancient  times  the  two 
greatest  orators  of  the  world,  Demosthenes  and  Cicero, 
and  the  greatest  poet  of  any  age  or  country,  Homer, 
were  born  in  Greece  and  Rome,  southern  nations.  But 
in  modern  times  the  North  has  produced  a  Bacon,  a  New 
ton,  and  a  Descartes,  who  stand  unrivalled  in  learning, 
philosophy  and  science. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  climate,  soil,  food  and  the 
general  aspect  of  the  country  have  their  influence  on 
mankind.  All  history  proves  it.  The  eastern  countries 
have  ever  been  distinguished  for  imagination.  And  all 
the  great  religious  of  the  world,  the  Buddhist,  Hebrew, 
Christian  and  Mohammedan,  have  had  their  origin  in 
the  East.  But  the  North  has  not  been  altogether  defi 
cient  in  brilliancy  of  imagination  ;  Milton  and  Ossian, 
and  Shakespeare  and  Byron  as  poets,  and  Burke  as  an 
orator,  have  not  been  surpassed.  So,  too,  in  the  United 
States,  the  North  has  produced  more  brilliant  poets  than 
the  South ;  and  as  orators,  Fisher  Ames,  and  Sargeant 
and  Prentiss,  are  the  peers  of  any  Southern  orators  for 
eloquence.  Prentiss  died  when  lie  was  only  forty-one. 
He  was  born  and  educated  in  Maine,  moved  to  Missis 
sippi  after  he  had  commenced  the  study  of  law,  served 
one  or  two  sessions  in  Congress,  and  made  innumerable 
stump  speeches.  For  brilliancy  of  imagination  and  thril 
ling  eloquence  he  had  no  superior.  He  was  a  cripple, 
and  the  most  timid  and  bashful  man  in  society  that  ever 
was,  and  yet  in  speaking  he  never  knew  what  timidity  or 


FISHER   AMES.  521 

embarrassment  was !  He  used  to  say  that  if  let  down  on  the 
woolsack,  in  the  English  House  of  Lords,  he  would  not 
feel  the  slightest  hesitancy  or  embarrassment  in  addressing 
that  illustrious  body  of  peers! 

Fisher  Ames  was  born  in  Dedham,  Massachusetts, 
April  9th,  1758,  and  graduated  in  Yale  College  when  he 
was  only  twenty  years  old.  He  lost  his  father  early  in 
life,  who  was  a  physician  of  skill  and  learning,  and  a 
gentleman  of  wit  and  brilliant  conversational  powers. 
After  graduating,  Fisher  taught  school — like  John 
Adams  and  many  other  distinguished  men — for  several 
years.  He  then  read  law,  and  wrote  several  political 
essays  over  the  signatures  of  "  Brutus  "  and  "  Camillas," 
which  attracted  great  public  attention,  and  introduced 
him  to  the  leading  men  of  Boston.  He  commenced  the 
practice  of  his  profession  in  his  native  town  of  Dedham, 
and  soon  became  famous  for  his  forensic  displays  at  the 
bar.  He  moved  to  Boston  and  was  elected  a  member  of 
the  Massach usetts  Legislature.  When  the  State  Conven 
tion  was  called,  in  1787,  to  consider  the  adoption  of  the 
Federal  Constitution,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  that 
body,  and  took  an  active  and  conspicuous  part  in  advo 
cating  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution. 

The  convention  was  composed  of  three  or  four 
hundred  members,  and  almost  all  the  leading  men  of 
Massachusetts  were  members  of  it.  Fisher  Ames  was 
then,  comparatively,  a  very  young  man  ;  and  yet  no 
one  in  the  convention  argued  the  questions  mooted  with 
more  ability  than  he  did.  His  speech  in  favor  of 
biennial  elections  was  clear,  lucid  and  convincing. 
When  he  had  finished,  the  venerable  Samuel  Adams, 
who  was  opposed  to  that  clause  in  Federal  Constitution, 
expressed  himself  satisfied  by  the  argument  of  Mr. 
Ames.  In  the  course  of  his  argument  he  said : 
"  Faction  and  enthusiasm  are  the  instruments  by  which 
popular  governments  are  destroyed.  We  need  not  talk 
of  the  power  of  an  aristocracy.  The  people,  when  they 
lose  their  liberties,  are  cheated  out  of  them.  They 


522  FISHER  XMES. 

nourish  factions  in  their  bosoms,  which  will  subsist  so 
long  as  abusing  their  honest  credulity  shall  be  the 
means  of  acquiring  power.  A  democracy  is  a  volcano 
which  conceals  the  fiery  materials  of  its  own  destruction. 
These  will  produce  an  eruption,  and  carry  desolation  in 
their  way.  The  people  always  mean  right,  and  if  time 
is  allowed  for  reflection  and  information  they  will  be 
right.  I  would  not  have  the  first  wish,  the  momentary 
impulse  of  the  public  mind  become  law ;  for  it  is  not 
always  the  sense  of  the  people,  with  whom  I  admit  that 
all  power  resides.  On  great  questions  we  must  first 
hear  the  loud  clamors  of  passion,  artifice  and  faction. 
I  consider  biennial  elections  as  a  security,  that  the  sober 
second  thought  of  the  people  shall  be  law.  There  is  a 
calm  review  of  public  transactions  which  is  made  by 
the  citizens  who  have  families  and  children,  the  pledges 
of  their  fidelity.  To  provide  for  popular  liberty,  we 
must  take  care  that  measures  shall  not  be  adopted 
without  due  deliberation.  The  member  chosen  for  two 
years  will  feel  some  independence  in  his  seat.  The 
factions  of  the  day  will  expire  before  the  end  of  his 
term." 

The  last  speech  of  Mr.  Ames  in  the  convention,  just 
before  the  vote  of  the  adoption  of  the  convention  was 
taken,  is  a  most  able  and  eloquent  one.  He  expressed 
the  belief  that  the  American  Republic  would  one  day 
contain  fifty  millions  of  people.  That  day  has  already 
arrived. 

Mr.  Ames  was  elected  a  member  of  the  first  Congress 
under  the  Federal  Constitution  from  the  city  of  Boston, 
and  continued  in  Congress  eight  years  successively, 
during  the  whole  of  Washington's  administration.  And 
there  was  no  abler  or  more  devoted  supporter  of  that 
administration  than  he  proved  himself  to  be.  He  rose 
above  the  mere  politician  and  partisan  in  all  of  his 
speeches,  and  showed  himself  a  statesman  and  patriot 
of  the  highest  order,  wise  and  liberal  in  all  his  views. 
He  opposed  the  tax  on  the  importation  of  Africans, 


FISHER   AMES.  523 

although  he  said  he  detested  slavery.  His  speech  on 
the  United  States  Bank  is  one  of  surpassing  ability. 
He  said  the  clause  in  the  Constitution  giving  Congress 
power  to  pass  laws  to  carry  the  enumerated  powers  into 
execution  gave  no  new  power,  but  clearly  showed  that 
implied  powers  were  contemplated  in  the  Constitution. 
They  were  exercised  necessarily  every  day  by  Congress, 
and  he  mentioned  a  great  many  of  them.  The  right  of 
Congress  to  govern  the  Western  territory  was  not 
expressly  granted,  but  implied  by  the  nature  of  the 
case,  or  from  the  power  to  regulate  the  property  of  the 
United  States.  Under  the  power  to  regulate  trade 
Congress  has  taxed  ships,  erected  lighthouses,  and  made 
laws  to  govern  seamen. 

On  passing  a  law  for  the  naturalization  of  foreigners, 
Governor  Giles,  of  Virginia,  moved  that  if  any  of  them 
held  a  title  of  nobility  they  should  renounce  the  same 
under  oath.  This  produced  great  excitement  in  Con 
gress  when  the  yeas  and  nays  were  called.  They  who 
were  opposed  to  the  motion  did  not  like  to  record  their 
votes  for  fear  it  would  go  out  to  the  American  people 
that  they  were  in  favor  of  an  order  of  nobility,  and  be 
dubbed  aristocrats.  Mr.  Ames  spoke  against  the  mo 
tion,  and  said  it  would  amount  to  nothing,  that  they 
relinquished  nothing  which  they  could  hold  in  the 
United  States.  Mr.  William  Laughton  Smith,  of  South 
Carolina,  pronounced  the  proposed  amendment  as  wholly 
incompetent  to  the  end  it  professed  to  have  in  view. 
The  people  might  still  call  a  nobleman  "my  lord"  after 
he  had  renounced  his  title,  and  no  one  could  punish 
them  for  it.  Governor  Giles's  amendment  was  carried 
by  59  yeas  against  32  nays. 

After  serving  eight  years  in  Congress  Mr.  Ames 
retired,  with  a  brilliant  reputation  as  a  statesman  and 
orator,  and  determined  to  resume  his  profession  at  the 
bar.  But  in  a  short  time  he  was  forced  by  ill-health  to 
retire  to  the  country,  and  amuse  himself  by  rural  pur 
suits.  He  had  married,  when  thirty-four  years  old, 


524  FISHER   AMES. 

Miss  Frances  Worthington,  of  Springfield,  and  his 
domestic  life  was  a  most  pleasant  and  happy  one.  He 
was  very  much  alarmed  in  his  retirement  for  the  condi 
tion  of  his  country,  on  account  of  the  French  Revolu 
tion,  and  wrote  several  political  essays  setting  forth  the 
danger  of  French  influence  on  our  republican  institu 
tions.  He  was  a  strong  Federalist,  and  saw  the  down 
fall  of  that  party,  and  imagined  that  his  country  was 
destined  to  fall  with  it.  During  this  gloomy  period  of 
his  mind  he  was  in  the  last  stages  of  consumption. 

His  life  and  writings  have  been  published  by  his  son, 
Seth  Ames,  and  his  letters  show  that  he  was  "  one  of 
the  liveliest,  wittiest,  and  most  graceful  of  letter-writers." 
He  was  elected  President  of  Harvard  University,  and 
declined  the  high  honor  on  the  ground  that  his  habits 
and  education  did  not  fit  him  for  the  position.  It  is 
very  seldom  that  the  appointee  of  a  high  and  honorable 
office  gives  such  a  reason  for  not  accepting  it.  He  was 
honored  by  the  college  of  Princeton  with  the  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Laws.  On  the  death  of  Washington  he  was 
selected  by  the  people  of  Boston  to  deliver  an  oration 
on  his  life  and  character.  "  In  private  life  Mr.  Ames 
is  described  by  those  who  knew  him  best  as  one  of  the 
most  charming  and  fascinating  companions.  His 
appearance  was  attractive,  his  manners  gentle  and 
prepossessing,  the  play  of  his  wit  and  imagination 
brilliant  and  incessant.  His  private  character  wa& 
absolutely  without  spot  or  blemish.  It  might  be  said 
of  him,  as  Lord  Chesterfield  wrote  of  the  elder  Pitt,. 
'  his  private  life  was  stained  by  no  vice,  and  sullied  by 
no  meanness.7  In  person  Mr.  Ames  was  tall  and  well- 
proportioned,  his  countenance  handsome,  and  his  eyes 
expressive.  In  debate  his  manner  was  animated,  and 
he  readily  became  excited." 

Mr.  Ames  died  in  1808,  in  the  fiftieth  year  of  his 
age.  What  he  would  have  been  had  he  been  blessed 
with  health  and  a  long  life  we  may  well  imagine  from 
his  short  and  brilliant  career.  His  mother  was  a 


FISHER   AMES.  525 

remarkable  woman.  She  was  left  a  widow  in  early  life, 
with  five  children,  under  very  straitened  circumstances ; 
but  she  determined,  on  account  of  his  precocity  and  love 
of  learning,  to  give  her  son  Fisher  a  good  education. 
This  she  did,  as  I  have  already  stated,  and  she  had  the 
satisfaction  of  knowing  that  her  maternal  care  and 
honesty  had  not  been  bestowed  in  vain.  There  can  be 
no  greater  pleasure  on  earth  to  a  fond  mother  than  to 
see  her  son  honored  and  distinguished  for  his  virtues 
and  talents.  Nor  can  there  be  a  more  heartfelt  satisfac 
tion  to  an  honored  son  than  to  thus  gratify  his  mother. 
When  Hugh  S.  Legare  made  his  great  speech  in  Con 
gress  on  the  sub-treasury,  and  received  the  cordial  con 
gratulations  of  his  friends  he  said,  with  tears  in  his 
eyes,  that  his  highest  pleasure  would  be  to  know  that 
his  mother  was  gratified  by  his  first  effort  in  Congress. 

The  family  of  Fisher  Ames  was  one  of  the  oldest  of 
Massachusetts'  settlers,  and  is  very  numerous  at  the 
present  time  in  that  state.  Well  may  Massachusetts, 
Virginia  and  South  Carolina  be  proud  of  the  illustrious 
sons  they  have  given  the  Republic. 


WILLIAM    WIRT. 

This  great  man  and  distinguished  gentleman  was 
more  eminent  as  a  lawyer,  orator  and  writer,  than  as  a 
statesman.  He  was,  however,  a  statesman  also.  He 
served  two  years  in  the  Virginia  Legislature,  twelve 
years  as  Attorney-General  of  the  United  States,  which 
is  a  political  as  well  as  a  legal  office,  and  he  was  once  a 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States,  in 
opposition  to  General  Jackson  and  Henry  Clay. 

The  life  of  William  Wirt  has  been  written  by  John 
P.  Kennedy,  Secretary  of  Navy  under  President  Fill- 
more,  and  author  of  Horseshoe  Robinson  and  several 
other  interesting  novels.  This  charming  work,  in  two 
volumes,  dedicated  to  "  The  young  men  of  the  United 
States  who  seek  for  guidance  to  an  honorable  fame,"  has 
alrpady  gone  through  several  editions,  and  is  a  valuable 
accession  to  the  literature  of  our  country.  Mr.  Kennedy 
is  a  polished  writer,  and  was  himself  a  scholar,  states 
man,  and  gentleman.  His  brief  dedication  of  "  these 
memories  "  to  the  young  men  is  most  appropriate,  for 
they  could  not  have  a  better  "  guidance  to  an  honorable 
fame  "  than  the  pure  and  brilliant  life  of  William  Wirt. 
He  rose  from  a  poor,  friendless  orphan  boy,  by  an  hon 
orable  and  laborious  life,  to  the  highest  pinnacle  of  fame 
as  a  lawyer,  advocate  and  orator,  loved  and  admired  by 
all  who  knew  him. 

William  Wirt  was  born  November  8th,  1772,  in  Bla- 
densburg,  Maryland.  His  father,  Jacob  Wirt,  was  a 
Swiss,  and  his  mother  was  a  German,  says  Kennedy. 
But  Wirt  says  his  mother  was  born  in  Switzerland. 
Her  parents  perhaps  were  Germans.  Old  Jacob  Wirt 
kept  a  tavern  in  Bladensburg  before  and  during  the 
Revolutionary  War.  He  died  in  1774,  when  William 
526 


WILLIAM    WIRT.  527 

was  only  two  years  old.  In  his  will  he  gives  his  wife, 
Henrietta,  "one-half  lot  of  ground  in  Bladensburg,  No. 
5,  on  which  the  Billiard -room  is  built,  and  on  which  I 
am  now  building  a  new  house.'7  The  will  likewise  men 
tions  a  brick  store  and  "  my  tavern  in  which  I  now  re 
side."  The  whole  property  was  worth  three  or  four 
thousand  dollars,  and  he  had  six  children.  William  was 
the  youngest.  Peter  A.  Games,  a  member  of  the  Mary 
land  bar,  and  a  planter  of  some  means,  took  charge  of 
the  estate.  He  had  been  a  frequent  visitor,  says  Mr. 
Kennedy,  at  Jacob  Wirt's  tavern,  and  had  formed  an 
attachment  for  the  family. 

This  lawyer  and  planter,  Peter  A.  Games,  of  Mary 
land,  is  well  known  in  the  early  history  of  South  Caro 
lina,  after  the  Revolutionary  War.  He  removed  to 
Augusta,  Georgia,  and  was  admitted  to  the  Charleston 
bar  in  1785.  He  was  a  great  wit  and  humorist,  and  a 
man  of  decided  talents.  Chief  Justice  O'Neill,  in  his 
Bench  and  Bar  and  Annals  of  Newberry,  mentions  a 
good  many  of  his  witticisms  and  jokes.  He  says  Games 
told  Chief  Justice  Rutledge  and  other  boon  companions, 
at  Ninety-six,  "  that  he  began  life  as  a  house-carpenter, 
next  tried  his  hand  as  a  millwright,  then  as  a  manufac 
turer  of  balloons !  Neither  of  these  prospering,  he  became 
a  Methodist  exhorter.  Here  again,  he  failed,  which 
drov*  him  to  the  bar."  He  made  a  large  fortune  by  his 
last  profession,  and  died  in  Augusta.  William  Wirt 
was  his  protege  for  several  years,  and  was  educated  by 
him.  After  Carnes  removed  to  Augusta  he  wrote  for 
Wirt  and  his  sister  Elizabeth  to  come  to  him  and  he 
would  protect  them.  The  sister  went,  who  was  then  a 
young  woman  grown,  and  he  married  her.  The  mother 
of  Wirt  had  been  dead  several  years. 

When  William  Wirt  was  forty-two  or  three  years  old 
he  commenced  writing  his  autobiography  for  the  amuse 
ment  of  his  children.  He  brought  it  down  only  to  his 
tenth  year,  and  his  professional  labors  prevented  his 
continuing  this  history  of  his  life.  This  is  to  be  regretted, 


528  WILLIAM   WIRT. 

as  the  autobiography  of  a  great  man  is  always  more 
interesting  than  his  life  by  anyone  else.  He  can  tell  all 
the  little  incidents  of  his  life  and  describe  his  feelings, 
which  add  so  much  to  the  interest  of  biography  and 
which  no  one  else  can  tell  or  describe.  This  was 
remarkably  the  case  with  Franklin  and  Goethe  in  their 
fragments  of  autobiography. 

Mr.  Kennedy  has  given  extracts  from  this  autobio 
graphy  of  Wirt,  which  are  exceedingly  interesting;  and 
every  one  will  regret,  on  reading  them,  that  he  did  not 
give  the  whole.  He  tells  of  his  learning  to  beat  the 
drum  when  he  was  only  three  or  four  years  old ;  that 
the  soldiers  gave  him  money  for  his  performance,  and  his 
mother  scolded  him  for  receiving  it.  He  tells  of  his  love 
of  music  and  dancing  at  his  early  age,  and  his  being 
regarded  as  a  sort  of  genius.  He  gives  an  interesting 
account  of  his  going  to  several  schools,  and  graphic 
descriptions  of  his  teachers  and  the  persons  with  whom 
he  boarded. 

But  the  most  interesting  extract  from  this  autobiogra 
phy  is  an  account  of  his  first  love  scrape,  when  he  was 
only  ten  years  old.  Whilst  boarding  at  Mrs.  Laws's,  he 
became  acquainted  with  her  little  niece,  Peggy  Reader, 
nine  years  old.  He  says  she  was  the  most  beautiful 
creature  he  ever  saw  in  his  life.  They  both  fell  desper 
ately  in  love  with  each  other,  and  solemnly  eilgaged 
themselves  to  get  married  next  Easter.  Here  the  extract 
abruptly  ends ;  we  are  not  told  what  became  of  the  little 
girl.  Wirt  had  a  very  strong  attachment  for  his  early 
friends  throughout  life,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  he 
never  forgot  this  little  sweetheart. 

After  finishing  his  classical  education  with  Mr.  Hunt 
he  was  invited  by  Benjamin  Edwards,  who  was  a 
member  of  the  Legislature  of  Maryland,  and  had  a  fine 
library,  to  become  a  private  tutor  in  his  family.  William 
Edwards,  afterwards  Governor  of  Ohio,  was  one  of  his 
pupils.  Benjamin,  the  old  gentleman,  moved  to  Ken 
tucky,  and  he  and  Wirt  corresponded  for  thirty  or  forty 


WILLIAM   WIRT.  529 

years.  All  of  Wirt's  letters  given  in  Kennedy's  life  of 
him  breathe  a  most  devoted  and  filial  affection  for  the 
old  gentleman. 

When  he  was  sixteen  or  seventeen  years  old  he  made 
the  journey  on  horseback  from  Maryland  to  Georgia  to 
see  Peter  Games  and  his  sister  Elizabeth,  living  in 
Augusta.  He  spent  the  winter  with  them,  and  returned 
to  commence  his  legal  studies  with  Mr.  Hunt,  the  son  of 
his  old  schoolmaster.  After  his  admission  to  the  bar  he 
was  persuaded  to  establish  himself  as  a  lawyer  in  Vir 
ginia.  He  lived  in  the  family  of  Dr.  Gilmer,  an 
accomplished  gentleman,  and  the  associate  of  Jefferson, 
Madison  and  Monroe.  In  this  way  he  became  early 
acquainted  with  these  great  men,  and  was  respected, 
honored  and  loved  by  them  through  life.  He  says  his 
library,  on  going  to  Albemarle  County  to  commence  his 
profession,  consisted  of  Blackstone's  Commentaries  and 
Tom  Jones. 

Dr.  Gilmer  had  a  fine  library,  and  likewise  a  beautiful 
daughter.  Wirt  fell  in  love  with  both,  and  married  the 
daughter.  In  the  course  of  three  or  four  years  she  died 
without  children,  and  he  was  so  broken-hearted  that  he 
determined  to  leave  Albemarle  and  establish  himself  in 
Richmond.  He  was  there  elected  Clerk  of  the  House  of 
Representatives.  His  habits  became  bad,  but  not  so 
bad,  says  his  biographer,  as  they  have  been  represented 
to  be.  Like  most  widowers  and  widows,  who  try  to 
mend  their  broken  hearts  as  soon  as  possible,  Wirt 
became  engaged  to  Miss  Gamble,  the  daughter  of  a  pros 
perous  merchant  in  Richmond.  The  father  was  fearful 
of  Wirt's  habits,  and  kept  him  for  some  time  on  proba 
tion  before  marrying  his  daughter.  During  this  time  he 
went  one  morning  to  Wirt's  office,  and  found  him  and 
two  or  three  boon  companions  in  a  glorious  debauch. 
They  had  sat  up  the  whole  night,  and  Wirt  was  standing 
in  the  middle  of  the  room  in  a  loose  gown,  with  a  pewter 
basin  on  his  head  for  a  hemlet,  and  a  poker  in  his  hand, 
making  a  speech  and  representing  Falstaf!. 


530  WILLIAM   WIRT. 

In  a  short  time,  however,  after  this  drunken  frolic, 
Wirt  was  unanimously  elected  Chancellor  of  the  State  of 
Virginia  by  the  Legislature.  This  indorsement  and  honor 
induced  Mr.  Gamble  to  consent  to  the  marriage  of  his 
daughter ;  and  never  was  there  a  more  happy  marriage. 
They  were  devoted  to  each  other,  and  prospered  through 
a  long  life.  She  was  ten  or  twelve  years  younger  than 
her  husband,  and  justly  felt  proud  of  him.  He  loved 
her  most  tenderly,  and  did  everything  possible  to  make 
her  happy.  They  had  twelve  children,  and  raised  seven 
or  eight  of  them. 

When  elected  chancellor,  Mr.  Wirt  had  to  live  in 
Williamsburg.  He  soon  found  that  the  salary  of  a 
chancellor  was  barely  sufficient  to  support  his  family,, 
and  there  was  no  prospect  of  laying  up  anything  for  old 
age  or  his  wife  and  children  in  case  of  his  death.  He 
determined  to  resign  his  office  and  move  to  Kentucky  -r 
but  waking  up  one  night  he  found  his  wife  weeping 
bitterly.  She  confessed  that  she  was  weeping  at  the 
thought  of  leaving  Virginia  and  settling  in  such  a  wil 
derness  as  Kentucky  then  was.  This  was  enough  for 
Wirt.  He  determined  to  resign  his  office  and  move  to 
Norfolk,  and  he  there  formed  a  partnership  with  Mr. 
Tazewell. 

His  practice  at  Norfolk  and  Williamsburg  was  very 
good ;  but  he  and  his  wife  both  wished  to  return  to 
Richmond.  They  did  so  about  the  time  Aaron  Burr 
was  to  be  tried  there  for  high  treason.  President  Jeffer 
son  employed  Wirt  to  assist  in  the  prosecution.  His 
speeches  and  arguments  in  this  trial  gave  him  a  national 
reputation.  His  glowing  and  beautiful  description  of 
Blennerhassett's  Island-wife  and  life,  before  the  intru 
sion  of  Burr,  has  been  memorized  and  spoken  by 
hundreds  of  schoolboys  all  over  the  United  States. 

About  this  time  Mr.  Wirt  wrote  his  British  Spy, 
which  ran  through  several  editions,  and  gave  him  great 
reputation  as  a  writer.  In  it  he  described  certain  char 
acters  which  were  recognized  in  Richmond,  and  caused 


WILLIAM    WIRT.  531 

him  some  enemies.  He  also  wrote  the  Old  Bachelor, 
which  was  not  so  popular  as  the  British  Spy.  He  like 
wise  wrote  a  series  of  papers  over  the  signature  of  "One 
of  the  People,"  in  vindication  of  President  Madison,  and 
in  reply  to  an  address  of  John  Randolph  and  other 
members  of  Congress  assailing  Mr.  Madison,  and  urging 
the  election  of  Mr.  Monroe  in  his  stead.  With  Monroe, 
Wirt  was  more  intimate  than  with  Madison  ;  but  inas 
much  as  Madison  had  received  the  nomination  he 
thought  it  the  duty  of  every  Democrat  to  support  him. 

The  life  of  Patrick  Henry  was  also  commenced  in 
1807,  but  not  finished  for  ten  or  fifteen  years  afterwards. 
He  says  he  found  great  difficulty  in  collecting  the 
material  for  this  life.  He  had  never  seen  Henry,  and 
of  course  had  to  depend  on  the  information  of  others,  as 
to  his  eloquence,  ability,  learning  and  character.  The 
information  he  received  from  various  sources  was  quite 
contradictory,  and  he  had  to  sift  the  truth  from  these 
different  statements.  The  life,  when  completed,  was 
very  much  lauded  by  the  press,  and  established  the 
fame  of  Wirt  as  an  author. 

He  received  from  Mr.  Madison  the  appointment  of 
District  Attorney  for  Virginia,  without  any  solicitation 
on  his  part.  In  fact  he  had  applied  for  the  office  for 
Mr.  Upshur.  After  the  election  of  Mr.  Monroe  he  was 
appointed  Attorney-General  of  the  United  States,  and 
continued  to  fill  that  high  office  with  distinguished 
ability  for  twelve  years  under  the  administrations  of 
Mr.  Monroe  and  Mr.  Adams.  The  acceptance  of  this 
office  required  his  removal  to  Washington,  and  a  sepa 
ration  in  some  measure  from  his  old  and  dear  friends  in 
Virginia.  His  practice  in  his  profession  was  greatly 
increased,  and  he  was  brought  into  competition  at  the 
bar  with  William  Pinkney,  Robert  Goodloe  Harper, 
Chief  Justice  Taney  and  Daniel  Webster. 

William  Pinkney  stood  at  the  head  of  his  profession 
in  the  United  States,  and  Mr.  Wirt  was  anxious  to 
measure  strength  with  him.  When  he  did  so  he  wrote 


532  WILLIAM    WIRT. 

his  wife  rather  a  vain  letter  as  to  his  success.  It  seems 
from  his  private  correspondence  that  he  was  jealous  of 
Pinkney's  reputation  as  a  lawyer.  There  was  a  difficulty 
between  them  which  came  very  near  becoming  serious ; 
but  fortunately  it  was  adjusted  and  Pinkney  soon  after 
wards  died.  Mr.  Wirt  removed  to  Baltimore  after  the 
expiration  of  Mr.  Adams's  administration,  and  fell  heir 
to  most  of  Mr.  Pinkney's  business.  His  practice  now 
was  immense,  and  very  remunerative.  The  ardent  wish 
of  his  heart,  to  acquire  a  competency  for  his  wife  and 
children  in  case  of  his  death,  had  never  been  gratified. 
He  made  a  large  purchase  of  lands  in  Florida,  and  sent 
two  of  his  sons-in-law  with  their  families  to  take  charge 
of  it.  He  likewise  sent  there  one  hundred  and  fifty 
Germans  to  form  a  colony,  and  provided  them  with 
everything.  They  all  abandoned  their  contract  in  a 
very  short  time,  and  left  his  hands. 

On  one  occasion  Mr.  Wirt  was  sent  for  to  argue  a 
great  case  in  Boston.  Mr.  Webster  was  employed  on 
the  other  side.  Wirt  says,  in  his  letters,  that  the  court 
room  was  crowded  with  ladies,  and  that  he  made  a  grand 
argument.  He  says  the  people  of  Boston  overwhelmed 
him  with  their  hospitality  and  kindness.  He  says  they 
surpassed  the  Virginians.  Having  received  so  many 
invitations  to  dine,  and  so  many  calls  of  friends  to  be 
returned,  he  inquired  of  his  client  what  he  should  do. 
"  Tell  them,"  said  he,  "  that  you  are  private  property, 
and  belong  to  me  till  this  case  is  finished."  "  I  will 
do  it,"  said  Wirt.  But  after  the  case  is  over  he  did 
accept  a  great  many  invitations,  and  amongst  them  one 
from  a  very  handsome,  talented  lady,  whom  he  had 
noticed  in  court.  When  he  was  taking  leave  of  her  in 
the  evening  he  said,  "  Permit  me  to  part  with  you,  as 
we  do  in  Virginia,  by  shaking  hands."  She  promptly 
extended  her  hand,  and  Mr.  Wirt  bid  her  farewell.  But 
before  he  got  to  the  door  she  called  to  him  and  said, 
"  I  had  my  glove  on,  Mr.  Wirt,  when  I  shook  hands 
with  you.  I  have  now  pulled  it  off,  and  let  us  shake 


WILLIAM   WIRT.  533 

hands  again."  This  time  he  raised  the  hand  to  his  lips 
and  kissed  it.  The  gentleman  who  was  with  Wirt  then 
said,  "  Let  me,  too,  take  Virginia  leave  of  you."  She 
extended  to  him  the  other  hand,  gloved,  and  said,  "  I 
cannot  give  you  my  right  hand."  She  did  not  wish  the 
kiss  impressed  on  it  by  Wirt  to  be  effaced. 

The  nomination  of  Wirt  for  the  Presidency  was  an 
unfortunate  movement  for  him.  He  did  not  desire  it, 
and  ought  to  have  refused  the  nomination.  It  was 
made  by  the  Anti-masons,  in  opposition  to  Jackson  and 
Clay,  and  he  received  only  seven  electoral  votes.  From 
that  time  he  seemed  oppressed,  and  began  to  decline  in 
health  and  spirits,  till  his  death.  He  died  February 
18th,  1834. 

Mr.  Kennedy's  Life  of  Wirt  is  made  up  in  a  great 
measure  with  his  letters  to  Judge  Games,  Governor 
Cohill,  Benjamin  Edwards,  Mr.  Pope,  Mr.  Gilmer,  his 
wife,  daughters,  etc.  The  following  description  of  him 
is  given  by  his  biographer:  "  In  the  prime  of  life  Mr. 
Wirt  was  marked  for  his  personal  beauty,  with  a  tall 
figure,  ample  chest,  and  erect  carriage ;  there  was  no 
great  appearance  of  muscular  strength  but  a  conspicuous 
ease  and  grace  of  motion.  His  head  was  large  and  in 
good  proportion  to  his  frame;  the  features  of  his  face 
strongly  defined;  a  large  nose,  thin  and  accurately 
formed  lips ;  a  chin  whose  breadth  gave  to  his  counten 
ance  an  approximation  to  the  square,  rather  than  the 
oval  outline;  clear,  dark-blue  eyes  looking  out  beneath 
brows  of  evident  compass,  and  the  whole  surmounted 
by  an  expanded  and  majestic  forehead,  imparted  dignity 
and  intellectual  prominence  to  a  physiognomy  which 
the  sculptor  delighted  to  study.  A  curled,  crisp  and 
vigorous  growth  of  hair, — in  his  latter  days  almost 
white, — clustered  upon  his  front,  and  gave  an  agreeable 
effect  to  the  outline  of  his  head  and  face. 

"  In  his  mariners,  Mr.  Wirt  was  gentle,  courteous  and 
winning.  His  voice  was  clear  and  sweet,  and  variously 
modulated  by  an  ear  of  the  finest  musical  perception. 


534  WILLIAM   WIRT. 

His  laugh,  never  boisterous,  was  sly,  short  and  full  of 
gayety  of  his  temper.  Few  men  ever  had  a  keener 
insight  of  the  ludicrous.  His  conversation  was  exceed 
ingly  attractive.  His  playfulness  was  contagious.  The 
simplicity  and  sincerity  of  his  manners  attracted  to  him 
the  friendship  of  every  class.  He  delighted  in  old 
remembrances  of  pleasant  persons  and  things.  A  remark 
tainted  with  bad  feeling  never  fell  from  his  lips.  He 
had  a  great  fondness  for  music. 

"  Mr.  Wirt  was  a  highly  cultivated  and  well-read  Latin 
scholar.  He  knew  nothing  of  Greek  and  often  deplored 
his  neglect  of  it.  To  attain  to  the  highest  eminence  in 
his  profession  was  the  great  aim  of  his  ambition.  In 
earlier  life  he  was  remarked  for  a  florid  imagination  and 
a  power  of  vivid  declamation.  His  manner  of  speaking 
was  singularly  attractive.  His  manly  form,  his  intellect 
ual  countenance  and  musical  voice,  set  off  by  a  rare 
gracefulness  of  gesture,  won  in  advance  the  favor  of  his 
auditory.  His  eloquence  was  smooth,  polished,  scholar- 
like,  sparkling  with  pleasant  fancies,  and  beguiling  the 
listener  by  its  varied  graces  out  of  all  note  or  conscious 
ness  of  time." 

Such  was  the  character  of  William  Wirt,  as  drawn  by 
his  accomplished  biographer's  pen.  Very  few  public 
men  were  ever  more  pleasant,  charming  and  lovable. 
As  a  friend,  husband  and  parent,  he  had  no  superior ; 
and  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life  a  true  and  devoted 
Christian. 


HENRY  LEE. 

Colonel  Henry  Lee,  of  Lee's  Legion,  is  well  known  in 
American  history  as  one  of  the  most  accomplished,  dar 
ing  and  dashing  cavalry  officers  of  the  Revolutionary 
army.  His  Memoirs  of  the  War  in  the  Southern  De 
partment  of  the  United  States,  a  work  equal  in  interest 
and  scholarship  to  Caesar's  Commentaries,  has  made  his 
name  familiar  to  the  reading  public  of  this  country. 
His  oration  on  the  life  and  character  of  Washington, 
•delivered  in  Philadelphia,  by  request  of  Congress,  in 
1799,  was  unsurpassed  for  eloquence  and  beauty  of  dic 
tion.  One  sentence  in  that  oration,  in  which  he  speaks 
of  Washington  as  "  first  in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first 
in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen/'  is  immortal.  Colonel 
Lee  was  also  an  eminent  statesman  and  devoted  patriot. 

The  father  of  Colonel  Henry  Lee  was  the  cousin  of 
Richard  Henry  Lee  and  his  three  distinguished  brothers 
— Francis  Lightfoot  Lee,  William  Lee  and  Arthur  Lee. 

A  writer  in  the  New  Encyclopedia  says  that  the 
mother  of  Colonel  Henry  Lee  was  a  Miss  Bland.  This 
is  a  mistake.  His  grandmother  was  a  Bland,  but  his 
mother  was  Lucy  Grymes,  the  early  flame  of  Washing 
ton,  and  his  "  Lowland  Beauty,"  to  whom  he  addressed 
his  "  homespun  poetry."  In  a  former  sketch  of  George 
Washington  I  have  stated  how  much  he  was  in  love 
with  this  "  Lowland  Beauty,"  and  how  deeply  he  was 
distressed  by  her  rejection  of  his  love.  I  also  men 
tioned  that  the  remembrance  of  his  woe  for  the  mother 
was  the  cause  of  his  great  partiality  for  her  young  and 
accomplished  son  when  he  met  him  in  the  army.  Wash 
ington's  regard  for  Colonel  Henry  Lee  was  reciprocated 
•on  his  part  by  the  most  devoted  affection  and  admira 
tion  through  life.  And  the  memory  of  Washington 
535 


536  HENRY    LEE. 

was  almost  idolized  by  Lee  after  his  death.  He  spoke 
of  him  as  superior  to  all  other  men  in  his  intuitive  vir 
tue,  patriotism  and  honor. 

The  father  of  Colonel  Henry  Lee  must  have  been  a 
very  superior  and  accomplished  gentleman  to  have  sup 
planted  General  Washington  in  the  affections  of  such  a 
lady  as  Lucy  Grymes.  Mr.  Grigsby,  in  his  discourse 
on  the  Virginia  Convention  of  1776,  says  Colonel 
Henry  Lee's  father  "  was  an  old  member  of  the  House 
of  Burgesses,  a  member  of  all  the  Conventions,  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Declaration  Committee,  and  a  member  of  the 
General  Assembly.  His  standing  was  of  the  first,  before 
and  after  the  Revolution."  Miss  Lucy  Grymes  Avas  a 
young  lady  possessed  of  superior  mental  endowments  as 
well  as  personal  beauty.  Her  grandson,  General  Robert 
E.  Lee,  of  the  Confederate  Army,  tells  us,  in  his  memoir 
of  his  father,  that  she  was  the  favorite  niece  of  her 
learned  and  distinguished  uncle,  Bishop  Porteus,  of 
London,  and  that  she  kept  up  a  correspondence  with 
him  for  many  years.  This  correspondence,  now  lost, 
the  General  says  was  "  interesting  and  beautiful."  Col 
onel  Henry  Lee  was  born  at  Leesylvania,  the  residence 
of  his  father,  on  the  Potomac  river,  January  29th,  1756. 
His  education  was  conducted  by  a  private  tutor  till  he 
was  thirteen  years  old,  when  he  entered  Princeton  Col 
lege,  then  under  the  Presidency  of  Dr.  Witherspoon. 

It  is  said  that  he  distinguished  himself  "  by  a  close 
and  steady  application  to  his  studies."  Dr.  William 
Shippen  wrote  Richard  Henry  Lee,  in  Philadelphia : 
"  Your  cousin  Henry  Lee  is  in  college,  and  will  be  one 
of  the  first  fellows  in  this  country.  He  is  more  than 
strict  in  his  morality,  has  a  fair  genius,  and  is  diligent. 
Charles,  his  brother,  is  in  the  grammar  school,  but  Dr. 
Witherspoon  expects  much  from  his  genius  and  applica 
tion.0  This  brother  Charles  was  afterwards  appointed, 
by  President  Washington,  Attorney-General  of  the 
United  States.  When  Henry  graduated,  he  delivered 
an  English  oration  on  the  "  Liberal  Arts,"  and  received 
the  honors  of  the  college. 


HENRY    LEE.  537 

After  graduating  he  returned  home,  and  took  charge 
of  his  father's  affairs  whilst  he  was  absent  negotiating 
treaties  with  the  Indian  tribes.  He  was  then  about  to 
set  out  for  England,  to  pursue  the  study  of  law,  under 
the  direction  of  his  mother's  uncle,  Bishop  Porteus.  But 
the  difficulties  which  sprung  up  between  the  mother 
country  and  the  colonies  made  him  abandon  this  idea, 
and  at  the  age  of  nineteen  he  received  from  Governor 
Patrick  Henry  a  captain's  commission  in  the  cavalry 
service.  He  immediately  joined  General  Washington's 
army,  and  his  company  was  selected  by  the  General  as 
his  body-guard  at  the  battle  of  Germantown.  Captain 
Lee  was  distinguished  for  the  discipline  of  his  corps, 
and  the  care  which  he  took  of  his  men  and  horses.  He 
was  rapid  and  daring  in  all  his  movements.  His  cap 
ture  of  Paulus  Hook,  in  view  of  the  British  army,  with 
one  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners,  was  a  signal  achieve 
ment,  and  he  was  promoted  to  a  majority  in  consequence 
of  it.  He  was  in  a  stone  building  once,  with  only  ten 
men,  and  was  attacked  by  two  hundred  of  the  enemy. 
He  repulsed  them  after  killing  many  of  their  number. 
He  suggested  the  attack  of  General  Wayne  on  Stony 
Point.  He  was  in  the  battles  of  Brandywine  and 
Monmouth. 

When  General  Charles  Lee,  second  in  command  to 
Washington,  was  preparing  the  organization  of  a  legion 
he  said  :  "  Major  Lee  seems  to  have  come  out  of  his 
mother's  womb  a  soldier."  After  the  formation  of  this 
legion,  he  was  ordered  to  join  General  Greene.  Con 
gress  voted  him  a  gold  medal  for  his  brilliant  achieve 
ment  at  Paulus  Hook.  His  military  career  at  the  South 
was  most  important,  rapid  and  dashing;  and  always 
successful.  At  the  battle  of  Guilford  Courthouse  Col 
onel  Lee  greatly  distinguished  himself,  and  rendered 
important  services  to  General  Greene.  After  the  battle 
he  suggested  to  General  Greene  the  daring  and  hazard 
ous  movement  of  falling  back  into  South  Carolina  and 
reconquering  the  State,  whilst  Cornwallis  was  permitted 


538  HENRY   LEE. 

to  march  on  to  Virginia  unmolested.  Lee  and  Marion 
were  sent  by  General  Greene  to  fall  upon  the  lesser  posts 
of  the  enemy  in  South  Carolina.  They  captured  Forts 
Watson,  Motte  and  Granby.  Lee  then  reunited  his 
force  with  General  Pickens,  and  captured  Augusta. 
On  his  way  he  surprised  and  captured  Fort  Gal  pin. 
Lee  was  as  generous  as  he  was  brave.  Colonel  Brown, 
who  commanded  the  British  forces  at  Augusta,  had  been 
guilty  of  great  cruelty  towards  the  Whigs,  and  they 
would  have  taken  his  life  after  his  surrender  but  for 
Lee,  who  sent  him  off  secretly.  He  then  went  with  his 
prisoners  to  join  General  Greene,  at  the  siege  of  Ninety- 
Six.  When  the  assault  was  made  on  the  Fort,  Lee  was 
successful,  but  the  other  division  was  not,  and  the 
approach  of  Lord  Rawdon  compelled  General  Greene 
to  abandon  the  siege.  It  is  said  that  Lee's  impetuous 
charge  at  Eutaw  saved  the  army  from  defeat.  He  was 
then  sent  with  despatches  to  Washington,  and  arrived  at 
Yorktown  about  the  time  of  Lord  Cornwallis's 
surrender. 

The  war  was  now  in  a  measure  over,  and  Lee  resigned 
his  commission  and  returned  home.  He  thought  Gen 
eral  Greene  had  not  noticed  him  as  he  ought  to  have 
done  in  his  dispatches.  The  General  wrote  him  a  most 
complimentary  and  affectionate  letter.  He  said :  "  Every 
body  knows  that  I  have  the  highest  opinion  of  you  as 
an  officer,  and  you  know  I  love  you  as  a  friend.  No 
man  in  the  progress  of  the  campaign  had  equal  merit 
with  yourself.  Few  officers  in  Europe  or  America  are 
held  in  so  high  a  point  of  view  as  you  are."  Greene 
tells  him  in  one  of  his  letters  that  he  is  going  home  to 
get  married,  and  intimates  that  this  was  the  cause  of  his 
resignation.  It  would  seem  that  he  was  then  engaged 
to  his  fair  cousin,  Matilda  Lee,  daughter  of  Colonel 
Philip  Ludwell  Lee.  He  went  directly  from  the  army 
to  her  father's  house.  General  Robert  E.  Lee,  his  son, 
gives  an  interesting  account  of  this  visit  in  his  memoir 
of  his  father.  Miss  Matilda  and  her  sister  Flora  espied 


HENRY   LEE.  539 

him  at  a  distance,  as  he  approached  the  house  on  horse 
back  with  his  military  servant.  She  was,  no  doubt, 
looking  out  for  him,  and  lovers  may  well  imagine  the 
joy  of  their  meeting. 

After  his  marriage  he  settled  down  at  Stratford,  the 
old  family  mansion  of  his  father,  and  was  appointed  by 
the  Virginia  Legislature  a  member  of  the  Continental 
Congress.  When  the  State  Convention  was  called  to 
ratify  the  Federal  Constitution,  Colonel  Lee  was  elected 
a  member  of  that  body,  and  with  President  Madison 
and  Chief  Justice  Marshall  was  one  of  its  most  eloquent 
advocates.  His  speeches  may  be  seen  in  .Elliott's  De 
bates  of  the  State  Convention. 

When  the  "  Whiskey  Rebellion  "  broke  out  in  Penn 
sylvania  in  1797,  Colonel  Lee  had  been  elected  Gover 
nor  of  Virginia,  and  President  Washington  appointed 
him  to  command  the  forces  which  were  raised  in  Vir 
ginia,  Maryland,  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  to  sup 
press  this  rebellion.  Colonel  Alexander  Hamilton,  the 
intimate  friend  of  Lee,  and  who  was  then  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  accompanied  the  army  as  Lee's  aide-de 
camp.  Fortunately  the  forces  raised  were  so  large  that 
the  rebels  made  no  resistance,  and  no  blood  was  shed. 
The  ringleaders  were  tried  after  their  surrender,  con 
victed  of  treason,  and  pardoned  by  the  President.  In 
1799  Colonel  Lee  was  elected  a  member  of  the  United 
^States  Congress,  and  was  appointed,  as  I  have  already 
stated,  to  deliver  an  oration  on  the  death  of  Washing 
ton.  After  the  election  of  Jefferson  he  retired  from 
Congress,  and  lived  like  a  prince  on  his  estate  at  Strat 
ford.  His  hospitality  was  unbounded,  and  he  became 
very  much  embarrassed  in  his  pecuniary  affairs.  It  is 
said  that  at  one  time  he  was  imprisoned  on  account  of 
his  debts.  During  this  interval  from  public  life,  he 
wrote  his  Memoirs  of  the  Southern  War,  a  work  which 
gives  a  glowing  account  of  all  his  brother  officers  and 
their  heroic  achievements ;  and  modestly  tells  his  own 
active  services  in  that  war.  There  is  no  work  written 
about  our  Revolutionary  war  of  greater  interest. 


540  HENRY    LEE. 

After  the  unfortunate  termination  of  the  first  cam 
paign  on  the  Canada  frontiers,  in  the  war  of  1812,  Col 
onel  Lee  was  appointed  by  President  Madison  a  Major- 
General,  to  take  command  of  the  Northern  army.  In 
passing  through  Baltimore  he  stopped  to  see  a  friend 
who  was  editing  the  Federal  Republican  newspaper. 
Whilst  he  was  in  the  office  a  mob  assembled  to  tear  it 
down.  General  Lee  was  not  a  man  to  desert  a  friend  in 
danger,  and  he  assisted  in  the  defence  of  the  house. 
Two  or  three  of  the  rioters  were  killed,  which  increased 
their  violence,  and  the  city  military  were  called  out. 
Lee  and  his  friend  were  placed  in  jail  for  safety.  The 
mob  renewed  their  attack,  tore  down  or  brdke  open  the 
prison,  and  shockingly  killed  or  wounded  all  the 
inmates.  General  Lee  was  most  seriously  injured,  had 
to  abandon  his  command,  and  went  to  the  West  Indies 
to  recover  his  health.  He  found  no  relief  there,  and 
started  to  return  home.  He  landed  on  Cumberland 
Island,  near  Savannah,  and  was  carried  to  the  house  of 
Mrs.  Shaw,  the  daughter  of  his  old  and  venerated  com 
mander,  General  Greene,  and  there  died. 

This  was  the  sad  fate  of  one  of  the  most  gallant  and 
accomplished  officers  of  the  Revolutionary  army;  a  gen 
tleman  of  the  highest  honor,  talents  and  patriotism. 
After  the  death  of  his  first  wife  General  Lee  married 
Miss  Ann  Hill  Carter,  an  accomplished  daughter  of  one 
of  the  wealthiest  and  most  charitable  of  all  noble  Vir 
ginians.  He  wrote  his  factor  in  England  to  give  a  cer 
tain  amount  of  the  sales  of  his  tobacco  to  the  poor  of 
London,  and  gave  as  a  reason  for  this  charity  that 
"  there  were  not  indigent  persons  enough  in  Virginia  to 
enable  him  to  fulfil  the  great  Christian  duty  of  charity." 
In  a  notice  of  his  death,  the  following  extract  is  given 
by  his  grandson,  General  Robert  E.  Lee :  "  Died  on 
Saturday,  June  28th,  1806,  Charles  Carter,  Esq.,  of 
Shirley,  aged  70.  His  long  life  was  spent  in  the  tran 
quillity  of  domestic  enjoyments.  From  the  mansion  of 
hospitality  his  immense  wealth  flowed  like  the  silent 


HENRY   LEE.  541 

stream,  enlivening  and  refreshing  every  object  around." 
After  the  death  of  his  first  wife,  in  1790,  General  Lee 
thought  of  going  to  France,  to  engage  in  her  Revolu 
tion,  but  was  dissuaded  by  his  cousin,  William  Lee,  who 
called  the  Parisians  "  savage  cannibals."  General  Wash 
ington,  also,  advised  against  his  going.  But,  no  doubt, 
the  most  potent  influence  exercised  over  him  was  that  of 
Miss  Carter.  When  her  father  understood  that  he  had 
abandoned  this  chivalrous  project  he  wrote  to  General 
Lee  that  he  now  gave  his  free  consent  for  him  to  marry 
his  daughter.  He  said,  "  As  we  certainly  know  that  you 
have  obtained  her  consent,  you  shall  have  that  of  her 
parents,  most  cordially,  and  we  think  the  sooner  it  takes 
place  the  better."  This  was  talking  like  a  frank  old 
Virginian. 

By  his  first  marriage  General  Lee  had  only  two  chil 
dren,  who  survived  their  mother,  a  son  and  a  daughter. 
The  son,  Henry,  was  a  man  of  talents,  but  his  character 
was  very  bad,  according  to  the  statement  in  Randall's 
Life  of  Jefferson,  which  I  have  alluded  to  in  a  sketch  of 
Richard  Henry  Lee.  He  had  several  children  by  his 
second  wife.  The  first  one,  named  Algernon  Sydney, 
after  the  great  martyr  of  liberty,  who  was  a  connection 
of  the  Lees,  died  young.  Charles  Carter  Lee  and  Rob 
ert  E.  Lee,  with  one  sister,  are  mentioned  in  General 
Lee's  letters  from  the  West  Indies.  These  letters,  to 
his  son  Carter  whilst  in  Harvard  College,  near  Boston, 
have  been  preserved,  and  are  published  in  a  third  edi 
tion  of  his  "  Memoirs  of  the  War."  His  son  General 
Robert  E.  Lee  justly  styles  them  "  letters  of  wisdom  and 
love."  They  should  be  read  by  every  one,  and  especially 
by  young  men.  They  are  noble  letters,  inculcating 
noble  principles. 

In  the  first  he  says :  "  My  dear  Carter,  I  have  just 
heard,  by  a  letter  from  Henry,  that  you  are  fixed  at  the 
University  of  Cambridge,  the  seminary  of  my  choice ; 
you  will  there  have  not  only  excellent  examples  to 
encourage  your  love  and  practice  of  virtue,  the  only  real 


542  HENRY   LEE. 

good  in  life,  but  ample  scope  to  pursue  learning  to  its 
bottom,  thereby  fitting  yourself  to  be  useful  to  your 
country,  and  to  be  an  ornament  to  your  friends. 

"  You  know,  my  dear  son,  the  deep  and  aifectionate 
interest  I  have  taken  in  you  from  the  first  moment  of 
your  existence,  and  your  kind  and  amiable  disposition 
will  never  cease  enjoying  and  amplifying  your  father's 
happiness  to  the  best  of  your  ability.  You  will  do  this 
by  preferring;  the  practice  of  virtue  to  all  other  things. 
You  know  my  abhorrence  of  lying,  and  you  have  been 
often  told  by  me  that  it  led  to  every  vice  and  cancelled 
every  tendency  to  virtue.  Never  forget  this  truth,  and 
disdain  the  mean  and  infamous  practice." 

These  extracts  are  noble  sentences,  inculcating  noble 
truths,  and  cannot  be  too  well  considered  by  boys  and 
young  men  and  old  ones  too.  There  was  a  maxim 
amongst  some  of  the  Eastern  nations  that  a  boy  should 
be  early  taught  three  things — to  ride,  to  tell  the  truth,  and 
to  cast  the  dart.  In  modern  times,  and  in  this  Western 
world,  the  three  most  essential  lessons  are,  to  tell  the  truth, 
to  work  and  study.  If  he  will  only  practice  these  three 
virtues,  his  success  in  life  is  guaranteed.  The  boy  who 
will  not  study,  learn  and  improve  his  mind,  is  sure  to 
be  imposed  on  by  the  world.  The  boy  who  will  not 
work  is  likely  to  become  a  worthless  vagabond.  The 
boy  who  will  not  tell  the  truth  stands  a  fair  chance  for 
the  gallows  or  penitentiary.  It  has  been  said  that  a  man 
may  lie  who  will  not  steal,  but  Shakespeare,  the  great 
master  of  human  nature,  thought  differently. 

Again,  he  says  to  his  son,  in  another  letter :  "  I  repeat 
my  love  and  prayers  for  your  health  and  advancement 
in  the  acquisition  of  knowledge  from  its  foundation,  not 
on  the  surface.  This  last  turns  man  into  a  puppy,  and 
the  first  fits  him  for  the  highest  utility  and  most  lasting 
pleasure." 

If  this  be  correct  as  to  surface  knowledge,  there  are  a 
great  many  "  puppies  "  in  the  world.  He  says :  "  Never 
mind  your  style,  but  write  your  first  impressions  quickly,. 


HEKRY    LEE.  543 

clearly  and  honestly.  Style  will  come  in  due  time,  as 
will  the  maturity  of  judgment."  He  entreats  his  son 
"  to  arrest  any  tendency  to  imitate  the  low.  degrading 
usage,  too  common,  of  swearing  in  conversation,  espe 
cially  with  your  inferiors." 

In  another  letter  he  says :  "  I  would  rather  see  you 
unlearned  and  unnoticed,  if  virtuous  in  practice  as  well 
as  theory,  than  to  see  you  equal  in  glory  to  the  great 
Washington.  But  virtue  and  wisdom  are  not  opponents; 
they  are  friends,  and  coalesce  in  a  few  characters  such  as 
his."  "A  foolish  notion  often  springs  up  with  young 
men  as  they  enter  life,  namely,  that  the  opinion  of  the 
world  is  not  to  be  regarded ;  whereas  it  is  the  true  cri 
terion,  generally  speaking,  of  all  things  that  terminate 
in  human  life." 

The  following  sentence  I  have  frequently  thought  of 
and  conned  over  in  solitude  :  "  To  bring  the  reasoning 
home  to  you,  your  dearest  mother  is  singularly  pious, 
from  love  to  Almighty  God  and  love  of  virtue,  which 
are  synonymous:  not  from  fear  of  hell — a  low,  base 
influence."  And  the  question  arises,  Can  "  the  fear  of 
hell "  carry  a  man  to  heaven  ? 

In  speaking  of  his  little  son,  who  afterwards  became 
the  great  Confederate  General  and  the  model  hero,  pat 
riot  and  Christian  gentleman,  he  says :  "  Robert  was 
always  good,  and  will  be  confirmed  in  his  happy  turn  of 
mind  by  his  ever  watchful  and  aifectionate  mother. 
Does  he  strengthen  his  native  tendency  ?  " 

His  letters  to  his  son  show  that  he  was  a  finished 
classical  scholar,  and  had  read  with  deep  interest  all  the 
classical  writers  of  Greece  and  Rome,  and  England  and 
France.  He  tells  his  son  that  his  preference  of  Milton 
to  Homer  was  sacrilegious.  He  preferred  Pope  to  Mil 
ton.  The  one  dealt  with  men,  and  the  other  with  devils 
and  angrels.  He  thought  Hannibal  a  greater  general 
than  either  Alexander  or  Caesar.  Of  all  the  modern 
European  heroes,  he  thought  Frederick  the  greatest. 
The  manner  in  which  he  spoke  of  Washington  showed 


544  HENRY   LEE. 

that  he  considered  him  above  all  other  men.  The  fol 
lowing  expression  in  one  of  his  letters  to  his  son  sur- 
prisefl.  me  very  much :  "  I  never  could  read  a  novel, 
because  it  was  a  narrative  of  imaginary  action ;  and  yet 
I  have  seen  many  grave  men  and  pious  ladies  harden 
their  cheeks  and  exclaim,  "  How  natural,  how  affect 
ing  !  "  If  Colonel  Lee  had  lived  after  Sir  Walter  Scott, 
and  Bulwer  and  Thackeray  had  written,  I  think  he 
would  have  changed  his  mind. 

"What  breast  is  so  callous  to  noble  feelings,"  says 
Colonel  Lee,  "  as  not  to  pant  to  become  the  rivals  of 
Alexander  and  Scipio  in  their  self-command;  evinced 
on  the  most  trying  occasions,  when  even  beauty  the  most 
captivating,  and  in  their  power  by  the  right  of  conquest, 
was  sheltered  from  the  rude  touch  of  passion,  which 
threw  around  their  names  the  splendor  of  virtue,  which 
overshadowed  all  their  glory  ?  In  one  road  only  is  the 
yottth  to  walk  whose  mind  is  thus  ennobled.  He  must 
begin  with  himself  when  young,  and  can  only  become  a 
true  disciple  of  future  glory  by  watching  his  tongue  and 
purse ! 

"Let  not  the  first  utter  a  word  injurious  to  truth, 
decency,  or  to  another's  peace,  and  never  suffer  want  or 
temptation  to  induce  the  wanton  disbursement  of  the 
last." 

The  following  description  of  happiness  in  "  these  let 
ters  of  love  and  wisdom  "  is  too  beautiful  to  be  omitted  : 
"  But,  my  dear  Carter,  what  is  happiness  ?  Hoc  opus, 
hie  labor  est.  Peace  of  mind,  based  on  piety  to  Almighty 
God ;  unconscious  innocence  of  conduct  with  good  will 
to  men ;  health  of  body,  health  of  mind,  and  prosperity 
in  our  vocation ;  a  sweet,  affectionate  wife,  and  sana  mens 
in  corpore  sano ;  children  devoted  to  truth,  honor,  right 
and  utility ;  with  love  and  respect  to  their  parents ;  and 
faithful,  warm-hearted  friends  in  a  country  politically 
and  religiously  free.  This  is  my  definition  of  happi 
ness." 


HENRY   LEE. 


545 


Can  a  better  be  given  by  philosophy  or  religion? 
And  with  this  I  will  conclude  my  sketch  of  Colonel 
Harry  Lee,  of  Lee's  Legion,  the  accomplished  gentle 
man,  the  devoted  patriot,  the  heroic,  brilliant  com 
mander,  the  wise  statesman,  the  eloquent  orator,  and  the 
learned  scholar,  and  father  of  General  Robert  E.  Lee, 
of  the  Confederate  army. 


FELIX  GRUNDY. 

Mr.  Grundy  was  eminent  as  a  lawer  and  statesman 
for  more  than  forty  years.  As  a  successful  advocate  in 
criminal  cases  he  was  never  surpassed,  and  perhaps  never 
equalled.  It  is  said  in  a  sketch  of  his  life  in  the 
National  Portrait  Gallery,  that  after  his  removal  to 
Nashville,  Tenn.,  he  was  engaged  in  the  defence  of  one 
hundred  and  five  capital  cases,  and  never  had  but  one 
criminal  executed.  It  is  doubtful  whether  any  other 
lawyer  in  America  or  England  can  boast  of  equal  suc 
cess  in  his  criminal  practice.  When  the  professional 
services  of  Mr.  Grundy  were  secured  in  the  defence  of  a 
capital  felony  it  is  said  the  criminal  considered  himself 
safe.  He  was  sent  for  all  over  Tennessee,  Kentucky, 
Missouri,  Alabama,  Mississippi  and  Illinois,  to  appear 
in  important  capital  felonies. 

Felix  Grundy  was  born  in  Virginia,  September  llthr 
1777.  His  father  was  an  Englishman,  who  came  to 
America  early  in  life.  When  Felix  was  two  years  old 
he  moved  from  Virginia  into  Pennsylvania,  remained 
there  one  year,  and  then  moved  to  Kentucky,  where  he 
died  in  the  early  infancy  of  his  son  Felix,  leaving  a 
widow  and  large  family  of  children  exposed  to  all  the 
dangers  and  deprivations  of  a  frontier  life.  He  wit  • 
nessed  the  death  of  several  of  his  brothers,  and  the 
destruction  of  his  widowed  mother's  home  and  property 
by  the  Indians.  Whilst  a  member  of  the  United  States 
Senate,  in  speaking  of  the  sufferings  and  terrors  of  the 
early  settlers  of  the  Western  States,  he  said :  "  Mr.  Pres 
ident,  I  was  too  young  to  participate  in  these  dangers 
and  difficulties,  but  I  can  remember  when  death  was  in 
almost  every  bush,  and  every  thicket  concealed  an 
ambuscade/7 
546 


FELIX   GRUNDY.  547 

Felix  was  the  seventh  son  of  his  father  and  mother, 
and  at  that  time  there  was  a  superstition  amongst  the 
ignorant  and  uneducated  that  the  seventh  son  was  born 
to  be  a  doctor,  and  in  obedience  to  this  superstition  his 
mother  intended  to  educate  him  for  the  practice  of  med 
icine.  There  was  an  academy  at  Bardstown  of  high 
reputation,  under  the  direction  of  Dr.  Priestly,  after 
wards  President  of  the  Nashville  University.  To  this 
school  his  widowed  mother  sent  him  although  she  was 
hardly  able  to  bear  the  expense  ;  but  her  love  for  her 
youngest  and  favorite  son,  and  his  fondness  for  reading 
and  study,  determined  her  to  make  any  sacrifice  in  order 
to  give  him  a  good  education.  At  this  academy  he  dis 
played  wonderful  talents  and  aptness  for  learning.  He 
and  his  classmate,  Judge  Bascom,  commenced  in  the 
lowest  class  in  school  and  soon  passed  ahead  of  all  the 
classes  in  the  academy.  Some  of  the  students  had  been 
there  a  year  or  two.  Their  application  was  so  intense 
that  their  teacher  became  alarmed  for  the  health  of  his 
two  favorite  and  most  promising  pupils  and  advised 
them  to  relax  in  their  studies  and  take  more  exercise. 

Whilst  at  this  Academy  young  Felix  displayed  such 
extraordinary  talent  for  public  speaking,  and  was  so 
passionately  fond  of  it,  that  he  no  longer  thought  of  his 
mother's  wish  that  her  seventh  son  should  be  a  doctor. 
He  determined  to  become  a  lawyer  and  cultivate  his 
talent  for  public  speaking.  Consequently  he  commenced 
the  study  of  law  under  the  direction  of  Colonel  George 
Nicholas,  a  man  of  great  eminence,  and  at  that  time 
standing  at  the  head  of  the  Kentucky  bar.  He  was  for 
tunate  in  gaining  the  good  opinion  of  this  distinguished 
gentleman,  who  remained  attached  to  him  as  long  as  he 
lived.  Mr.  Grundy  never  forgot,  and  often  repeated  in 
after  life  the  good  advice  of  this  excellent  gentleman 
and  patriotic  statesman.  When  Grundy  first  entered 
public  life,  at  a  very  early  age,  Nicholas  sent  for  him 
and  said :  "  You  have  now  commenced,  Mr.  Grundy,  poli 
tical  life,  be  honest  in  all  your  purposes,  and  never 


548  FELIX   GRUNDY. 

deceive  the  people,  and  your  success  is  certain."  This 
advice  was  worth  remembering  and  repeating  through  a 
long  life,  and  what  a  blessing  it  would  be  to  the  people 
?f  all  our  public  men  could  adopt  it  and  practice  it. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  honesty  is  the  best  policy  in  the 
long  run.  But  a  statesman  should  not  be  honest  in  his 
purposes  and  never  deceive  the  people  through  policy 
alone,  but  because  it  is  right  and  proper  for  him  to  be 
so,  whether  politic  or  not.  He  should  be  honest  in  all 
his  purposes  and  never  deceive,  although  he  may  know 
it  will  make  him  unsuccessful. 

When  only  twenty-two  years  old  Mr.  Grundy  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  State  Convention  of  Kentucky, 
called  for  the  purpose  of  revising  the  State  Constitution. 
In  this  body,  composed  of  the  wisest  and  best  men  of 
Kentucky,  he  distinguished  himself  as  an  able  debater 
and  wise  legislator.  At  that  time,  in  Kentucky,  the 
court  sat  at  a  single  place  to  hear  cases  from  four  or  five 
counties,  which  was  the  case  in  South  Carolina  till 
long  after  the  Revolutionary  war.  Mr.  Grundy  thought 
this  a  great  grievance  to  the  people  having  business  in 
court,  and  proposed  that  the  constitution  should  require 
a  court  to  be  held  in  each  county.  Strange  to  say,  all 
the  old  lawyers  and  politicians  of  Kentucky  were 
opposed  to  the  proposed  alteration.  The  discussion  was 
continued  for  several  days,  and  although  Mr.  Grundy 
was  unsuccessful,  he  acquired  great  reputation  for  his 
powers  in  debate.  Afterwards  he  succeeded  in  the  leg 
islature  in  giving  to  each  county  a  separate  court. 

Mr.  Grundy  was  a  member  of  the  Kentucky  legisla 
ture  for  seven  or  eight  years,  and  then,  whilst  a  very 
young  man,  he  was  elected  Chief  Justice  of  the  State. 
He  continued  in  this  high  and  dignified  office  only  two 
or  three  years,  when  he  resigned  and  removed  to  Nash 
ville,  Tennessee.  The  salary  of  the  Chief  Justice  was 
not  sufficient  to  support  him  and  his  growing  family. 
His  wife  bore  him  eleven  children,  "I  was,"  says  his 
biographer,  "  the  solace  of  all  his  cares  and  the  happy 


FELIX   GRTJNDY.  549 

partner  of  his  fortune."  His  professional  income  at 
Nashville  was  very  large,  and  he  was  soon  at  the  head 
of  the  bar,  though  it  was  composed  of  very  able 
lawyers. 

Whilst  in  the  Kentucky  Legislature  he  and  Henry 
Clay  had  a  famous  debate  for  six  days  on  .the  Book 
question,  and  finally  Grundy  was  successful  in  repealing 
the  charter  of  an  insurance  company,  which  was  fraud 
ulently  exercising  banking  powers. 

In  1811  he  was  elected  to  Congress  from  the  State  of 
Tennessee,  having  been  a  citfzen  of  the  State  only  three 
years.  He  was  elected  as  a  war  candidate,  and  took  his 
seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives  at  the  same  time 
that  Clay,  Calhoun,  Cheves  and  Loundes  took  their  seats 
in  that  body  for  the  first  time.  What  an  accession  did 
these  five  illustrious  members  make  to  the  House  of 
Representatives!  They  formed  a  "  war  mess"  whilst 
they  were  in  Congress  and  lived  together.  They  were 
in  fact  the  authors  of  the  war  and  but  for  their  influence 
and  talents  war  would  not  have  been  declared  against 
Great  Britain.  The  President,  Mr.  Madison,  was 
opposed  to  declaring  war  at  that  time,  but  was  over 
ruled  by  these  gentlemen.  The  New  England  States 
were  utterly  opposed  to  the  war,  and  it  was  carried  by 
the  votes  of  the  South  and  the  West.  It  is  said  that 
Mr.  Grundy  was  a  man  of  peace,  but  he  preferred  the 
national  honor  and  rights  of  his  country  to  peace.  He 
served  four  years  in  Congress  and  then  voluntarily 
retired  to  private  life  and  his  profession. 

Whilst  in  Congress,  Mr.  Grundy  was  one  of  the  most 
active  and  business  men  in  the  House,  as  well  as  one  of 
the  ablest  and  most  eloquent  of  its  members.  He  was 
in  favor  of  encouraging  domestic  manufactures,  voted 
for  the  embargo,  the  increase  of  the  army,  and  was  zeal 
ous  in  advocating  all  measures  necessary  in  sustaining 
the  administration  in  prosecuting  the  war.  On  one  occa 
sion  he  was  very  happy  and  severe  in  his  reply  to  Mr. 
Webster.  He  enquired  who  benefited  the  enemy  the 


550  FELIX   GKUNDY. 

most,  the  traitor  who  went  over  and  joined  that  enemy, 
openly  and  boldly,  or  the  man  who,  by  his  influence 
and  conversations,  prevented  men  from  enlisting  under 
their  country's  flag  and  fighting  that  enemy  ?  The  one 
committed  treason  and  the  other  was  worse  than  this 
open  and  defiant  traitor,  for  he  injured  his  country  ten 
times  as  much  as  the  traitor  without  incurring  the  pen 
alties  of  treason  on  the  subject  of  the  "  Blue  Lights  " 
held  out  to  the  enemy,  he  was  rejoiced  to  see  the  sensi 
bility  manifested  by  the  Connecticut  members  on  this 
subject,  but  he  still  believed  there  was  truth  in  the 
rumor ! 

On  the  Loan  Bill  Mr.  Grundy  made  one  of  his 
happiest  and  most  eloquent  speeches.  He  had  been 
assailed  by  the  Federal  members  for  saying  that  they 
committed  moral  treason  in  persuading  capitalists  not  to 
lend  their  money  to  the  government.  He  cut  and  thrust 
them  on  every  side,  and  re-asserted  the  truth  of  his  asser 
tion.  No  one  can  read  Mr.  Grundy's  speeches  in  Con 
gress  during  the  war  without  forming  a  very  high  esti 
mate  of  his  powers  as  a  debater,  and  his  patriotism  as  a 
statesman.  He  had  no  superior  in  a  cut  and  thrust 
debate,  and  no  one  ever  attempted  to  measure  arms  with 
him  without  being  worsted.  It  seems  that  he  was 
always  ready  and  prepared,  like  a  true  knight,  for  any 
attack. 

In  1819  Mr.  Grundy's  friends  prevailed  on  him  to 
accept  a  seat  in  the  Tennessee  Legislature,  and  he 
continued  to  serve  that  body  six  years,  and  whilst 
there  adjusted  the  disputed  boundary  between  Ken 
tucky  and  Tennessee.  When  he  first  went  into 
the  Legislature,  the  distress  of  the  country  was  such 
that  the  members  were  disposed  to  pass  some  relief 
law.  This  Mr.  Grundy  opposed  as  unconstitutional  and 
unjust  between  debtor  and  creditor.  But  he  introduced 
a  bill  to  create  a  State  Bank  to  lend  money  to  the  people. 
This  relieved  their  wants  and  rendered  all  stay  laws  and 
relief  laws  unnecessary. 


FELIX   GRUNDY.  551 

In  1829  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate, 
and  made  a  speech  on  Footers  resolution, -when  the  great 
debate  took  place  between  Hayne  and  Webster.  In  this 
speech  he  took  the  ground  that  the  States  were  sovereigns 
and  had  a  right  by  a  State  convention  to  nullify  an 
unconstitutional  act  of  Congress.  This  act  of  nullifica 
tion  stayed  the  enforcement  of  the  unconstitutional  act 
till  a  Federal  convention  of  all  the  States  would  be  con 
vened,  and  then  this  Federal  convention  decided  on  the 
constitutionality  of  the  act  nullified.  If  two-thirds  of 
the  States  pronounced  it  constitutional  it  must  be  enfor 
ced,  otherwise  it  should  not  be. 

How  statesmen  and  transcendent  abilities  and  patriot 
ism  unquestioned — such  men  as  Calhoun,  Hayne, 
Grundy  and  Jefferson — should  honestly  entertain  a 
political  heresy  so  absurd,  is  "  to  the  uninitiated, "  as  Mr. 
Pettigru  said,  "  inconceivable.77  There  is  nothing  in 
the  Federal  Constitution  authorizing  the  doctrine  of 
nullification  or  secession  in  the  remotest  degree,  and 
such  a  government  would,  in  fact,  be  a  rope  of  sand, 
liable  to  be  destroyed  by  any  one  of  the  thirty-eight 
-States  which  objected  to  the  act  of  Congress.  The  right 
of  revolution  is  the  only  right  which  free  people  can 
have  to  resist  tyranny  and  intolerable  oppression. 

In  1832  Mr.  Grundy  made  a  very  able  speech  in  the 
Senate  against  the  tariff  and  protection  of  domestic 
manufactures.  It  is  one  of  the  cleverest  and  most  logi 
cal  speeches  ever  made  on  that  subject,  showing  the 
injustice  of  protecting  one  class  of  persons  at  the  expense 
of  other  classes.  Whilst  declaiming  against  the  injustice 
of  the  tariff,  he  admitted  the  constitutional  authority  of 
Congress  to  impose  those  duties. 

On  the  subject  of  the  Pension  Bill  of  1832  Mr. 
•Grundy  made  a  speech,  urging  that  those  soldiers  who 
fought  the  Indians,  during  and  after  the  Revolution, 
should  be  included ;  as  being  equally  meritorious  with 
those  who  fought  the  British  army. 


552  FELIX   GRUNDY. 

In  1833  when  the  nullification  of  South  Carolina  and 
President  Jackson's  proclamation  were  under  discussion 
in  the  Senate,  Mr.,Calhoun  submitted  resolutions  as  to 
the  right  of  a  State  to  nullify  an  unconstitutional  act 
of  Congress.  Mr.  Grundy  submitted  other  resolutions 
as  a  substitute  for  Mr.  Calhoun's,  declaring  the  constitu 
tional  right  of  Congress  to  levy  and  collect  duties  or 
imports,  and  that  no  State  had  any  right  to  resist  the 
collection  of  such  duties.  In  1832  he  admitted  the  right 
of  a  State  to  nullify  an  unconstitutional  act  of  Congress ; 
but  he  contended  that  the  tariif,  however  unjust  and 
oppressive,  was  still  constitutional ;  and  therefore  South 
Carolina  could  not  nullify  it  or  prevent  the  collection  of 
duties. 

On  the  subject  of  receiving  abolition  of  petition  for 
the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  Mr. 
Grundy  advocated  and  voted  for  receiving  them  and 
laying  them  on  the  table.  He  was  opposed  to  incendi 
ary  documents  being  carried  in  the  mails.  He  advo 
cated  the  bill  abolishing  imprisonment  for  debt,  and  it 
passed  the  Senate  with  only  four  nays.  Colonel  W.  C. 
Preston,  of  South  Carolina,  was  one  of  the  four  who 
voted  against  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

In  1837  Mr.  Grundy  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate, 
and  in  1838  was  appointed  by  President  Van  Buren 
Attorney-General  of  the  United  States.  In  1839  he 
was  again  elected  United  States  Senator  by  the  Legisla 
ture  of  Tennessee,  when  he  resigned  his  seat  in  Presi 
dent  Van  Buren's  Cabinet  and  accepted  his  seat  in  the 
Senate.  In  the  American  Encyclopedia  it  is  stated  that 
Mr.  Grundy  died  before  taking  his  seat  in  the  Senate. 
This  is  a  mistake.  On  the  5th  of  March,  1840,  Mr. 
Grundy  made  in  the  Senate  a  very  long  and  a  most 
able  speech  on  the  assumption  of  State  debts.  He  intro 
duced  strong  resolutions  against  such  a  measure,  and 
showed  that  it  was  becoming  popular  with  the  Whig 
party,  and  he  wished  to  forestall  the  measure.  In  this 
speech,  advocating  the  adoption  of  his  resolutions,  he  dis- 


FELIX   GRUNDY.  553 

cusses  the  question  of  the  distribution  of  the  public 
lands  and  the  metallic  currency  question  with  great 
ability. 

Mr.  Grundy  died  on  the  19th  of  December,  1840,  and 
his  death  was  announced  to  the  Senate  by  his  colleague, 
Mr.  Anderson.  Colonel  Benton,  as  well  as  Senator 
Anderson,  paid  very  high  compliments  to  the  character 
of  the  deceased,  his  talents,  his  eloquence  and  patriotism. 
Mr.  Anderson  said  :  "  Of  his  action  here,  I  need  not 
speak.  Of  one  thing  I  think  I  am  certain,  he  has  left 
no  enemy  in  this  body,  and  many  warm,  very  warm,  and 
devoted  friends,  who  will  long  cherish  his  memory.  .  . 
.  .  For  his  was  a  spirit  ever  kind,  noble  and  bland 
as  a  summer  morning.  His  eloquence  charmed  and 
delighted,  often  confounded,  but  never  repelled,  the 
admiration  of  his  adversary."  ' 

Colonel  Benton  said  :  "  Mr.  Anderson  has  presented 
the  picture  of  a  good  man  and  of  a  great  man ,  rising 
to  eminence  by  the  exercise  of  virtue  and  talents,  and 
dispensing  happiness  in  the  family  and  social  circle  while 
discharging  the  highest  duties  of  the  jurist,  the  states 
man  and  the  patriot." 

The  following  description  of  Mr.  Grundy  is  taken 
from  the  National  Portrait  Gallery :  "  Mr.  Grundy's 
stature  is  of  the  ordinary  height ;  his  form  inclined  to 
portliness,  his  complexion  ruddy ;  his  hair  light  brown, 
mixed  with  grey,  and  his  eyes  blue.  His  countenance 
is  intelligent  and  its  expression  mild,  cheerful  and 
benevolent,  indicative  of  contentment  and  happiness; 
yet  it  shows  much  decision  and  firmness  of  purpose.  His 
manners  are  amiable,  unaffected,  kind  and  conciliating 
in  a  high  degree.  His  conversation  is  entertaining  and 
instructive,  abounding  in  humor  and  playful  wit,  and 
occasionally  sarcastic  and  severe.  He  never  permits  the 
excitement  of  political  contention  to  sour  his  temper,  or 
to  interrupt  or  embitter  his  social  intercourse.  He  has, 
therefore,  few  personal  enemies,  and  he  often  finds  warm 
friends  amongst  his  political  opponents." 


554  FELIX   GRUNDY. 

Such  a  man  was  Felix  Grundy,  the  lawyer,  the  jurist, 
the  statesman,  the  orator  and  the  patriot.  Well  may 
three  States,  Virginia,  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  be  proud 
of  him  as  their  son  and  adopted  son.  He  honored  them 
and  he  did  honor  to  the  whole  Union. 


EDWARD  LIVINGSTON. 

The  family  of  Livingston  has  long  been  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  families  of  New  York.  They  are 
descended  from  the  Lord  Livingstons  of  Scotland. 
John  Livingston,  a  lineal  descendant  of  the  fourth  Lord 
Livingston,  was  a  preacher  of  the  Reformed  Church  of 
Scotland,  and  banished  in  1663  for  non-conformity.  He 
took  refuge  in  Rotterdam,  where  he  died,  leaving  seven 
children.  His  son,  Robert  Livingston,  emigrated  to 
America,  and  settled  in  New  York  in  1675.  He  ob 
tained  a  grant  from  the  Governor  for  a  large  tract  of 
laud,  which  was  afterwards  known  as  the  ''  Manor  and 
Lordship  of  Livingston."  This  grant  was  afterwards 
confirmed  by  royal  charter  of  George  I.  of  England. 
He  was  connected  with  the  Schuyler  family  by  marriage. 
He  left  three  sons.  Philip  Livingston,  one  of  his 
grandsons,  was  a  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  American 
Independence.  William  Livingston,  another  grandson 
of  Robert  Livingston,  was  governor  of  New  Jersey,  and 
a  delegate  to  the  first  Continental  Congress  in  1774. 
John  Jay,  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  married 
his  daughter.  His  wife  was  a  daughter  of  the  Revolu 
tionary  General  Schuyler.  Brockholst  Livingston  was 
a  son  of  Governor  Livingston  of  New  Jersey,  Judge  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  Robert  R. 
Livingston,  also  a  grandson  of  old  Robert,  and  son  of 
Robert  Livingston,  was  the  first  Chief  Justice  of  New 
York,  and  administered  the  oath  of  office  to  General 
Washington  when  he  was  first  inaugurated  President  of 
the  United  States.  He  was  afterwards  Minister  to 
France,  and  made  the  purchase  of  Louisiana. 

Edward   Livingston,  the  subject  of  this   sketch,  was 
the   brother   of  Chancellor   Livingston,   and    likewise 
555 


556  EDWARD   LIVINGSTON. 

grandson  of  the  old  emigrant,  Robert  Livingston.  He- 
was  born  in  Columbia  county,  N.  Y.,  May  26th,  1764. 
He  graduated  at  Princeton  College  in  1781,  in  a  class 
of  only  four.  The  college  had,  in  a  great  measure 
been  broken  up  by  the  ravages  of  the  Revolutionary 
War,  the  library  was  scattered,  the  philosophical  appara 
tus  destroyed,  and  the  college  building  had  been  occupied 
by  the  British  soldiers.  Three  of  these  four  graduates 
in  1781,  thirteen  years  afterwards,  met  each  other  as 
members  of  Congress.  They  were  Livingston,  Venable, 
and  Governor  Giles  of  Virginia.  Immediately  after  his 
graduation,  Edward  Livingston  commenced  the  study 
of  law  at  Albany,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1785. 
He  devoted  himself  to  his  profession  with  unremitting 
diligence  till  1794,  when  he  was  elected  member  of 
Congress.  He  had  taken  a  very  active  part  in  urging 
the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  which,  together 
with  his  talents  and  success  in  his  profession,  induced 
the  people  of  New  York  city  to  honor  him  with  a  seat 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States, 
where  he  continued  by  re-election  for  six  years.  He 
was,  during  that  time,  a  distinguished  leader  of  the 
Republican  party  in  opposition  to  the  Federalists. 

In  1796  it  was  proposed  in  Congress  to  give  the 
members  a  salary  of  one  thousand  dollars  instead  of  six 
dollars  per  day.  This  compensation  would  have  been 
about  equal  to  a  session  of  five  months,  and  half-pay  at 
six  dollars  a  day.  Mr.  Livingston  opposed  this  measure 
as  unwise.  He  thought  the  per  diem  pay  of  six  dollars 
more  just  and  equitable  than  a  salary  of  one  thousand 
dollars.  Twenty  years  afterwards  this  idea  of  paying 
the  members  of  Congress  a  salary  was  adopted  by  Con 
gress,  and  the  salary  was  fixed  at  fifteen  hundred  dollars. 
Every  member  who  voted  for  it,  except  John  C.  Calhoun 
and  Henry  Clay,  was  turned  out  of  Congress  at  the  next 
election.  Now  the  members  of  Congress  receive  a  salary 
of  five  thousand  dollars,  and  nothing  is  said  about  it  I 
Times  change,  and  public  opinion  changes. 


EDWAED   LIVINGSTON.  557 

On  the  subject  of  Jay's  treaty  Mr.  Livingston  took  a 
decided  stand  against  the  ratification  of  it,  although  Mr. 
Jay  was  his  brother-in-law.  He  introduced  a  resolu 
tion  calling  on  President  Washington  for  the  instructions 
given  the  American  minister,  which  gave  rise  to  a  long 
and  able  debate.  The  President  declined  to  give  the 
instructions  called  for.  Then  the  debate  on  the  execu 
tion  of  the  treaty  was  continued  for  a  great  length  of 
time,  and  Mr.  Livingston  made  a  long  and  able  speech 
against  the  treaty.  It  was,  however,  ratified  by  a  vote 
of  ayes  51,  and  nays  48. 

When  President  Washington  sent  his  last  message  to 
Congress  declining  to  be  a  candidate  for  re-election,  an 
address  was  adopted  by  the  House  expressing  their  con 
fidence  in  the  "  wisdom  and  firmness  "  of  his  adminis 
tration.  The  address  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  sixty- 
seven  ayes  to  twelve  nays.  Amongst  those  twelve  nays 
are  the  votes  of  Andrew  Jackson,  Edward  Livingston 
and  Governor  Giles  of  Virginia.  Jay's  treaty  excited 
a  bitter  feeling  against  the  President,  and  made  some 
refuse  to  vote  for  the  address.  Mr.  Livingston  likewise 
opposed  the  incorporation  of  a  national  university  in  the 
District  of  Columbia.  He  favored  a  gradual  increase  of 
the  navy.  He  introduced  a  resolution  to  intercede  for 
the  liberation  of  Lafayette  from  the  dungeon  of  Olmuts, 
and  made  a  beautiful  speech  in  favor  of  its  passage ; 
but,  strange  to  say,  it  did  not  pass.  He  opposed  the 
address  to  President  Adams  in  relation  to  French  affairs, 
and  opposed  the  arming  of  merchant  vessels  of  the  United 
States.  He  advocated  a  tax  on  lawyers.  He  favored 
making  provision  for  the  support  of  the  daughters  of 
Count  de  Grasse,  in  consequence  of  services  rendered  by 
their  father  in  our  Revolutionary  struggle.  He  spoke 
ably  and  earnestly  against  the  passage  of  the  Sedition 
law  as  unwise,  unjust,  and  unconstitutional.  The  bill 
passed  by  a  vote  of  44  to  41.  Mr.  Livingston  opposed 
authorizing  the  capture  of  French  vessels  in  1799.  In 
1799  he  warmly  advocated  the  repeal  of  th«  Alien  and 


558  EDWARD   LIVINGSTON 

Sedition  laws.  In  the  case  of  Jonathan  Bobbins,  whicfr 
was  discussed  for  weeks  in  Congress,  he  thought  Presi 
dent  Adams  had  acted  unconstitutionally  in  taking  him 
from  the  court  in  South  Carolina  and  delivering  him  to 
the  British  authorities,  who  tried  and  executed  him  for 
piracy  and  murder. 

It  seems  from  this  view  of  Mr.  Livingston's  course 
in  Congress,  that  he  was  a  warm  democrat  or  republican 
partisan,  and  opposed  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams, 
and  also  that  of  General  Washington,  in  some  important 
particulars.  He  was  a  strong  supporter  of  Jefferson, 
and  was  rewarded  with  the  office  of  District  Attorney 
for  the  United  States  in  New  York.  He  was  also 
elected  Mayor  of  the  city  of  New  York.  A  devastating 
pestilence  visited  the  city  during  his  term  of  mayor,  and 
he  stood  by  his  post  with  great  energy  and  firmness ; 
but  he  was  stricken  down  himself,  and  was  at  the  brink 
of  the  grave.  When  he  recovered  he  found  his  affairs 
in  a  bad  condition.  His  agents  had  proved  defaulters 
to  a  large  amount,  and  the  responsibility  of  their  mis 
conduct  fell  on  him.  He  determined  at  once  to  resign 
the  high  office  which  he  held  and  remove  to  New 
Orleans.  He  arrived  there  in  1804,  and  commenced 
the  practice  of  law,  and  his  talents,  learning  and  ability 
soon  placed  him  at  the  head  of  the  bar.  In  the  course 
of  a  few  years  he  made  enough  to  discharge  all  of  his 
liabilities  with  interest.  The  Government  did  not  lose 
a  cent  by  the  defalcation  of  his  agents.  This  was  highly 
creditable  to  him. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Livingston  established  himself  in  New 
Orleans  he  was  appointed  by  the  citizens  of  the  Territory 
of  Louisiana  to  draw  up  a  petition  to  Congress  for 
admission  into  the  Union  as  a  State,  under  the  treaty 
with  France,  when  the  territory  was  ceded  to  the  United 
States.  This  petition  was  drawn  with  signal  ability, 
and  attracted  great  public  attention,  but  failed  of  its 
object.  It  is  said  by  his  biographer  that  his  fortune 
was  very  much  impaired  after  a  residence  of  some  years- 


EDWARD   LIVINGSTON.  559 

in  New  Orleans,  by  Mr.  Jefferson  seizing  his  Batteere 
property,  under  a  misrepresentation  of  facts  and  an 
unconstitutional  exercise  of  his  powers  as  President  of 
the  United  States.  Between  him  and  Mr.  Jefferson, 
who  were  old  friends  and  political  partisans,  a  fierce 
controversy  grew  up,  known  as  the  Batteere  question. 
A  pamphlet  was  written  by  each  one  of  them,  and  it  is 
said  that  Livingston's  reply  to  Jefferson  was  unanswer 
able.  The  question  was  finally  decided  in  faror  of 
Livingston,  but  it  is  said  his  heirs  only  reaped  the 
advantage  of  this  decision.  After  many  years  of  bitter 
ill-feeling  he  and  Jefferson  became  reconciled.  Living 
ston  forgave  the  injury  done  him,  and  the  more  difficult 
task  was  left  Jefferson,  says  Livingston's  biographer,  of 
forgiving  a  man  whom  he  had  injured.  This  is  a  very 
philosophical  remark,  and  true. 

When  Mr.  Livingston  heard  that  General  Andrew 
Jackson  had  been  appointed  military  commander  of  the 
post  at  New  Orleans,  he  wrote  him  a  letter  asking  him 
to  make  his  house  his  home  during  his  stay  in  the  city, 
and  tendering  his  services  as  aide-de-camp  to  the 
general.  General  Jackson  accepted  his  invitation,  and 
appointed  him  one  of  his  aides.  The  report  of  General 
Jackson  after  the  battle  of  New  Orleans  was,  no  doubt, 
written  by  Mr.  Livingston.  It  was  certainly  admirably 
drawn,  and  its  style  was  that  of  a  scholar.  This,  how 
ever,  was  not  the  only  paper  written  by  Mr.  Livingston 
for  General  Jackson.  The  celebrated  proclamation  of 
President  Jackson  against  the  nullification  of  South 
Carolina  was  also  written  by  Livingston,  and  no  abler 
or  more  eloquent  state  paper  was  ever  issued  by  an 
American  President. 

Whilst  Mr.  Livingston  was  a  member  of  Congress 
from  New  York,  he  attempted  to  get  Congress  to  codify 
the  criminal  laws  of  the  United  States  and  make  them 
milder.  In  this,  however,  he  failed.  But  in  Louisiana 
he  was  more  successful.  The  laws  of  that  State  were  a 
jumble  of  French,  Spanish  and  English  laws.  Mr. 


560  EDWARD   LIVINGSTON. 

Livingston  and  Mr.  Braccon,  afterwards  senator  and 
minister  to  France,  were  appointed  commissioners  to 
prepare  a  code  or  system  of  procedure  for  the  courts, 
and  their  work  was  adopted  by  the  Legislature,  and  has 
ever  since  stood  the  test  of  experience.  Mr.  Livingston 
was  then  appointed,  with  three  other  gentlemen,  to 
codify  the  municipal  law  of  the  State.  This  was  a  most 
laborious  and  difficult  task,  which,  however,  was  per 
formed  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  public.  Being  a 
member  of  the  Legislature,  Mr.  Livingston  next  intro 
duced  a  bill  to  prepare  a  penal  code  for  the  State.  This 
arduous  and  responsible  duty  was  assigned  to  him  alone, 
and  he  discharged  it  with  signal  ability.  But  after  he 
had  completed  his  labors,  and  given  the  last  finishing 
touch  to  the  code,  it  was  destroyed  by  fire,  with  all  of 
his  notes,  rough  drafts  and  papers,  before  it  was  given 
to  the  printers.  Not  at  all  disheartened  by  this  terrible 
misfortune,  he  commenced  his  labors  again  the  next 
day,  and  completed  his  great  work  once  more  in  the 
course  of  three  years.  It  is  said  :  "  The  beauty  of  its 
arrangements,  the  wisdom  of  its  provisions,  the  sim 
plicity  of  its  forms,  and  the  clearness  of  its  language, 
equal  but  do  not  surpass  the  philanthropy,  the  wise 
views  of  human  character,  the  knowledge  of  social 
intercourse,  and  the  insight  into  the  sources  of  happiness 
and  misery,  by  all  of  which  it  is  distinguished  far 
beyond  any  similar  system  of  criminal  law  that  has 
emanated  from  the  jurists  of  any  age  or  country." 

In  1823  Mr.  Livingston  was  elected  to  Congress  from 
Louisiana.  More  than  twenty  years  had  elapsed  since 
he  ceased  to  be  a  member  from  New  York.  It  seems 
that  he  was  in  the  House  five  years,  and  during  that 
time  he  made  a  speech  in  favor  of  the  claim  of  Beau- 
marchais,  a  Frenchman,  who  greatly  assisted  the  United 
States  financially  during  the  Revolutionary  War.  He 
made  a  most  beautiful  speech  in  favor  of  a  donation  to 
Lafayette.  He  urged  the  establishment  of  a  naval 
school,  and  said  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to  the  sftic- 


EDWARD   LIVINGSTON.  561 

cess  and  glory  of  the  American  navy.  On  the  penal 
code  and  crimes  against  the  United  States  he  was  able, 
learned  and  philosophical.  He  contended  the  severity 
of  punishment  did  not  prevent  crimes.  He  himself 
was  opposed  to  all  capital  punishment.  He  said  that 
during  the  existence  of  the  Roman  Republic,  for  a 
number  of  years  capital  punishment  was  abolished,  and 
crimes  were  less  frequent  than  they  were  afterwards, 
when  capital  punishment  was  restored.  He  spoke  in 
favor  of  giving  assistance  to  General  Brown's  family  on 
account  of  his  eminent  services  during  the  war  of  1812. 
On  the  tariff  bill  of  1826  he  expressed  himself  opposed 
to  the  principle  of  protection,  but  advocated  a  clause 
protecting  the  making  of  molasses.  He  opposed  fur 
nishing  the  Indians  with  firearms  on  our  northwestern 
frontier  as  contrary  to  treaty  stipulations  with  Russia, 
and  might  have  added  unwise  and  wrong  per  se. 

In  1829  he  was  elected  by  the  Legislature  of 
Louisiana  a  member  of  the  United  States  Seriate,  and 
he  was  a  great  accession  to  that  illustrious  body  of 
eminent  statesmen.  His  first  speech  in  the  Senate  was 
on  the  famous  resolutions  of  Foote,  and  it  is  a  speech 
which  every  citizen  in  the  Republic  should  read  and 
study.  He  dissents  from  the  doctrine  of  Mr.  Webster 
that  this,  a  popular  consolidated  government,  and  also 
from  that  of  Governor  Hayne,  that  it,  is  purely  a 
Federal  compact  government,  and  that  a  State  can 
nullify  an  unconstitutional  act  of  Congress.  He  con 
tends  that  it  is,  what  every  sensible  man  ought  to 
admit,  a  government  partly  Federal  and  partly  national. 
Sovereignty  is  divided  between  the  States  and  the 
national  government,  I  will  give  his  own  language: 
"  This  government,  then,  is  neither  such  a  federal  one, 
founded  on  a  compact,  as  leaves  to  all  the  parties  "  (the 
States)  "  their  full  sovereignty,  nor  such  a  consolidated 
popular  government  as  deprives  them  of  the  whole  of 
that  sovereign  power.  It  is  a  compact  by  which  the 
people  of  each  State  have  consented  to  take  from  their 


562  EDWARD    LIVINGSTON. 

own  legislatures  some  of  the  powers  they  have  conferred 
on  them,  and  to  transfer  them,  with  other  enumerated 
powers,  to  the  government  of  the  United  States,  created 
by  that  compact."  This  is  the  true  theory  of  our 
Federal  constitution. 

In  1831  Mr.  Livingston  was  appointed  by  President 
Jackson  Secretary  of  State,  and  no  one  in  that  high  and 
important  office  ever  discharged  its  duties  with  more 
ability  and  fidelity.  The  truth  of  this  assertion  will 
appear  from  his  instructions  given  to  our  ministers  at 
London,  Paris,  St.  Petersburg,  Lisbon,  the  Hague, 
Mexico,  and  the  South  American  States.  There  is  now 
no  doubt  of  the  fact  that  Jackson's  famous  proclamation 
against  the  nullification  proceedings  of  South  Carolina 
was  written  by  Mr.  Livingston,  and  heartily  approved 
by  the  President.  It  is  written  with  great  ability  and 
great  eloquence,  and  expresses  in  patriotic  and  classical 
language  the  true  nature  of  our  complex  form  of 
government.  The  principles  expressed  are  those  em 
bodied  in  Mr.  Livingston's  great  speech  on  Footers 
resolutions.  In  that  speech  he  shows  by  logical  argu 
ment  and  happy  illustration,  the  truth  and  wisdom  of 
the  doctrine  announced  in  the  proclamation. 

In  1833  Mr.  Livingston  was  appointed  by  General 
Jackson  minister  to  France,  where  he  remained  until 
1835,  representing  the  United  States  with  ability  and 
success  in  several  important  matters.  He  returned 
home,  and  died  twelve  months  afterwards,  in  New 
York,  on  the  23d  day  of  May,  1836.  It  is  said  he 
"  was  a  man  of  very  social  tastes,  great  gayety  of  man 
ners  and  perfection  of  temper.  Amiability  and  goodness 
of  h^irt  are  always  the  terms  first  employed  in  describing 
his  character  by  those  who  remember  him."  That  he 
was  a  man  of  surpassing  ability,  a  great  jurist,  and  a 
profound  statesman  all  admit.  He  was  a  fine  classical 
scholar,  and  wrote  with  great  purity  and  taste.  He 
was  also  an  able  and  eloquent  public  speaker.  His 
likenesses  are  not  prepossessing;  but  his  forehead  is  fine, 


EDWARD    LIVINGSTON.  563 

broad  and  high,  indicating  a  large  volume  of  brain. 
It  is  said  that  a  man's  handwriting  is  some  indication  of 
his  character.  Mr.  Livingston  wrote  a  fine,  large,  bold 
hand,  plain  and  distinct.  His  memoir,  in  the  National 
Portrait  Gallery,  written  before  his  death,  says :  "  The 
nature  of  his  public  course  evinces  his  benevolence  and 
modesty ;  nor  do  his  writings  display,  in  their  admirable 
simplicity,  in  the  beauty  of  their  language,  and  in  their 
classical  taste,  more  of  the  accomplishments  of  a  scholar 
than  in  the  purity  of  their  precepts  and  their  anxious 
search  for  truth,  they  exhibit  a  heart  filled  with  the  best 
emotions,  and  animated  with  strong  desires  for  the  hap 
piness  and  improvement  of  mankind." 


WADE  HAMPTON. 

There  were  very  few  officers  in  either  the  Federal  or 
the  Confederate  army  who  acquired  a  higher  distinction 
in  the  late  unfortunate  war  for  gallantry,  heroism  and 
skill  than  General  Wade  Hampton.  No  one  had  more 
entirely  the  confidence  of  his  command  in  battle,  or  was 
more  loved  and  admired  by  his  troops  in  camp.  This 
popularity  has  followed  him  home  in  peace,  and  he  is 
now  the  idol  of  his  old  soldiers  and  the  admiration  of 
those  brave  men  against  whom  he  fought  in  so  many 
bloody  fields  of  battle.  There  was  no  one,  in  the  recent 
Democratic  Convention  in  New  York,  a  greater  lion 
with  Northern  delegates  than  General  Hampton.  When 
ever  he  rose  in  that  body,  and  his  name  was  announced, 
he  was  greeted  with  shouts  of  applause.  Well  may  he 
be  entitled,  from  his  high  and  pure  character,  to  be 
styled  the  Bayard  of  the  South.  He  was  the  Achilles 
Murat  of  the  cavalry. 

General  Hampton  was  the  son  of  Colonel  Wade 
Hampton,  one  of  General  Jackson's  aides-de-camp  in  the 
battle  of  New  Orleans,  and  the  grandson  of  General 
Wade  Hampton  of  the  Revolutionary  army.  In  three 
successive  wars  these  three  generations  of  Hamptons 
have  been  conspicuous  for  their  bold  and  daring  gal 
lantry.  They  were  all  South  Carolinians,  and  the 
largest  planters  in  the  Southern  States.  The  great 
grandfather  of  the  present  General  Wade  Hampton 
moved  from  North  Carolina  and  settled  in  Spartanburg 
district  previous  to  the  American  Revolution,  and  he 
and  his  wife,  one  son  and  a  grandson  were  all  massacred 
by  the  Indians  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  in  their 
own  house !  Another  son  was  murdered  by  the  Tories, 
whilst  seated  at  the  table  with  his  family,  eating  their 
564 


WADE   HAMPTON.  565 

dinner  !  After  the  Kevolutionary  war  was  over,  Gen 
eral  Wade  Hampton,  the  elder,  became  a  most  enter 
prising,  energetic  and  prosperous  planter,  and  accumu 
lated  a  princely  estate  in  Louisiana,  which  has  descended 
to  his  grandchildren.  His  residence  in  Columbia  was  a 
magnificent  one,  with  beautiful  grounds,  shrubbery,  and 
garden  filled  with  flowers  and  exotics,  which  fortunately 
escaped  the  Sherman  fires,  and  is  now  in  the  possession 
of  General  John  S.  Preston,  who  married  the  daughter 
of  General  Wade  Hampton  the  elder.  The  father  of 
General  Hampton  was  a  gentleman  of  high  char 
acter,  pure  honor,  large  fortune  and  princely  munifi 
cence.  He  was  for  four  years  State  Senator  in  South 
Carolina,  and  was  very  often  pressed  to  accept  the 
office  of  Governor  of  the  State,  which  he  declined  time 
and  again.  He  kept  open  house  at  his  beautiful  resi 
dence  near  Columbia,  and  entertained  crowds  of  friends 
with  the  greatest  hospitality.  His  dinner-parties,  which 
were  frequent,  were  most  luxurious  entertainments. 
He  was  fond  of  fine  horses  and  blooded  stock,  and  kept 
them  for  the  turf.  He  made  a  great  many  importations 
of  horses  and  cattle,  and  did  a  great  deal  to  improve  all 
kinds  of  stock.  At  a  grand  fair  in  Columbia,  gotten  up 
by  the  ladies  for  some  charitable  purpose,  Colonel 
Hampton  and  his  daughter  were  behind  a  table,  spread 
with  everything  calculated  to  tempt  the  appetite,  and 
dealing  the  viands  out  to  the  visitors.  General  Waddy 
Thompson  went  up  to  him  and  said  in  my  presence,  "  I 
always  knew,  Hampton,  that  you  kept  a  public  house 
all  your  life,  but  I  never -knew  you  to  charge  before." 
General  Hampton,  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  is  a 

antleman  of  great  literary  taste  and  scholarship.  He 
,d  the  finest  private  library  in  South  Carolina,  and 
many  of  the  most  costly  books.  I  remember  to  have 
seen  in  it  several  volumes  which  once  belonged  to  the 
library  of  King  George  III.,  and  in  some  of  them  was 
the  royal  autograph.  This  library  occupied  two  large 
rooms  of  his  dwelling-house  near  Columbia,  and  was 


566  WADE   HAMPTON. 

destroyed  by  General  Sherman  in  his  march  through 
South  Carolina.  "  Millwood,"  the  beautiful  and  taste 
ful  residence  of  his  father,  had  the  torch  applied  to  it  at 
the  same  time.  A  rare  and  most  exquisite  collection  of 
valuable  curiosities  and  relics,  statuary  and  paintings,  were 
consumed  in  the  house  or  carried  off  by  the  Federal 
soldiers.  His  plate,  which  must  have  been  of  great 
value,  had,  I  think,  been  removed. 

General  Hampton  was  for  some  years  a  member  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  in  South  Carolina,  and 
made  a  most  valuable  business  member.  He  spoke 
well,  and  participated  in  all  the  debates  and  discussions 
of  the  House.  Several  of  his  speeches  were  reported, 
and  are  beautiful  specimens  of  finished  composition. 
The  General  has  delivered  a  great  many  addresses  before 
societies  and  colleges,  which  have  been  admired  for 
their  taste,  moral  tone  and  burning  patriotism.  He  is  a 
remarkably  handsome  man,  with  a  bright  open  counte 
nance,  indicative  of  the  true  nobility  of  his  nature.  His 
manners  are  gentle,  polished  and  courteous.  There  is 
no  pretention  about  him,  and  his  modesty  is  almost 
feminine.  No  one  unacquainted  with  him  would  sup- 

re  he  was  the  bold  and  daring,  dashing  cavalier  which 
has  proved  himself  to  be  in  his  campaigns  in  Vir 
ginia  and  marches  into  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania. 
He  is  about  the  ordinary  height,  stout  and  well-made 
for  all  athletic  exercises,  capable  of  enduring  any  hard 
ship  or  privation  which  anyone  else  can  bear.  As  a 
horseman  and  hunter  he  cannot  be  excelled.  Some  of 
his  feats  of  horsemanship  are  most  remarkable.  He 
has  great  power,  strength  and  activity.  His  mind  is 
admirably  balanced,  and  quick  to  conceive  and  prompt 
to  execute.  In  judgment  he  is  always  prudent  and  wise. 
He  was  a  Union  man  till  his  beloved  native  State 
seceded.  He  then  tendered  his  services  to  the  Confede 
rate  Government,  and  got  permission  to  raise  a  legion 
in  South  Carolina.  Honor,  patriotism  and  virtue  taught 
him  willingly  to  sacrifice  his  life  if  necessary  in  the 


WADE   HAMPTON.  567 

defence  of  his  country  and  those  great  principles  of 
self-government  for  which  his  distinguished  grandfather 
had  fought  so  gallantly  in  the  American  Revolution. 

General  Hampton  visited  Greenville  in  the  spring  of 
1861,  and  was  several  days  at  my  house  whilst  organi 
zing  his  legion.  Two  of  the  first  companies  of  infantry 
and  one  of  the  first  companies  of  cavalry  were  raised 
in  Greenville  district.  They  served  with  him  for  four 
years,  and  were  discharged  at  the  surrender  of  General 
Johnston  in  North  Carolina.  Knowing  intimately  as  I 
do  those  young  men,  many  of  whom  were  my  personal 
friends,  and  one  of  them  my  son,  I  have  a  right  to  speak 
authoritatively  of  their  love  and  admiration  for  their 
commander.  He  hurried  on  to  Virginia,  and  got  there 
just  in  time  to  act  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  first  battle 
of  Manassas,  and  received  a  most  dangerous  wound  in 
the  forehead.  He  was  for  some  time  disabled,  but  he. 
continued  with  his  legion,  and  was  ready  for  service 
before  any  other  engagement  took  place. 

But  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  follow  the  General  through 
his  campaigns.  This  I  leave  to  the  historian.  It  would 
occupy  too  much  space  for  a  sketch  of  this  character  to 
even  briefly  allude  to  the  many  hard-fought  battles  in 
which  he  took  a  conspicuous  part.  Whilst  standing  in 
the  New  York  Convention  which  nominated  Seymour  and 
Blair,  a  tall,  fine-looking  cavalry  officer  of  the  Federal 
army  came  up  and  enquired  if  the  seats  before  him  were 
those  of  the  South  Carolina  delegation  ?  He  then 
enquired  if  General  Hampton  was  present.  We  told 
him  that  he  was  not.  He  said  he  was  desirous  of  seeing 
him  and  taking  his  hand.  They  had  once  met  in  a 
bloody  battle  in  Virginia,  and  he  had  been  whipped. 
He  was  anxious  to  see  again  the  general  who  had 
whipped  him,  and  to  shake  hands  with  him  !  A  day  or 
two  after  the  Convention  adjourned,  General  Hancock 
came  to  New  York,  and  I  witnessed  the  introduction 
between  him  and  Hampton.  Hancock  said  to  him, 
"  We  have  met  before,  General."  "  Yes/'  said  Hampton, 


568  WADE   HAMPTON. 

"  we  met  once  I  know  in  Virginia."  In  that  meeting 
Hampton  captured  twenty-three  hundred  of  Hancock's 
army !  They  talked  over  the  battle.  Hampton  said 
he  had  ordered  some  officer  to  take  such  a  position,  who 
protested  and  said  he  would  be*  cut  off.  "Yes,"  said 
Hancock,  "  he  would  have  been  cut  off,  for  I  had  com 
mand  of  the  road  below."  "  No,"  said  Hampton, 
"  there  was  another  road  by  which  he  couldliave  secured 
his  retreat." 

Whilst  in  New  York,  General  Hampton  was  requested 
to  address  a  crowd  of  five  thousand  persons  at  the 
Metropolitan  Club,  which  he  did  with  great  success. 
He  described  the  condition  of  the  South  under  negro 
rule,  and  spoke  of  the  tyranny' and  despotism  of  the 
military  satraps  who  had  been  stationed  in  South  Caro 
lina.  He  addressed  a  large  concourse  of  persons  in 
Baltimore  as  he  returned  home.  After  reaching  South 
Carolina  ^he  addressed  a  meeting  of  seven  thousand 
persons  ]  in  Charleston,  and  also  large  assemblages  in 
Columbia,  Aiken,  Fairfield  and  Greenville. 

General  Hampton  is  about  fifty  years  old,  and  has 
been  twice  married.  His  first  wife  was  the  sister  of 
William  C.  Preston,  and  his  second  wife  was  the  only 
daughter  of  Governor  George  McDuffie. 

Since  writing  the  above,  General  Hampton  has  deliv 
ered  an  oration  in  Baltimore  on  "  The  Life  and  Charac 
ter  of  General  Robert  E.  Lee,"  which  is  one  of  the  most 
admirable  addresses  of  the  kind  that  has  ever  been 
made  on  the  death  of  a  hero  and  patriot.  It  will  be  a 
gem  in  the  history  of  the  great  contest  in  which  the 
Southern  States  were  engaged.  Its  condensation  of  the 
campaign  of  Lee  in  Virginia  is  not  surpassed  by  any 
chapter  of  Thucydides  on  the  Peloponesian  war.  His 
po  rtraiture  of  the  great  Southern  commander  is  admira 
bly  drawn.  I  heard  a  gentleman  say,  after  reading  this 
oration,  that  if  General  Hampton  had  never  done  any- 
thin  g  before  to  establish  his  reputation  for  taste  and 
scholarship,  this  production  would  give  him  that  repu- 


WADE   HAMPTON.  569 

tation.  Some  time  before  the  death  of  General  Lee, 
Hampton  delivered  an  address  in  Lexington,  before  the 
college  of  which  he  was  President.  It  was  a  beautiful 
production,  and  much  admired  by  Lee  and  all  who 
heard  it  or  read  it  after  its  publication.  In  reference  to 
it  the  following  little  incident  was  told  me  by  General 
Hampton,  illustrating  the  playful  character  of  Lee. 
Hampton  was  not  feeling  well  the  morning  he  made  his 
speech  in  Lexington,  and  General  Lee  called  on  him 
after  it  was  all  over,  and  enquired  how  he  felt.  Hamp 
ton  replied  that  he  felt  better,  when  Lee  told  him  the 
following  anecdote.  There  was  a  Scotch  clergyman  who 
said  to  his  body  servant  that  he  felt  too  unwell  one 
Sunday  morning  to  preach  in  church.  The  servant  told 
him  that  the  congregation  were  all  assembled,  and  he 
ought  not  to  disappoint  them.  He  accordingly  went, 
and  after  the  service  was  over  his  servant  enquired  how 
he  felt  then.  The  clergyman  said  he  felt  much  better. 
"  I  thought,"  replied  the  servant,  "  that  you  would  feel 
better  after  you  got  all  that  trash  off  your  stomach." 

General  Hampton  was  twice  elected  Governor  of 
South  Carolina,  and  then  United  States  Senator,  which 
latter  position  he  still  fills  with  distinguished  ability. 


THOMAS  SUMTER. 

General  Surnter,  General  Pickens,  General  Marion 
and  General  Hampton  were  so  distinguished  as  partisan 
officers  in  our  Revolutionary  war  that  their  civil  services  as 
statesmen  and  patriots  seem  to  have  been  forgotten  or 
overlooked  in  speaking  of  them.  General  Francis 
Marion  was  a  member  of  the  Legislature  which  con 
vened  at  Jacksonboro,  before  the  British  Army  evac 
uated  Charleston.  This  Legislature  undertook  to  con 
fiscate  the  estates  of  those  loyalists  and  tories  who  took 
an  active  part  against  the  independence  of  the  colonies. 
General  Marion,  who  had  been  one  of  the  most  active, 
persevering  Whigs,  opposed  this  measure  as  unwise 
and  impolitic.  Having  succeeded  in  our  revolution  he 
thought  we  should  be  generous  and  forgiving  to  our 
erring  fellow  citizens.  He  thought  our  true  policy, 
as  well  as  humanity  and  magnanimity,  required  the 
Legislature  to  pursue  that  course.  When  a  bill  was 
introduced  in  this  legislature  to  exempt  Thomas  Sumter, 
Francis  Marion  and  other  partisan  officers  from  suits  at 
law,  on  account  of  any  trespasses  or  illegal  acts  they 
may  have  committed,  General  Marion  rose  and  said: 
"  Mr.  Speaker,  I  move  that  the  name  of  Francis  Marion 
be  stricken  from  the  bill  on  your  table.  He  has  never 
done  anything  in  war  or  in  peace  that  he  is  afraid  to 
account  for  in  a  court  of  justice."  This  was  a  noble 
expression,  worthy  of  the  most  illustrious  Roman  or 
Grecian  sage  and  patriot.  General  Harry  Lee,  in  his 
memoirs  of  the  Southern  war  says :  "  General  Francis 
Marion  was  pure  all  over."  General  Hampton  was 
for  many  years  in  the  Legislature,  in  the  State  Conven 
tion  and  in  Congress.  General  Pickens  was  also  a 
member  of  Congress,  a  member  of  the  Legislature 
570 


THOMAB  8UMTEB.  571 

VN 

and  State  Convection.  At  one  election,  when  he'wag 
not  a  candidate  for  the  Legislature,  his  name  was 
announced  at  the  polls  when  opened,  and  he  received 
every  vote  given  in  Pendleton  District.  He  was 
strongly  solicited  to  accept  the  office  of  Governor  of 
South  Carolina,  and  peremptorily  refused.  His  son, 
Andrew  Pickens,  and  his  grandson,  Francis  W.  Pick- 
ens,  both  filled  this  high  office.  General  Pickens  was 
unselfish  and  unostentatious,  and  in  character  very 
much  like  Washington. 

The  early  life  of  General  Thomas  Sumter  is  very 
little  known.  His  family  have  been  remiss  and  neg 
ligent  in  giving  information  in  regard  to  the  early  and 
private  life  of  their  distinguished  ancestors.  The 
author  of  the  National  Portrait  GaUen/j  wrote  to  his 
grandson  for  information  in  regard  to  the  sketch,  which 
he  was  about  to  publish  of  General  Sumter,  and  received 
no  reply.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  Hon.  Lyman  C. 
Draper,  of  Madison,  Wisconsin,  who  has  been  engaged 
for  years  in  collecting  material  for  the  life  of  Thomas 
Sumter,  will  be  more  fortunate  than  the  author  of  the 
National  Portrait  Gallery  was.  Mr.  Draper  is  Secre 
tary  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Wisconsin  and  a  liter 
ary  writer  and  scholar  of  eminence.  When  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  meeting  him  several  year  since,  I  was 
amused  at  the  minute  accuracy  of  his  information  in 
regard  to  the  revolutionary  history  of  South  Carolina, 
and  all  her  distinguished  men.  When  I  told  him  that 
the  Hon.  Samuel  Earle,  who  was  a  gallant  officer  of  the 
Revolution,  and  knew  intimately  Sumter,  Pickens  and 
Hampton,  and  married  General  Hampton's  niece,  did 
not  speak  so  favorably  to  me  of  General  Sumter,  Mr. 
Draper  replied :  "  Yes,  I  know  that  Sumter  pressed  for 
his  little  army,  horses,  provision,  clothing  and  whatever 
they  needed,  wherever  he  could  find  it."  This  was  the 
very  charge  made  by  Mr.  Earle  against  Sumter.  He 
paid  off  his  officers  and  men  with  negroes,  horses  and 
cattle  taken  from  the  tories.  This,  Marion  and  Pickens 


572  THOMAS   SUMTER. 

never  thought  of  doing.  But,  in  our  late  civil  war,  the 
Federal  officers  not  only  helped  themselves  in  the  Southern 
States  to  everything  they  could  find  which  their  soldiers 
needed,  but  they  robbed  and  plundered  everything  of 
value  which  came  in  their  way,  gold  and  silver,  watches 
and  jewelry  and  plate.  The  banks  were  plundered, 
and  even  the  churches  robbed  of  their  sacred  silver 
service. 

General  Sumter  was  born  in  1734,  but  where,  whether 
in  South  Carolina,  Virginia  or  North  Carolina,  we  are 
not  informed.  He  was  a  farmer  and  planter  and  it  is 
likely  his  early  education  was  very  limited,  as  was  that 
of  most  boys  of  that  period.  Before  the  Revolutionary 
war,  Sumter  had  been  Colonel  of  a  military  regiment 
and  no  doubt  had  acquired  some  military  reputation. 
The  Provincial  Congress  in  1776  appointed  him  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  of  the  second  regiment  of  riflemen. 
But  it  does  not  appear  that  he  rendered  any  signal  ser 
vice  till  after  the  fall  of  Charleston  in  May,  1780. 
The  surrender  of  Charleston  was  the  surrender  of  the 
State  to  the  British  army.  Many  of  the  most  gallant 
whigs,  like  Colonel  Isaac  Hayne,  took  protection  from, 
the  conquerors.  Mr.  Earle  told  me  that  he  and  Gen 
eral  Pickens  both  went  to  General  Robert  Cunningham 
and  received  British  protection.  Colonel  Sumter  did 
not  do  so,  but  fled  to  North  Carolina.  There  he  raised 
a  regiment  of  rebels  and  returned  to  South  Carolina. 

The  first  act  of  Colonel  Sumter  after  his  return  to 
his  own  State  was  the  destruction  of  Captain  Huck, 
who  commanded  a  large  body  of  loyalists,  and  seventy 
or  eighty  British  regulars.  He  was  then  appointed  by 
Governor  Rutledge  a  Brigadier  General.  He  had  com 
mand  of  about  six  hundred  men ;  and  with  this  force 
he  made  a  gallant  and  daring  attack  on  the  British  post 
at  Rocky  Mount.  He  failed  for  the  want  of  artillery 
in  capturing  the  Fort.  His  next  daring  exploit  was  an 
attack  on  Hanging  Rock,  a  British  post,  garrisoned  by 
five  or  six  hundred  regulars,  a  part  of  Tarleton's  legion,, 


THOMAS   SUMTEK.  573 

Brown's  regiment  and  Bryan's  corps  of  North  Carolina 
tories.  He  was  successful  in  forcing  the  enemy  from 
his  position.  But  his  men  became  demoralized  by  the 
plunder  they  captured  and  the  spirits  they  found  in  the 
British  camp.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  very  consid 
erable  and  Sumter's  loss  very  small.  He  made  a  suc 
cessful  retreat,  and  the  enemy  did  not  attempt  to  pur 
sue  him.  His  want  of  artillery  alone  prevented  his 
entire  success. 

General  Sumter  now  acquired  the  sobriquet  of  "  the 
game  cock  of  Carolina,"  by  which  he  has  ever  since 
been  distinguished.  Hearing  that  a  large  detachment 
of  the  British  forces  were  on  their  march  from  "Ninety- 
Six  "  to  Camden,  with  stores  and  supplies  for  the  main 
army,  he  applied  to  General  Gates  for  a  reinforcement 
of  his  command.  He  then  fell  upon  the  convoy  and 
captured  forty-four  wagons  with  a  large  number  of 
prisoners.  His  next  engagement  was  a  defeat  at  Fish 
ing  Creek.  He  was  surprised  and  his  command  entirely 
defeated.  After  this  defeat  General  Su inter  retired  to 
the  upper  country,  and  soon  recruited  his  army.  He 
was  attacked  by  Major  Wingo,  with  a  large  force,  on 
the  banks  of  the  Broad  River.  He  defended  himself 
most  gallantly,  and  destroyed  the  enemy.  His  next 
engagement  was  with  Colonel  Tarleton  at  Blackstock 
Hill.  His  defence  was  a  splendid  victory,  and  Colonel 
Tarleton  was  forced  to  retire  after  sustaining  great  loss. 
He  then  attacked  Fort  Granby,  and  would  have  cap 
tured  it  but  for  the  appearance  of  Lord  Rawdon  with 
reinforcements.  He  then  captured  the  fort  at  Orange- 
burg,  and  distinguished  himself  at  Monks  Corner. 

After  the  close  of  the  Revolution  General  Sumter  was 
a  member  of  the  Legislature,  and  voted  against  the  call 
of  a  Convention  to  ratify  the  Federal  Constitution.  He 
was  a  member  of  the  Convention,  and  voted  against  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution.  He  was  elected  a  mem 
ber  of  Congress  when  the  Federal  Government  was  first 
organized,  and  he  advocated,  in  a  speech  of  some  mark, 


574  THOMAS   SUMTER. 

that  the  permanent  seat  of  the  Federal  Government 
should  be  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac.  He  spoke 
warmly  against  giving  the  President  power  to  remove 
members  of  his  Cabinet,  and  said  it  was  a  detestable 
principle,  destructive  of  the  Constitution  and  liberty. 
In  January,  1792,  we  find  him  making  a  very  strong 
speech  against  reflections  cast  on  the  militia  of  South 
Carolina  by  General  Greene.  In  1793  he  makes  another 
elaborate  speech  on  the  same  subject.  In  this  speech 
he  was  very  severe  on  his  colleague,  Robert  Goodloe. 

In  1801  General  Sumter  was  elected  United  States 
Senator  in  the  place  of  Governor  Charles  Pinckney, 
who  resigned,  and  he  was  again  elected  in  1805,  and 
resigned  his  seat  in  1810.  Governor  John  Taylor  was 
elected  to  fill  his  vacancy.  It  is  stated,  in  a  sketch  of 
General  Sumter,  in  the  New  Encyclopedia,  that  he  was 
appointed  Minister  to  Brazil  in  1810,  and  two  years 
afterwards  elected  United  States  Senator.  This  is  a 
mistake,  as  to  the  time  of  his  going  into  the  United 
States  Senate.  He  was  first  elected,  as  I  have  already 
stated,  in  1801,  and  re-elected  in  1805. 

"  General  Sumter  was  tall  and  robust,  with  a  bold 
and  open  countenance,  expressive  at  once  of  energy 
and  decision."  He  lived  to  be  ninety-eight  years  old, 
and  died  in  1832.  He  retained  his  faculties  in  great 
vigor  as  long  as  he  lived.  I  remember  seeing  a  long 
letter  from  him  to  Dr.  Symmes,  editor  of  the  Pendle- 
ton  Messenger,  in  1830,  on  the  subject  of  nullification 
and  State  secession.  Dr.  Symmes  wrote  to  him  to 
know  his  views.  He  expressed  himself  warmly  in 
favor  of  the  right  of  a  State  to  nullify  an  unconstitu 
tional  act  of  Congress,  and  secede  from  the  Union. 
The  length  of  the  letter,  which  was  a  political  essay, 
and  the  warmth  of  its  tone  induced  me  to  believe  that 
one  of  his  grandsons  had  something  to  do  in  its  com 
position.  One  of  these  grandsons  was  shortly  after 
wards  elected  a  member  of  Congress  from  South  Caro 
lina,  and  was  a  great  '*  fire-eater." 


THOMAS   6UMTER.  575- 

General  Sumter  had  the  honor  of  having  a  county 
named  after  him  in  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida 
and  Alabama.  He  lived  in  great  retirement  during  the 
latter  part  of  his  life.  His  son,  whom  I  remember  to 
have  once  seen  in  Columbia,  had  some  foreign  mission 
and  married  a  French  lady.  He  had  two  sons,  both  of 
whom  were  at  different  times  members  of  Congress. 
One  of  them  commanded  a  company  in  the  regiment  of 
Governor  Butler,  in  Mexico.  The  grave  of  General 
Sumter  was  greatly  neglected  for  a  number  of  years.  I 
heard  a  gentleman  say  he  once  visited  it,  and  found  na 
monument  or  tombstone  over  it.  Nothing  to  mark 
the  spot  where  one  of  Carolina's  most  distinguished 
Revolutionary  officers  rested. 

In  the  State  Convention  which  ratified  the  Federal 
Constitution,  General  Sumter  was  a  member,  as  I  have 
already  stated.  He  was  very  strongly  opposed  to  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution,  and  moved  in  the  Conven 
tion  that  the  consideration  of  it  should  be  postponed 
till  the  action  of  Virginia  was  known.  This  motion 
was  voted  down  by  a  majority  of  forty-six,  and  a  burst 
of  applause  ensued,  as  it  was  a  test  vote. 

In  looking  over  Lanman's  "  Dictionary  of  Congress  " 
— a  curious  book — giving  a  sketch  of  all  the  members 
of  Congress  from  the  origin  of  the  Government,  and  a 
list  of  all  the  Foreign  Ministers,  I  see  it  stated  that 
Thomas  Sumter  of  South  Carolina  was  Secretary  of  the 
French  Legation  in  1801,  and  Minister  to  Portugal  in 
1810.  This  could  not  have  been  General  Thomas  Sumter, 
as  the  writer  in  the  "New  EncyclopaBdia"  supposes. 
General  Sumter  was  sixty-seven  years  old  in  1801,  and 
would  not,  at  that  period  of  life,  with  his  reputation,, 
have  accepted  such  a  position  under  the  Government. 
Moreover,  he  was  by  education  and  habit  utterly  dis 
qualified  for  performing  the  duties  of  a  Secretary. 

Again,  it  is  not  at  all  probable  that  General  Sumter 
would  at  the  age  of  seventy-seven  have  accepted  a  mis 
sion  to  Portugal  or  Brazil  as  the  writer  in  the  Encyclo- 


576  THOMAS   SUMTEK. 

psedia  says.  This  Thomas  Sumter,  Secretary  of  the 
French  Legation  and  Minister  to  Portugal,  must  have 
been  a  son  of  General  Sumter's,  already  alluded  to  in 
this  sketch.  I  never  before  heard  of  General  Sumter 
having  a  Foreign  Mission,  and  I  have  heard  all  my  life 
of  his  son  holding  some  position  of  that  kind. 


COLONEL  BENJAMIN  CLEVELAND. 

There  is  an  instinct  of  human  nature  which  prompts 
us  to  commemorate  the  virtues  and  heroic  achievements 
of  the  illustrious  dead.  We  delight  to  honor  the  mem 
ory  and  sketch  the  lives  and  erect  monuments  to  the 
heroes  and  patriots  who  have  achieved  honor  and  glory 
for  their  country.  Such  a  feeling  is  not  only  praise 
worthy  and  commendable  in  itself,  but  it  inspires  the 
young  and  future  generations  with  a  laudable  ambition 
of  emulating  the  example  of  their  ancestors  ;  it  teaches 
them  to  love  virtue  and  patriotism,  honor  and 
distinction. 

In  all  civilized  nations,  from  the  remotest  antiquity, 
it  has  been  their  custom  to  celebrate  on  public  occasions 
the  hallowed  deeds  of  the  great  and  good.  The  polished, 
intellectual  and  sesthetic-loving  Greeks  were  eminent  in 
their  exertions  to  perpetuate  the  remembrance  of  the 
noble  deeds  of  their  great  men,  their  great  heroes,  states 
men  and  patriots.  Hence  their  eloquent  and  thrilling 
funeral  orations,  their  magnificent  monuments,  their  ex 
quisite  statues  and  their  beautiful  paintings.  A  modern 
historian  has  said  that  "  a  Grecian  knew  that  if  he  per 
ished  in  achieving  any  heroic  deeds  his  country  would 
honor  his  ashes  and  watch  over  his  memory ;  that  his 
glory,  heightened  by  matchless  masters  of  eloquence, 
would  flash  like  lightning  from  the  heavens ;  that  lovely 
bosoms  would  beat  high  at  his  name ;  that  hands  the 
fairest  in  Greece  would  yearly  wreathe  his  tomb  with 
garlands,  and  that  tears  would  be  shed  forever  on  the 
spot  by  the  brave."  The  warlike  Romans,  full  of 
virtue,  honor  and  patriotism,  tried  to  emulate  the  Gre 
cians  in  this  respect  by  honoring  and  glorifying  their 
ancestors.  We  discover  the  same  national  trait  dis- 
577 


578  BENJAMIN   CLEVELAND. 

played  in  the  magnificent  antiquities  of  Egypt  and  all 
the  Eastern  nations. 

The  Chinese  have  carried  this  laudable  sentiment  to 
excess,  and  they  worship  their  illustrious  ancestors  as 
gods  and  demigods !  In  illustrating  how  strong  this 
feeling  is  in  England,  and  has  been  for  centuries  past,  I 
need  only  refer  to  Westminster  Abbey.  France,  glori 
ous  and  fickle,  has  shown  her  appreciation  of  her  heroes 
and  men  of  science  by  the  magnificent  structures  in 
Paris  to  their  memory.  Scarcely  a  distinguished  man 
dies  in  New  England  without  a  biographical  sketch 
being  written  of  him,  portraying  his  virtues,  his  talents 
and  his  public  services.  In  due  course  of  time,  a  public 
monument  is  erected  to  his  memory. 

But  how  has  it  been  in  South  Carolina  ?  This  proud 
little  State  has  produced  as  many  sons  eminent  for  their 
talents,  genius,  eloquence,  statesmanship  and  heroism  as 
Massachusetts  herself,  the  chief  of  New  England,  and 
where  are  their  written  lives  and  public  monuments? 
It  must  be  confessed  that  we  have  been  culpably  remiss 
in  cherishing  the  memory  and  recording  the  virtues  of 
our  great  men.  No  life  has  ever  been  written  of  that 
grand  old  Roman,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  ("mil 
lions  for  defence,  but  not  a  cent  for  tribute  "),  whose 
honor,  patriotism  and  talents  may  have  been  equalled, 
but  never  surpassed.  He  rests  in  his  grave  without  a 
public  monument.  John  Rutledge,  who  was  pro 
nounced  by  Patrick  Henry  to  be  without  a  peer  for 
eloquence  in  the  first  Continental  Congress,  and  who 
was  clothed  with  dictatorial  powers  in  South  Carolina 
during  the  Revolutionary  Avar,  never  had  a  monument 
erected  to  his  memory  or  a  memoir  of  his  life  written, 
till  a  stranger  undertook  to  write  the  lives  of  the  Chief 
Justices  of  the  United  States,  and,  through  necessity, 
had  to  include  that  of  Chief  Justice  Rutledge. 

In  the  same  neglected  category  is  the  name  of  Wil 
liam  Lowndes,  the  great  American  statesman,  who  would 
have  been  President  of  the  United  States  had  he  lived. 


BENJAMIN   CLEVELAND.  579 

John  C.  Calhoun,  who  possessed  the  mind  of  Aristotle 
with  the  purest  virtue,  has  only  had  a  sketch  of  his  life 
written  as  a  sort  of  introduction  to  his  political  works, 
and  his  grave  in  Charleston  is  without  a  monument. 
The  memory  of  Langdon  Cheves,  who  was  one  of  the 
intellectual  giants  of  his  day,  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States,  president  of  the 
old  United  States  Bank,  and  Judge  of  South  Carolina, 
has  been  utterly  neglected.  Robert  Y.  Hayne,  the  peer 
of  Webster  in  debate  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
and  the  idol  of  South  Carolina  whilst  living,  has  no 
public  monument  nor  life  written.  George  McDuffie, 
who,  Colonel  Benton  said,  uwas  equal  to  Demosthenes 
in  his  prime,"  is  almost  forgotten.  The  same  may  be 
said  of  Hugh  S.  Legare,  the  most  accomplished  scholar 
and  orator  of  America ;  James  L.  Petigru,  the  great 
lawyer,  loved  by  all  who  knew  him  for  his  noble  heart 
and  great  intellectual  endowments  and  learning ;  Wil 
liam  C.  Preston,  the  Cicero  of  the  Senate,  and  James  H. 
Hamilton,  the  Bayard  of  the  South.  Any  one  of  these 
names  would  have  been  enough  to  illustrate  an  era  and 
distinguish  a  nation. 

When  we  find  the  memory  of  such  men  as  I  have 
enumerated  neglected  and  their  virtues  and  public  ser 
vices  forgotten,  we  need  not  be  surprised  to  know  that 
the  heroic  achievements  and  patriotism  of  Cleveland, 
Pickens,  Williams,  Sumter  and  Marion  have  never  been 
properly  commemorated  by  their  State  ;  no  lives  of  them 
have  been  written,  except  Marion,  and  no  monuments 
erected  to  their  memory.  We  are  now  enjoying  the 
liberty  and  independence  which  they  achieved  for  their 
State  and  country,  and  we  have  almost  forgotten  their 
services  and  sufferings,  the  blood  they  shed  for  us,  and 
the  example  they  set  us ! 

Thirty  years  ago  a  gentleman  told  me  that  he  went  to 
visit  the  grave  of  General  Sumter,  "  the  game-cock  of 
Carolina,"  and  actually  drove  his  sulky  on  it  before  he 
was  aware  of  the  sacred  spot !  There  was  nothing  to 


580  BENJAMIN   CLEVELAND. 

designate  the  place  where  the  old  hero  rested!  I 
remember  visiting,  when  a  boy,  the  grave  of  Colonel 
Benjamin  Cleveland,  on  the  banks  of  the  Tuguloo,  in 
Pendleton  District — now  Oconee  County — and  I  found 
it  in  the  neglected  state  that  Sumter's  was,  except,  I 
think,  there  may  have  been  a  granite  slab  covering  it ; 
but  the  brambles  and  briars  and  bushes  had  grown  up 
all  around  where  lay  the  great  hero  of  King's  Moun 
tain  !  Many  years  afterwards,  in  passing  through  that 
neighborhood,  I  inquired  of  a  farmer  if  Colonel  Cleve 
land's  grave  was  still  neglected,  and  he  replied  that  it 
looked  like  an  old  hog  pen !  Some  one  had  built,  years 
before,  a  square  pen  around  it  out  of  pine-saplings  and 
they  had  rotted  down. 

I  have  found  great  difficulty  in  collecting  material  for 
a  sketch  of  Colonel  Cleveland's  life  and  character.  The 
events  of  his  life,  like  the  pine  poles  which  surrounded 
his  grave,  have  rotted  out  of  the  memory  of  the  present 
generation,  and  there  are  few  living  who  know  anything 
about  him.  My  father  and  Colonel  Benjamin  Cleveland 
lived  neighbors  on  Tuguloo  River,  Peudleton  district, 
South  Carolina,  for  many  years,  after  the  Revolutionary 
war,  and  until  the  death  of  the  Colonel.  I  have  heard 
him  speak  of  "  the  old  Colonel"  very  often,  who  died 
many  years  before  I  was  born.  He  said  he  once  visited 
him,  a  bitter  cold  frosty  morning,  and  found  him  sitting 
in  his  piazza,  with  nothing  on  but  a  thin  calico  morning 
gown,  and  that  his  legs  were  of  a  purple  color.  He  said 
to  him :  "  This  is  a  very  cold  morning,  Colonel  Cleveland." 
"  No,  no,"  replied  the  old  hero,  "  it  is  a  very  fine  morn 
ing,  and  I  have  come  out  to  enjoy  the  fresh  morning 
air."  He  weighed  at  that  time  four  or  five  hundred 
pounds,  and  in  consequence  of  his  enormous  obesity  was 
as  insensible  to  cold  as  he  had  been  in  his  younger  days 
to  fear. 

Colonel  Cleveland  was  one  of  nature's  great  men, 
great  in  every  respect,  great  in  person,  great  in  heart 
and  great  in  mind.  He  was  a  man  of  extraordinary 


BENJAMIN   CLEVELAND.  581 

judgment,  good  sense  and  practical  wisdom.  He  was 
honest,  truthful  and  honorable,  and  discharged  his  duties 
frankly  and  fearlessly.  Like  General  Andrew  Jackson, 
when  he  hung  Arbuthnot  and  Ambrister,  in  the  Florida 
or  Indian  Campaign,  he  was  never  afraid  to  take  respon 
sibility.  Some  time  after  Colonel  Cleveland's  removal 
to  South  Carolina,  and  whilst  the  nearest  court  was  held 
at  "  Ninety-Six/'  a  notorious  tory  and  horse  thief  was 
captured  and  carried  to  Cleveland's.  His  captors  wished 
to  know  what  should  be  done  with  their  prisoner.  The 
old  Colonel  told  them  that  the  best  disposition  they  could 
make  of  him  was  to  take  him  out  and  hang  him.  This 
would  meet  the  ends  of  justice  speedily  and  save  a  good 
deal  of  trouble  and  expense.  The  fellow  was  accord 
ingly  hung  up  to  the  limb  of  a  tree  in  the  yard  until  he 
was  dead,  and  then  he  was  cut  down  and  buried. 

It  is  well  known  that  General  Butler,  of  Revolutionary 
memory,  the  father  of  Judge  Butler  and  Governor  But 
ler,  and  grandfather  of  our  present  Senator  Butler,  did 
the  same  thing,  at  old  Cambridge,  about  the  same  time. 
Judge  Burke  was  holding  court.  General  Butler  and 
his  friends  went  into  the  court  house  in  the  presence  of 
the  Judge,  and  took  a  prisoner  out  of  the  dock,  and 
hung  him.  He  was  a  notorious  tory,  horse-thief  and 
assassin.  It  is  said  his  wife  came  and  implored  the 
Judge  to  save  her  husband.  His  Honor,  who  was  an 
Irishman,  replied:  "Before  God,  my  good  woman,  I 
dare  not  do  so,  for  they  would  hang  me  if  I  did." 

When  county  courts  were  established  in  the  upper 
part  of  South  Carolina,  Colonel  Benjamin  Cleveland, 
General  Andrew  Pickens  and  General  Robert  Anderson 
were  appointed  Judges  of  the  court  for  Pendleton  county. 
Colonel  Cleveland,  though  a  judge,  was,  like  his  asso 
ciates,  no  lawyer,  and  had  a  great  contempt  for  the  tech 
nicalities  of  the  law  and  all  its  delays.  His  desire  was 
to  administer  justice  promptly  and  fairly.  After  hearing 
the  evidence  in  a  case,  his  clear  mind  and  good  sense 
came  quickly  to  a  conclusion,  and  he  did  not  care  to  hear 


582  BENJAMIN   CLEVELAND. 

argument.  He  would  frequently  take  a  snooze  whilst 
the  lawyers  were  making  long  prosy  speeches  in  the  case. 
Being  very  fleshy,  he  would  sometimes  snore  so  loud  in 
his  snooze  as  to  interrupt  the  proceedings  of  the  court. 
His  associates  on  the  Bench  would  then  give  him  a 
hunch  and  wake  him  up.  These  county  courts  were 
very  Democratic  institutions,  something  like  the  old  Pie 
Pander  courts  of  England. 

In  the  discharge  of  his  judicial  duties,  Colonel  Cleve 
land  acted  according  to  the  advice  given  by  a  learned 
English  barrister,  to  Chief  Justice  Gordon,  of  South 
Carolina.  Gordon  was  an  Irishman  and  had  never  read 
law.  After  his  appointment  he  consulted  a  distinguished 
lawyer  in  London,  to  know  what  books  he  had  better 
read.  The  lawyer  advised  the  newly  appointed  Chief 
Justice  not  to  bother  himself  with  books  or  law,  but  to 
decide  every  case  according  to  his  sense  of  justice  and 
right.  "  If  you  undertake  to  decide  according  to  law," 
said  this  eminent  barrister,  "  you  will  be  sure  to  make  a 
mistake." 

Colonel  Benjamin  Cleveland  was  a  native  of  Virginia. 
He  and  his  brother  Robert  moved  to  Wilkes  county, 
North  Carolina,  after  they  were  grown,  and  just  before 
the  commencement  of  the  Revolutionary  War.  The 
Colonel,  like  General  Washington,  received  only  the 
rudiments  of  an  English  education,  and  studied  surveying. 
Wilkes  county  was  then  just  being  settled,  and  there 
was  great  demand  for  the  services  of  some  one  to  survey 
the  lands  of  the  settlers  and  mark  out  their  boundaries. 
No  doubt  the  Colonel  found  this  a  profitable  employment, 
and  it  made  him  acquainted  with  all  the  people  of  the 
county.  He  was  chosen  their  first  representative  in  the 
Legislature,  in  1778.  In  1779  he  was  elected  to  the 
State  Senate.  He  had  risen  also  from  the  rank  of  an 
ensign  in  the  militia  to  that  of  captain  of  a  company. 

The  Cherokee  Indians  annoyed  the  settlers  of  Wilkes 
county  very  much  about  this  time,  and  their  depredations 
and  assassinations  continued  until  the  expedition  of 


BENJAMIN   CLEVELAND.  583 

General  Rutherford,  of  North  Carolina,  and  General 
Williamson,  of  South  Carolina,  put  a  stop  to  them. 
Colonel  Cleveland  commanded  a  company  in  this  expe 
dition,  under  General  Rutherford.  The  privations, 
hardships  and  suffering  of  the  soldiers  and  officers,  as 
described  by  General  Lenoir,  who  was  a  lieutenant  in 
Cleveland's  company,  were  very  great  indeed,  and  almost 
incredible.  But  Cleveland  was  at  that  time  a  perfect 
athlete,  with  a  large  frame  and  an  iron  constitution, 
capable  of  enduring  almost  any  fatigue  and  hardship. 
He  was  bold,  fearless  and  self-willed,  full  of  hope  and 
buoyancy  of  spirits.  He  was  accustomed  to  the  forest 
and  climbing  mountains  in  hunting  wild  animals  and 
surveying. 

This  expedition  of  Rutherford  and  Williamson  com 
pletely  subdued  the  Cherokee  nation.  Their  cornfields 
were  destroyed  and  their  towns  and  villages  burnt.  But 
on  the  return  of  the  troops,  having  subdued  one  enemy, 
they  found  another  at  home  in  their  midst.  The  tories  of 
that  region  of  country  were  nothing  more  nor  less  than 
robbers,  plunderers  and  assassins.  Their  depredations 
were,  perhaps,  worse  than  those  of  the  Indians.  Colonel 
Cleveland  was  the  chief  commander  and  leader  of  the 
whigs.  Wheeler,  in  his  History  of  North  Carolina, 
says  :  "  Cleveland  was  the  leader  of  a  hundred  fights 
with  the  tories."  On  some  occasion  he  apprehended 
two  of  their  outlaws,  Jones  and  Coil,  and  hung  them  ! 
Soon  afterwards,  whilst  all  alone,  Cleveland  himself  was 
captured  by  the  tories,  and  they  told  him  to  write  passes 
for  them.  He  was  an  indifferent  scribe,  wrote  slowly, 
and  was  in  no  hurry  to  finish  his  task,  for  lit  believed 
they  intended  to  kill  him  after  he  had  written  their 
papers.  Whilst  thus  engaged  in  writing,  his  brother, 
Robert  Cleveland,  came  up  with  a  party  of  whigs,  fired 
on  the  tories,  and  secured  his  brother.  Riddle,  who 
commanded  this  tory  company,  was  afterwards  captured, 
with  his  son  and  another  follower,  carried  before  Cleve 
land,  and  by  his  orders  all  three  of  them  were  hung  near 


584  BENJAMIN   CLEVELAND. 

the  Mulberry  Meeting  House,  now  Wilkesboro'.  Gen 
eral  Lenoir  relates  another  instance  of  Cleveland's  sum 
mary  punishment  of  a  tory  thief.  The  General,  who 
was  then  a  captain  in  Colonel  Cleveland's  regiment,  appre 
hended  a  fellow  stealing  his  stirrups  from  his  saddle. 
He  carried  him  to  the  Colonel  who  ordered  his  thumbs 
to  be  put  in  a  notch  in  an  arbor  fork,  and  receive  fifteen 
lashes.  This,  says  the  General,  gave  origin  to  the 
expression,  "  to  the  notch."  It  may  well  be  supposed 
that  Cleveland  was,  as  the  historian  states,  "  the  terror  of 
the  lories" 

After  the  capture  of  Charleston,  and  the  defeat  of  Gen 
eral  Gates  at  Camden,  Lord  Corn  wall  is  thought  South 
Carolina  was  completely  subdued,  and  that  the  time  had 
arrived  when  he  might  rally  all  the  tories,  disaffected 
and  timid,  to  his  standard.  For  this  purpose  he  sent 
Colonel  Ferguson,  a  bold,  daring,  skilful  and  active  officer 
of  the  British  army,  to  stir  up  the  loyalists  in  the  upper 
parts  of  North  and  South  Carolina.  Botta,  the  Italian 
Historian  of  the  American  Revolution,  whose  work  is  a 
most  admirable  one,  says  the  greater  part  of  those  who 
repaired  to  Colonel  Ferguson's  standard,  u  were  of  the  most 
profligate  and  most  ferocious  description  of  men."  "  Be 
lieving  anything  admissible  with  the  sanction  of  their 
chief,  they  put  everything  on  their  passage  to  fire  and 
sword!"  These  atrocious  excesses  inflamed  the  whigs 
with  the  desire  of  revenge.  Without  any  authority  from 
Congress  or  the  State  authorities,  they  assembled  and 
demanded  of  their  officers  to  lead  them  on  to  battle.  They 
had  no  commissaries  or  quartermasters,  no  provision  or 
baggage  wagons.  Each  man  carried  his  wallet,  and  his 
blanket  and  his  gun.  They  slept  on  the  earth,  and 
slaked  their  thirst  in  the  streams  they  passed  over.  Their 
only  food  was  ears  of  corn  parched  and  pumpkins  roasted. 

These  brave  mountaineers  were  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  Campbell,  of  Virginia,  Colonels  Cleveland, 
Shelby,  Sevier  and  McDowell,  of  North  Carolina,  and 
Colonels  Williams,  Lacey,  Hawthorn  and  Hill,  of  South 


BENJAMIN   CLEVELAND.  585 

Carolina.  Their  united  forces  numbered  sixteen  hundred. 
They  selected  one  thousand  of  this  number  and  mounted 
them  on  their  fleetest  horses,  who  overtook  Ferguson  at 
King's  Mountain.  The  troops  were  divided  into  three 
divisions,  under  Colonels  Lacey,  Campbell  and  Cleveland. 
Lacey  with  the  South  Carolinians  commenced  the  attak 
on  the  west.  The  other  two  attacked  on  the  east  and  in 
the  centre.  They  had  rode  all  night  in  pursuit  of 
Ferguson,  who  was  aware  of  their  pursuit.  It  is  said 
that  when  he  came  to  King's  Mountain  he  profanely 
exclaimed,  "  this  is  a  position  from  which  God  Almighty 
cannot  drive  us !  " 

Dr.  David  Ramsay,  in  his  History  of  the  United  States, 
says  that  Colonel  Cleveland  addressed  his  command  before 
going  into  battle  "  in  the  following  plain  unvarnished 
language/'  which  showed  his  good  sense  and  knowledge 
of  human  nature : 

"  My  brave  fellows !  We  have  beat  the  tories  and  we 
can  beat  them  again.  They  are  all  cowardly.  If  they 
had  the  spirit  of  men,  they  would  join  with  their  fellow- 
citizens  in  supporting  the  independence  of  their  country. 
When  engaged  you  are  not  to  wait  for  the  word  of  com 
mand  from  me.  I  will  show  you  by  my  example  how 
to  fight.  I  can  undertake  no  more.  Every  man  must 
consider  himself  an  officer  and  act  from  his  own  judg 
ment.  Fire  as  quick  as  you  can  and  stand  as  long  as 
you  can.  When  you  can  do  no  better  get  behind  trees, 
or  retreat;  but  I  beg  of  you  not  to  run  quite  off.  If  we 
be  repulsed,  let  us  make  a  point  to  return  and  renew  the 
fight.  Perhaps  we  may  have  better  luck  in  the  second 
attempt  than  in  the  first.  If  any  of  you  be  scared,  such 
have  leave  to  retire ;  and  they  are  requested  imme 
diately  to  take  themselves  off." 

It  is  very  likely  this  "plain  unvarnished"  speech  had 
a  most  salutary  influence  on  the  minds  of  the  soldiers. 
It  was  obeyed  in  the  fight  to  the  very  letter.  They  did 
get  behind  trees  and  rocks  and  fired.  They  were  repelled 
and  did  "  not  run  quite  off."  They  came  back  to  the 


586  BENJAMIN   CLEVELAND. 

charge  and  renewed  the  fight.  They  did  "  have  better  luck 
in  the  second  attempt."  Colonel  Ferguson,  who  fought 
desperately,  was  shot  down,  and  his  command  immediately 
surrendered.  There  were  eight  hundred  prisoners  taken, 
and  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  killed  and  wounded. 
The  loss  of  the  whigs  was  very  small.  But  in  this  small 
number  was  Colonel  Williams,  of  Ninety-Six,  a  bold  and 
gallant  officer,  who  was  willing  to  offer  up  his  life  on  the 
altar  of  his  country  for  her  independence  and  liberty. 
Ten  of  the  tories  were  hung  for  their  crimes  and  in  retali 
ation  for  the  whigs  who  had  been  executed  in  Georgia 
and  South  Carolina.  Some  of  these  ten  were  very  promi 
nent  men,  and  had  no  doubt  been  active  in  stirring  up  the 
lawless  "  ferocious  men  "  who  had  committed  so  many  atro 
cious  acts  on  the  whigs.  Colonel  Cleveland  knew  them, 
and  he  was  not  the  man  to  pass  lightly  over  atrocious 
acts  committed  on  his  friends  and  neighbors.  There  was 
no  sickly  humanity  about  him.  He  was  a  just  man  and 
a  bold,  fearless  man,  not  afraid  to  punish  when  punish 
ment  was  merited.  He  was  a  stern  man,  and  loved  jus 
tice  more  than  he  did  mercy.  He  knew  that  very  often 
mercy  to  a  criminal  was  death  to  an  innocent  man. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  most  of  the  tories  in  the  upper 
part  of  South  Carolina  and  North  Carolina  joined  the 
English  for  the  purpose  of  plundering  and  robbing. 
They  had  no  more  political  principle  than  they  had 
moral  principle.  If  they  joined  the  whigs,  there  were 
no  English  for  them  to  rob  and  plunder  in  the  night. 
Therefore  all  the  unprincipled  and  vicious  became  tories, 
to  plunder  and  steal.  They  cared  nothing  for  either 
king  or  country.  Their  leaders  thought  the  rebellion 
would  ultimately  be  suppressed,  and  they  would  be 
rewarded  for  their  loyalty  with  office  and  honor,  like  the 
recreant  sons  of  the  Carolinas  of  the  present  day,  when 
under  the  radical  regim^. 

The  battle  of  King's  Mountain,  in  which  Colonel  Cleve 
land  acted  so  conspicuous  a  part,  was  the  turning  point 
of  the  American  Revolution.  Everything  went  better 


BENJAMIN   CLEVELAND.  587 

for  the  Continental  Congress  afterwards.  General  Corn- 
wallis  was  checked  in  his  march  into  Virginia.  The 
battle  of  the  Cowpens  took  place  in  January  following. 
General  Green,  having  taken  command  of  the  Southern 
army,  fought  the  battle  of  Guilford  Court  House.  Corn- 
wallis  marched  on,  and  his  whole  army  was  captured  at 
Yorktown. 

After  this  great  victory  at  King's  Mountain,  the  militia, 
who  had  volunteered  their  services,  returned  home,  like 
the  Scotch  Highlanders  who  always  went  home  after  a  vic 
tory,  and  would  then  return  to  the  army  again,  after  rest 
ing  and  recruiting  and  enjoying  their  spoils.  Colonel 
Cleveland  no  doubt  went  home  with  his  brave  troops,  and 
I  have  no  information  as  to  his  subsequent  military  career. 
He  may  have  been  in  the  battle  of  Guilford,  and  Wheeler 
states  that  he  was  ;  but  without  giving  any  particulars 
of  his  services,  and  I  do  not  know  that  any  other  histo 
rian  mentions  the  fact.  It  is  not  likely,  however,  that 
the  bold,  fearless  and  enterprising  patriotism  of  Cleve 
land  could  be  idle  whilst  the  war  continued. 

In  the  history  of  North  Carolina,  Wheeler  states  that 
Colonel  Ben.  Cleveland,  the  hero  of  King's  Mountain, 
"  lived  and  died  in  Wilkes  County,  N.  C. !  "  This  is  a 
mistake,  and  I  am  surprised  that  it  should  have  been 
made.  Shortly  after  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  War, 
Colonel  Ben.  Cleveland  moved  to  South  Carolina  and 
settled  on  the  Tuguloo  River,  in  Pendleton  District, 
now  Oconee  County,  and  there  he  died,  and  now  lies 
buried  there,  as  I  have  already  stated.  The  exact  time 
of  his  removal  I  cannot  give.  My  father  moved  from 
Greenville  into  the  same  neighborhood  where  Colonel 
Cleveland  resided  in  1788.  I  have  often  heard  him  say 
that  when  he  and  his  brother,  Nathemiel  Perry,  opened 
their  store,  five  or  six  miles  below  Colonel  Cleveland's,  the 
old  Colonel  and  his  two  sons,  John  and  Absalom,  and  his 
son-in-law,  who  lived  in  North  Carolina  and  was  a  Gen 
eral,  but  whose  name  I  have  forgotten,  came  down  to 
pay  them  a  visit  and  trade  with  them.  John  Cleveland, 


588  BENJAMIN   CLEVELAND. 

who  was  an  intemperate  man,  and  full  of  fun  and  mis 
chief,  had  acquired  the  soubriquet  of  "Devil  John." 
He  introduced  himself  to  my  father  by  that  name,  and 
said  that  he  expected  to  trade  and  drink  a  good  deal 
with  him,  but  that  as  my  father  and  brother  seemed  to 
be  genteel  young  men,  he  would  behave  himself  gen 
teelly  whilst  at  their  store.  This  promise  he  kept,  and 
my  father  thought  well  of  him;  but  he  was  afterwards 
killed  in  some  drunken  row  in  Georgia. 

The  following  extract  of  a  letter  received  from  one  of 
Colonel  Benjamin  Cleveland's  great-nieces,  is  interesting, 
and  gives  an  account  of  the  old  Hero's  descendants. 

"Colonel  Benjamin  Cleveland  was  born  in  Virginia,  and 
with  my  grandfather  moved  to  North  Carolina  probably 
in  the  year  1775,  and  settled  on  the  Yadkin,  in  Wilkes 
County,  where  he  remained  until  after  the  Revolution. 

"The  regiment  which  did  such  effective  service,  and 
which  Colonel  Cleveland  led  with  such  distinguished  gal 
lantry  at  the  battle  of  King's  Mountain,  was  composed 
of  hardy  mountaineers.  Men  that  slept  upon  the 
heather,  men  that  quaffed  the  mountain  rill,  drawn  from 
the  counties  of  Surry  and  Wilkes. 

"  My  grandfather,  Robert  Cleveland,  was  in  command 
of  a  company  in  his  brother's  regiment,  and  his  nephew, 
Jesse  Franklin,  afterwards  Governor  of  North  Carolina,, 
was  the  Adjutant.  I  have  often  heard  my  father  say 
the  distinguishing  traits  of  Colonel  Cleveland's  character 
were  indomitable  courage  and  iron  will. 

"It  seems  from  Wheeler's  History  that  he  aided  his 
country  not  only  in  'arms,'  but  also  in  *  council,'  serving 
for  several  years  in  both  branches  of  the  Legislature. 

"  At  what  time  Colonel  Cleveland  removed  to  South 
Carolina  and  settled  in  Pendleton  District  I  do  not  know. 
He  had  only  two  sons,  John  and  Absalom.  John  was 
a  man  of  good  abilities,  but  died  early  from  intemper 
ance,  leaving  four  daughters  and  two  sons,  Benjamin  and 
Fouche  Cleveland.  These  the  grandfather  took  and 
educated.  The  daughters  married  prominent  men  in 


BENJAMIN   CLEVELAND.  589 

the  State  of  Georgia ;  one,  Colonel  James  Smith,  a  lawyer 
of  Macon,  another  a  relative,  a  Mr.  Franklin,  of  Athens, 
and  their  only  daughter  married  Governor  McDonald. 

" General  Ben.  Cleveland  was,  I  believe,  a  member 
for  some  years  of  the  Georgia  Legislature.  His  daugh 
ter,  Catherine,  married  General  Rush,  of  Texas.  Many 
years  ago  I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  with  the 
-General  and  hearing  him  make  a  most  sensible  speech  in 
the  United  States  Senate. 

"  Colonel  Cleveland  has  had,  and  still  has,  many  de 
scendants  who  reflect  credit  on  his  name.  Colonel  Robert 
Smith,  his  great-grandson,  the  Christian  soldier  and 
gentleman,  fell  at  the  battle  of  Malvern  Hill,  gallantly 
leading  the  44th  Georgia  Regiment  into  action.  And 
his  great-great  granddaughter,  Mrs.  Eliza  Harper,  of 
Minden,  La.,  is  well  known  in  the  world  of  letters  as  a 
poetess  and  fine  writer  of  prose." 

Absalom  Cleveland,  the  other  son  of  old  Colonel  Ben. 
Cleveland,  was  very  eccentric,  and  in  the  latter  part  of 
his  life,  deranged.  For  several  years  he  refused  to  say 
a  word  to  any  one,  and  the  first  time  he  spoke  after  his 
long  silence,  was  to  tell  a  servant  who  was  putting  wood 
on  the  fire  to  "  stop,"  that  he  had  put  enough  on  !  Be 
fore  his  death  he  in  a  great  measure  recovered  his  mind, 
and  made  his  will  which  was  contested  in  court,  and 
established.  I  was  of  counsel  for  the  executor  in  the 
trial  of  the  case.  He  left  one  daughter,  I  know,  who 
married  Thomas  Horthen,  of  Oconee  County.  He  may 
have  had  other  children. 

In  1841  the  Legislature  of  North  Carolina  formed  a 
new  county  out  of  Rutherford  and  Lincoln  Counties,  and 
named  it  Cleveland,  in  honor  of  the  memory  of  the  old 
hero  of  King's  Mountain.  This  was  nothing  more  than 
an  act  of  merited  justice  on  the  part  of  the  State  to  one 
who  did  such  gallant  service  in  the  Revolutionary  War. 
In  the  battle  of  King's  Mountain  Colonel  Cleveland  cap 
tured  an  English  drum  which  he  kept  and  exhibited  to 
his  friends  who  visited  him  at  his  residence  on  the 


590  BENJAMIN   CLEVELAND. 

Tuguloo  River.  I  remember  hearing  Judge  Clayton,  of 
Georgia,  speak  of  seeing  this  drum  on  one  of  his  visits  to 
the  old  Colonel.  What  became  of  it  I  cannot  ascertain. 
It  would  be  an  interesting  relic  to  exhibit  at  the  centen 
nial  celebration  of  the  battle  of  King's  Mountain. 

Colonel  Benjamin  Cleveland  had  two  brothers  and  a  sis 
ter,  and  he  may  have  had  others.  Robert  Cleveland,  one  of 
his  brothers,  and  a  captain  in  his  regiment  at  the  battle 
of  King's  Mountain,  was  the  father  of  Captain  Jeremiah 
Cleveland,  the  patriarch  of  Greenville,  and  Jesse  Cleve 
land  of  Spartanburg,  both  remarkable  for  their  good 
sense,  wisdom,  practical  judgment  and  integrity  of 
character.  His  brother,  John  Cleveland,  was  a  Baptist 
preacher,  and  very  successful  in  his  addition  of  members 
to  his  church,  on  Chaugo  River,  Oconee  County.  He 
used  to  baptize  as  many  as  fifty  on  a  Sabbath,  and  it  is 
said  that  he  once  remarked,  "  if  one  in  ten  proved  to  be 
good  Christians,  he  had  made  a  good  haul/'  His  sister 
married  a  gentleman  by  the  name  of  Franklin  and  was 
the  father  of  Governor  Franklin  of  North  Carolina. 

It  is  said  in  Wheeler's  History  of  North  Carolina  that 
Colonel  Cleveland  had  an  impediment  in  his  speech  which 
prevented  his  engaging  in  public  life.  I  never  heard  of 
this  impediment  before,  and  doubt  its  accuracy.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  if  Colonel  Cleveland  had  been  educated  he 
would  have  been  a  great  and  distinguished  man,  more 
so  than  he  was.  He  was,  as  I  have  already  said,  a  great 
man  by  nature.  But  in  his  day  there  were  few  schools, 
academies  and  colleges  in  the  land,  and  a  scholar  in  the 
backwoods  of  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  South  Car 
olina,  was  a  rare  thing.  Most  of  the  patriots  and  heroes 
of  the  Revolution  in  this  region  of  country  were  illiterate 
men.  Hence,  justice  has  never  been  done  to  their  ser 
vices  and  memory.  A  great  many  battles  were  fought 
and  gallant  actions  achieved  which,  had  they  occurred 
in  the  Northern  States,  would  have  been  blazoned  in  his 
tory. 


BENJAMIN   CLEVELAND.  591 

The  farm  on  which  Colonel  Cleveland  lived,  after  his 
removal  to  South  Carolina,  and  where  his  remains  lie 
buried,  now  belongs  to  Dr.William  Earle.  It  is  situated 
in  the  fork  of  Tuguloo  and  Chaugo  Rivers,  in  Oconee 
County.  The  house  in  which  he  lived  was  a  large 
wooden  framed  building,  on  the  banks  of  the  Tuguloo, 
commanding  a  fine  view  of  the  river  for  miles,  and 
beautifully  situated.  It  was  afterwards  burned  down, 
and  I  remember  seeing,  whilst  a  boy,  the  chimneys  still 
standing.  The  farm  is  a  valuable  one,  although  it  has 
now  been  in  cultivation  nearly  a  century.  A  large  por 
tion  of  it  consists  of  rich  low  grounds  on  the  Tuguloo 
River.  The  country  around  is  broken  and  full  of  hills, 
The  mountains,  too,  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina  are 
close  by,  and  present  a  grand  panoramic  view  to  the 
spectator. 

NOTE. — Since  the  above  sketch  was  written  a  monument 
has  been  erected  over  the  resting-place  of  Colonel  Cleveland,, 
by  his  relatives. 


COLONEL  BENJAMIN  ROEBUCK. 

Nobility  of  nature,  like  genius,  must  be  born  with 
the  man,  or  he  can  never  attain  it  by  education  and 
association.  In  the  humblest  ranks  of  life  some  men 
are  born  noblemen,  whilst  in  the  most  polished,  refined 
society  there  are  others  born  with  scarcely  a  single  vir 
tue.  To  be  brave,  honorable,  magnanimous  and  patri 
otic,  the  man  must  be  so  by  nature.  These  high  quali 
ties  are  what  no  art  can  acquire,  nor  education  give. 
How  often  do  we  find  the  rarest  virtues,  as  well  as  the 
rarest  genius,  in  the  humblest  ranks  of  society.  Shake 
speare,  Burns,  Franklin  and  innumerable  others,  who 
have  cast  a  halo  of  glory  around  their  names,  are  happy 
illustrations  of  the  latter  assertion. 

Colonel  Benjamin  Roebuck,  the  subject  of  this  bio 
graphical  sketch,  was  an  instance  of  an  humble  and 
uneducated  man,  possessing  all  the  great  virtues  which 
can  adorn  the  human  character.  He  was  brave 
amongst  the  brave,  patriotic,  magnanimous,  amiable 
and  honorable.  He  was  the  beau  ideal  of  a  soldier  and 
gentleman  with  his  companions  in  arms.  He  inspired 
them  with  respect  and  admiration  on  all  oceasions  and 
under  all  circumstances.  They  had  implicit  confidence 
in  his  courage,  prudence  and  justice.  He  was  modest, 
unselfish  and  unambitious.  He  sought  only  to  serve  his 
country  and  defend  her  independence  and  liberty. 
This  was  his  sole  ambition,  and  he  discharged  every 
duty  of  his  life  with  honor  and  integrity.  He  sought 
no  popularity  or  official  position.  When  the  latter  was 
given  him,  and  he  thought  he  could  discharge  its  duties 
to  the  interest  of  his  country,  he  did  not  refuse  it. 
He  shrank  from  no  danger  or  responsibility  in  the  dis 
charge  of  his  duty.  He  fought  through  the  whole  of 
592 


BENJAMIN   ROEBUCK.  593 

the  Revolutionary  war,  commanded  a  regiment  in 
several  important  battles,  was  the  idol  of  his  command, 
and  yet  his  name  is  not  mentioned  in  history,  and  his 
virtues,  patriotism  and  public  services  are  only  remem 
bered  in  tradition. 

Many  years  ago,  almost  half  a  century  since,  I  met 
a  gentleman  of  Spartanburg,  whose  father  was  an  inti 
mate  companion-in-arms  of  Colonel  Roebuck,  and  the 
lieutenant-colonel  of  his  regiment,  who  gave  me  a  full 
account  of  the  services  and  character  of  this  modest  and 
unassuming  patriot  and  colonel  of  the  Revolution.  I 
must  confess  that  it  made  a  deep  impression  on  my 
mind  and  set  me  to  making  further  inquiry  about  Colj 
onel  Roebuck.  The  more  I  heard  of  him  the  more  I 
admired  his  character  as  a  man  and  an  officer,  and  I 
pronounced  him  in  one  of  my  Revolutionary  Incidents 
published  many  years  ago  in  the  u  Magnolia,"  one  of 
nature's  noblemen  and  the  beau  ideal  of  a  brave  officer. 

I  met  a  great  many  men  who  had  served  under  Col 
onel  Roebuck  at  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  the 
Cowpens  in  1832.  They  all  spoke  of  him  in  the  same 
exalted  strain,  as  a  man,  an  officer  and  patriot.  The 
name,  too,  " cervus  capriolus"  a  species  of  deer  with 
erect  horns,  elegant  shape,  remarkably  nimble  and 
found  in  the  mountains,  made  an  impression  on  my 
mind.  It  seemed  to  me  a  beautiful  name,  and  as  eupho 
nious  as  that  of  Plantagenet,  the  name  of  an  illustrious 
line  of  English  sovereigns,  which  signifies  a  broom  in 
Norman  French. 

After  the  fall  of  Charleston,  in  May,  1780,  the  condi 
tion  of  South  Carolina  was  generally  regarded  as  hope 
less.  The  British  forces  were  scattered  all  over  the 
State,  and  there  was  no  regular  army  to  oppose  them. 
Mr.  Madison  introduced  resolutions  in  the  Continental 
Congress  to  treat  with  Great  Britain  by  surrendering 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia  as  Royal  Provinces.  An 
address  was  presented  to  Lord  Cornwallis,  signed  by 
several  hundred  citizens  of  Charleston,  congratulating 


594  BENJAMIN   ROEBUCK. 

his  lordship  on  the  conquest  of  the  State.  The  timid 
and  time-serving  went  and  took  British  protection. 
The  tories,  who  were  mostly  men  of  no  moral  or  politi 
cal  principle,  but  who  had  espoused  the  Royal  cause 
for  the  sake  of  plundering  and  robbing,  were  greatly 
encouraged  by  the  condition  of  affairs,  and  committed 
the  most  atrocious  acts  all  over  the  country.  Dark, 
indeed,  were  the  prospects  of  independence  and  liberty 
everywhere.  But  there  were  a  few  noble  spirits,  like 
Sumter,  Marion  and  Roebuck,  who  never  despaired  of 
their  country,  nor  relaxed  in  their  efforts  to  serve  her 
in  the  darkest  period  of  her  distress  and  despondency. 
They  rallied  around  them  a  few  of  their  bravest  and 
most  devoted  partisans,  and  sought  every  opportunity 
of  harassing  the  English  and  fighting  the  tories. 

Colonel  Benjamin  Roebuck  was  born  in  Virginia,  a 
State  from  which  most  of  the  early  settlers  of  the  upper 
part  of  South  Carolina  came,  whilst  the  lower  country 
was  settled  two-thirds  of  a  century  earlier  by  immi 
grants  from  England,  France,  Ireland  and  Scotland. 
His  father  moved  from  Virginia  with  his  family  some 
years  previous  to  the  American  Revolution,  and  settled 
near  Blackstocks,  in  Spartanburg  District.  He  was, 
like  all  such  emigrants,  in  moderate  circumstances,  and 
came  to  South  Carolina  to  better  his  condition.  Benja 
min  was  quite  young  at  the  time  of  his  father's  removal, 
and  his  education  consisted  of  reading,  writing  and 
arithmetic,  enough  to  develop  a  great  and  good  man, 
where  talents  and  virtues  are  innate.  As  he  grew  up 
to  man's  estate,  the  Revolution  broke  out,  and  he 
espoused  the  cause  of  his  country  with  ardor  and  firm 
ness.  His  patriotic  associates  rallied  around  him.  and 
looked  to  him  as  their  leader,  as  well  in  war  as  in  peace. 
He  was  the  terror  of  the  tories  in  that  section  of  the 
State,  who  were  mostly  plunderers,  horse-thieves  and 
assassins.  Many  were  the  skirmishes  which  he  and  his 
noble  band  of  followers  had  with  these  lawless  banditti, 
who  cared  for  neither  king  nor  country. 


BENJAMIN   ROEBUCK.  595 

The  first  regular  battle  in  which  he  was  engaged  was 
on  the  18th  day  of  August,  1 780,  under  that  gallant 
partisan  officer,  Colonel  Williams,  of  Ninety-Six,  who 
rendered  up  his  life  for  his  country  at  King's  Mountain. 
This  battle  was  fought  at  Musgrove's  Mills,  on  the 
Enoree  River.  Colonel  Williams  had  been  active  in 
collecting  and  animating  the  friends  of  liberty  and  inde 
pendence.  Colonel  Tunis  of  the  South  Carolina  Royal 
ists  was  wounded  and  his  entire  command  dispersed. 
This  was  almost  the  first  check  the  British  received  after 
the  fall  of  Charleston,  and  did  much  to  inspire  the 
drooping  spirits  of  the  Whigs  in  that  section  of  the  State 
with  the  hope  of  their  country's  ultimate  success.  In 
less  than  two  months  after  the  battle  of  Musgrove's 
Mills,  Colonel  Williams  led  his  little  band  of  patriots  in 
search  of  Colonel  Ferguson  and  his  tory  recruits.  At 
the  Cowpens  he  joined  the  forces  from  Virginia  and 
North  Carolina,  under  Campbell,  Cleveland,  Shelby  and 
Sevier.  They  marched  all  night  and  overtook  Ferguson 
at  King's  Mountain,  on  the  7th  of  October,  and  gained 
a  great  victory,  capturing  the  whole  British  and  tory 
forces,  consisting  of  eleven  or  twelve  hundred  men,  one 
hundred  of  whom  were  regulars.  W'hat  command  Roe 
buck  had  under  Colonel  Williams  in  this  battle  is  not 
known.  Captain  Thomas  Young,  in  his  memoirs  pub 
lished  in  "  Johnson's  Traditions  of  the  Revolution," 
says :  "  When  our  division  came  up  to  the  northern 
base  of  the  mountain,  we  dismounted,  and  Colonel  Roe 
buck  drew  us  a  little  to  the  left  and  commenced  the 
attack." 

Colonel  Roebuck  was  in  the  battle  of  Blackstocks, 
under  General  Sumter,  on  the  20th  of  November,  1780, 
where  General  Sumter  was  badly  wounded,  and  the 
command  of  his  forces  devolved  on  Colonel  Twiggs,  of 
Georgia.  Colonel  Tarleton  commanded  the  British 
forces,  commenced  the  attack  and  was  driven  from  the 
field  with  considerable  loss.  The  forces  engaged  in  this 
battle  were  considerable  on  both  sides,  and  Congress 
voted  General  Sumter  their  thanks  for  his  victory. 


596  BENJAMIN   ROEBUCK. 

In  July,  1780,  was  fought  the  battle  of  Cedar  Springs, 
under  Colonel  Clark,  of  Georgia,  in  which  Colonel 
Roebuck  took  an  active  part.  Major  Dunlap,  of  the 
British  army,  with  sixty  well-equipped  dragoons,  and 
one  hundred  and  fifty  mounted  riflemen,  commenced  the 
attack  about  daylight,  and  was  driven  from  the  field  in 
the  course  of  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes,  with  the  loss  of 
thirty  or  forty  of  his  men  left  dead  on  the  ground. 
Colonel  Clark  received  a  severe  wound  on  the  head,  and 
had  four  killed  and  twenty-three  wounded. 

In  the  battle  of  Cowpens  Colonel  Roebuck  commanded 
a  regiment.  This  was  fought  on  the  17th  of  Jan 
uary,  1781.  Colonel  Pickens  commanded  the  militia, 
Colonel  Howard  the  Continentals,  Colonel  Washington 
the  cavalry,  and  General  Morgan  was  in  command  of 
the  whole  army.  The  British  were  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  Tarleton,  consisting  of  one  thousand  regulars, 
whilst  Morgan's  force  was  only  eight  hundred,  and  two- 
thirds  of  them  were  militia.  This  was  one  of  the  most 
extraordinary  battles  of  the  whole  Revolution.  Dr. 
Ramsay,  in  his  History  of  South  Carolina,  says  :  "  The 
glory  and  importance  of  this  battle  resounded  from  one 
end  of  the  continent  to  the  other.  It  reanimated  the 
desponding  friends  of  America,  and  seemed  to  be  like  a 
resurrection  from  the  dead,  to  the  Southern  States." 

In  the  summer  of  1781,  Colonel  Roebuck  determined 
to  break  up  the  headquarters  of  the  tories  and  out-lyers 
at  Williams'  Fort  on  Mud  Creek,  in  "  Newberry  Dis 
trict."  The  strength  of  his  regiment  was  only  one 
hundred  and  fifty  men.  But  with  this  small  force  he 
and  his  brave  lieutenant,  Colonel  Henry  White,  thought 
they  could  roust  the  enemy  by  a  stratagem.  There  were 
a  few  British  soldiers  in  the  front,  and  a  large  number 
of  lawless  tories,  who  had  been  committing  all  sorts  of 
depredations  on  the  Whigs  in  that  section  of  the  State. 
Colonel  Roebuck  ordered  a  portion  of  his  mounted  rifle 
men  to  show  themselves  in  front  of  the  fort  to  draw  out 
the  garrison,  and  make  a  hasty  retreat.  In  the  mean- 


BENJAMIN   ROEBUCK.  597 

time  his  infantry  were  most  advantageously  posted  in  the 
woods,  concealed  from  the  enemy.  The  manoeuvre  was 
successful.  The  garrison  came  out  in  full  force,  com 
menced  a  hot  pursuit,  and  were  fired  on  by  Colonel 
Roebuck's  regiment,  with  most  fatal  effect.  After  a 
sharp  and  destructive  engagement  of  a  few  minutes,  the 
tories  fled  and  the  fort  was  captured.  Lieutenant-Colonel 
White  was  badly  wounded,  and  Captain  Robert  Thomas, 
a  most  gallant  and  beloved  officer,  was  killed.  This 
victory  gave  peace  to  that  section  of  the  country. 

Colonel  Roebuck  was  at  the  siege  of  Ninety-Six,  with 
his  regiment,  under  General  Green.  He  was  there  cap 
tured  by  the  enemy,  and  carried  a  prisoner  to  Charleston, 
where  he  was  confined  for  a  length  of  time,  greatly 
exposed,  and  caught  a  cold  which  terminated  in  con 
sumption.  He  lived  only  to  see  the  independence  of  his 
country  established,  and  death  deprived  him  of  the  en 
joyment  of  that  liberty  for  which  he  fought  so  long  and 
so  gallantly. 

Colonel  Roebuck  was  never  married,  and  died  as  he 
had  always  lived,  in  his  father's  house.  It  is  to  be 
regretted  that  so  pure  and  noble  a  gentleman  left  no 
descendants  to  inherit  his  virtues,  his  name  and  his  fame. 
But  kindred  blood  of  his  flows  in  the  veins  of  many  of 
the  most  respectable  families  of  Spartanburg.  The 
Honorable  Simpson  Bobo,  a  learned  and  distinguished 
member  of  the  Bar,  is  the  son  of  Colonel  Roebuck's 
sister.  Nor  is  his  name  extinct  in  the  Spartanburg  Dis 
trict.  I  met  one  who  bore  that  honored  and  euphonious 
name,  in  the  Confederate  army,  immediately  after  the 
first  battle  of  Manassas. 

It  may  well  be  asked  why  such  a  hero  and  patriot,  as 
I  have  considered  Colonel  Roebuck  to  be,  is  not  better 
known  in  history  ?  The  answer  is,  that  there  were  no 
writers  of  history  in  the  upper  part  of  South  Carolina 
during  the  American  Revolution ;  and  history  has 
ignored  the  gallant  achievements  of  her  brave  and  pro 
tracted  sons.  Dr.  Ramsay,  in  his  History  of  South 


598  BENJAMIN   ROEBUCK. 

Carolina,  regrets  that  no  one  has  furnished  him  with  a 
detailed  account  of  the  movements  of  Sumter  and 
Pickens,  as  was  done  with  Marion's  brigade.  When  I 
recall  the  names  of  Pickens,  Butler,  Roebuck,  Thomas 
and  Samuel  Earle  and  many,  very  many  others,  who 
fought  so  gallantly  in  the  American  Revolution,  I  am 
forcibly  reminded  of  Gray's  most  beautiful  and  touching 
Elegy  on  a  country  churchyard,  where  many  a  hero  lies 
buried,  unknown  to  fame. 


LETTERS.  59  9 


Letter  from   DR.  F.  PEYRE  PORCHER. 

Charleston,  8.  C.,  January  3, 1888. 
MRS.  B.  F.  PERRY  : 

Dear  Madam. — I  feel  greatly  obliged  to  you  for  the 
privilege  of  reading  the  Memorial  of  Governor  Perry 
and  his  Address  before  the  Students  of  Erskine  College. 
Both  of  these  publications  will  prove  extremely  useful 
to  the  people  of  the  State ;  and  I  am  glad  that  through 
your  wise  and  pious  instrumentality  they  have  been  dis 
seminated. 

The  "Address  "  teaches  the  value  of  character  and  of  in 
dustry  whilst  giving  instructive  sketches  of  the  lives  of 
those  who  have  furnished  the  most  conspicuous  examples 
of  these  qualities.  The  testimony  afforded  by  the"  Memo 
rial  "  practically  illustrates  the  exercise  of  moral  courage 
—that  highest  virtue — the  possession  of  which  enabled 
your  husband  to  face  the  overwhelming  opposition  even 
of  those  nearest  and  dearest  to  him.  I  witnessed  one  of 
these  exhibitions,  and  could  never  recall  it  without  apply 
ing  the  lines : 

"  Most  master  of  himself  and  least  encumbered 
When  overmatched,  entangled  and  outnumbered." 

.  As  has  been  truly  said,  he  was  built  upon  the  Roman 
mould ;  and  when  surrounded  by  the  popular  fury,  and 
the  clamor  of  the  multitude  was  urging  on  to  unhappy 
measures,  to  him  might,  without  exaggeration,  be  applied 
the  description  of  Cato  : — 

"  Et  cuncta  terrarum  subacta — 
Prceter  atrocem  animwn  Catonis." 

*'  The  whole  world  was  subdued — 
Save  the  inexorable  soul  of  Cato." 


600  LETTEES. 

The  ancients  had  a  maxim,  the  justness  of  which  is 
also  strikingly  exemplified  in  the  life  of  Governor  Perry. 
This  was,  "  Respice  finem."  By  it  we  are  commanded 
never  to  be  hasty  or  precipitate  in  our  judgment,  but  to 
wait  and  estimate  the  value  of  a  man's  life  at  the  end  of 
his  career,  when  all  of  his  methods  have  had  time  to 
mature  and  bear  fruit.  His  life  has  taught  us  all  that 
time  only  was  required  to  show  the  superiority  of  his 
views,  the  depth  of  his  insight,  and  the  wisdom  of  his 
plans. 

Hoping  to  see  in  print  also  the  address  delivered  be 
fore  the  Faculty  and  Graduates  of  the  Medical  College 
in  this  city,  which  was  listened  to  with  the  greatest 
interest. 


Letter  from  JAMES  P.  ADAMS. 

Congaree,  S.  C.,  September  30,  1887. 
MRS.  B.  F.  PERRY  : 

Dear  Madam. — Please  accept  my  thanks  for  sending 
me  a  copy  of  the  Memorial  Pamphlet  of  your  deceased 
husband,  the  late  Governor  B.  F.  Perry. 

It  is  a  worthy  tribute  to  the  virtues  and  abilities  of  a 
distinguished  Carolinian.  The  future  historian  of  South 
Carolina  will  place  him  among  the  remarkable  men  who 
lived  at  a  period  of  her  history  fruitful  of  great  men. 

Though  many  years  the  junior  of  Governor  Perry,  in 
reading  the  pamphlet,  I  recall  many  incidents  of  his 
career  with  which  I  was  personally  acquainted.  I  dif 
fered  with  him  on  many  of  the  great  political  issues 
which  agitated  the  State ;  but  I  always  admired  his 
fidelity  to  principle,  and  the  Roman  firmness  with  which 
he  maintained  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  right. 

He  was  no  "  time-serving7'  politician,  swayed  by  popu 
lar  opinion,  but  a  statesman,  who  possessed,  to  a  remark 
able  degree,  the  courage  of  his  convictions.  He  would 
rather  be  right  alone  than  wrong  with  many. 


LETTERS.  601 

I  remember  an  instance  of  this  trait  of  his  character 
when  the  Legislature  of  South  Carolina  passed  the  Act 
calling  the  convention  to  frame  the  ordinance  of  secession. 
I  was  a  member  of  the  Legislature  at  the  time,  and, 
when  the  bill  came  up  on  its  final  passage  in  the  House, 
Mr.  Perry,  afterwards  Governor,  voted  the  solitary  nega 
tive  that  was  cast  against  it. 

This  action,  which  was  in  opposition  to  the  overwhelm 
ing  sentiment  of  the  State,  I  have  always  regarded  as  an 
instance  of  moral  heroism,  worthy  of "  Plutarch's  men." 

There  are  many  things  I  could  write  about  the  career 
of  your  distinguished  husband ;  for  his  name  from  my 
boyhood  has  been  as  "familiar  to  me  as  household 
words,"  but  they  would  be  out  of  place  in  a  mere  letter 
of  acknowledgment. 

He  leaves  behind  him  for  the  example  of  the  youth 
of  the  State :  "  Nomen,  venerabile,  clarumque" 


Letter  from  Col.  JOSEPH  N.  Buowtf,  an  ex-Confederate 
Colonel. 

Anderson,  S.  C,  November  9,  1887. 
Mrs.  B.  F.  PERKY  : 

Dear  Madam. — I  have  received  the  second  edition 
of  the  Memorial  of  the  late  ex-Governor  B.  F.  Perry 
and  address  before  the  Literary  Societies  of  Erskine 
College,  for  which  please  accept  my  thanks.  I  esteem 
them  the  most  valued  treasures  of  my  library. 

It  was  my  fortune  once  to  witness  one  of  those  grand 
displays  of  his  boldness  and  independence,  prompted  by 
his  convictions,  for  which  he  was  noted. 

It  was  during  the  recess  of  the  court  at  Laurens,  on 
the  7th  of  November,  1860,  when  the  news  of  Lincoln's 
election  reached  us.  Then  followed  the  news  that  the 


602  LETTERS. 

U.  S.  District  Judge,  District  Attorney  and  Marshal 
had  resigned.  All  had  arisen  to  their  feet,  and  several, 
including  the  Judge,  exclaimed  :  "  they  did  right." 
Major  Perry,  standing  erect,  and  taller  than  the  others, 
exclaimed  :  "  I  say  they  did  wrong,  and  it's  on  the  road 
to  ruin."  His  appearance  and  manner  of  expression 
impressed  me  more  of  his  greatness  of  character,  which 
I  shall  never  forget.  I  thought  of  it  frequently  during 
the  last  days  of  the  Confederacy  in  the  spring  of  1865, 
when  the  limits  of  our  then  country  were  being  rapidly 
drawing  in  daily,  and  our  flags  as  well  as  our  uniforms 
were  fading  and  becoming  tattered  in  sympathy  with  it. 
In  common  with  my  countrymen  I  should  add,  that  I 
differed  with  him  on  that  occasion,  and  helped  to  bring 
on  the  ruin  which  followed. 


EXTRACT  FROM  A  LETTER  WRITTEN  BY  A  GENTLE 
MAN  IN  CHARLESTON  TO  Gov.  PERRY, 

August  7,  1870. 

"  On  another  occasion,  and  that  was  the  morning  after 
I  had  seen  you  on  the  stage  in  the  memorable  Conven 
tion,  standing  with  folded  arms  and  head  erect,  facing 
the  throng  of  hissers,  who  with  yelling  and  hideous 
noise  attempted  to  put  you  down,  and  at  length  were 
silenced  no  doubt  by  a  desire  to  hear  what  one  solitary 
individual  would  say  in  opposition  to  such  a  united 
assembly.  And  when  you  were  allowed  to  speak,  you 
with  outstretched  arm  and  warning  finger,  pointed  out 
the  natural  effects  of  such  madness  as  they  have  so  fear 
fully  and  sadly  realized  since. 

"  If  I  possessed  the  artist's  power,  and  could  use  his 
pencil,  then  would  I  paint  that  picture.  It  will  ever 


LETTERS.  603 


remain  on  my  memory.  The  picture  of  Bonaparte 
crossing  the  Alps.  The  battle  of  Waterloo,  or  the 
landing  of  the  Pilgrims,  or  the  signing  of  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence  would  be  no  richer  scene,  or  be  ot 
more  consequence  than  the  mad  cut  of  that  day  to  our 
now  afflicted  Southern  States.  But  to  return  to  my 
friend,  Mr.  Pettigru,  meeting  him  next  morning  at  the 
corner  of  King  and  Broad  streets,  I  said  :  '  Mr.  Pettigru, 
what  do  you  think  of  the  stand  taken  yesterday  by  Colonel 
Perry,  who  it  seems  to  me  towered  head  and  shoulders 
above  all  in  that  vast  assembly  ?  7  Said  Mr.  Pettigru 

in  his  shrillest  tones,  '  friend ,  you  don't    know 

Perry  as  I  do — he  would  stand  and  fight,  whilst  all 
those  who  hissed  and  hooted  at  him,  would  run  away. 
I  am  now  on  my  way  to  his  rooms  to  congratulate  him 
on  the  noble  stand  he  took.7  You,  my  dear  sir,  who 
knew  Mr.  Pettigru,  can  imagine  his  voice,  his  look,  his 
manner  as  he  uttered  these  words.  It  looks  tame  on 
paper.  I  was  not  then  personally  acquainted  with  you, 
but  I  knew  you  had  been  thirty  years  fighting  to 
preserve  the  Union,  I  had  been  one  of  the  humble  fol 
lowers  who  had  kept  you  in  view  as  a  text  book." 


Letter  from  REV.  H.  MELVILLE  JACKSON. 

300  W.  Franklin  St.,  Richmond,  Fa., 

December  13,  1886. 

MY  DEAR  MRS.  PERRY. — To-day  for  the  first  time 
I  learn  of  the  great  bereavement  which  has  fallen  upon 
you.  I  can  measure  somewhat  the  force  of  the  blow, 
as  those  who  have  suffered  can  always  appreciate  the 
suffering  of  others;  the  chord  of  pain  once  struck  in 
any  bosom  will  not  fail  to  vibrate  again  at  the  touch  of 
sympathy.  Ah  !  my  dear  friend,  I  knew  your  husband 
but  slightly  compared  with  the  knowledge  possessed  by 
those  who  lived  for  years  under  the  genial  influence  of 
his  presence ;  but  I  yield  to  none  in  admiration  of  his 
splendid  qualities,  both  as  man  and  statesman.  He 


604  LETTERS. 

came  nearer  to  my  ideal  of  a  public  man — a  man  of 
affairs — than  any  I  have  ever  known.  Massive  the 
powers  of  his  intellect ;  stalwart  the  soul  of  him ; 
grandly  faithful — a  very  tower  of  truth.  His  was  a 
character  the  possession  of  which  is  an  education  to  a 
community,  a  State,  a  country.  In  these  times,  when 
a  nascent  degeneracy  threatens  to  breed  for  us  a  puny 
people,  it  is  something  to  have  known  such  a  man  and 
to  hold  in  one's  memory  a  figure  of  such  noble  pro 
portion.  You  have  for  a  time  lost  him,  but  you  have 
not  lost  the  solacing  comfort  which  his  greatness  reflects^ 
Surely  of  him  the  engraver  can  carve  with  truth  upon 
the  stone  which  marks  his  final  resting  place  :  "  The 
world  is  better  that  he  lived." 

I  know  that  in  your  loneliness  there  is  a  pleasure, 
sad  but  sweet,  in  musing  on  the  memory  of  what  he 
was,  and  the  proud  consolation  is  yours  that  he  gave 
you  a  name  which  he  never  tarnished,  but  which  he 
splendored  with  the  sunlit  glories  of  nobility,  fidelity 
and  truth. 

Better  consolations  are  yours,  for  the  earth-born  can 
never  equal  the  heavenly. 

May  the  peace  of  God  be  on  you,  and  the  consolation 
of  the  Gospel  of  His  Son  your  strong  support.  I  ask 
of  Him  who  ruleth  over  all,  to  manifest  Himself  to  you 
as  the  God  of  the  widowed,  and  that  He  will  make 
proof  to  you  of  the  everlasting  truth  of  His  promise  : 
"  As  thy  day  is  so  shall  thy  strength  be." 

As  for  me,  I  can  only  tell  you  that  my  soul  is 
stricken,  and  my  sympathy  for  you  goes  out  strongly 
from  an  unfeigned  heart. 


LETTERS.  605 


Letter  from  REV.  JAMES  P.  BOYCE, 
Professor  in  Baptist  Theological  Seminary,  Louisville,  Ky. 

Louisville,  Ky.,  March  28th,  1887. 
MY  DEAR  MRS.  PERRY. — Upon  my  return  Saturday 
from  a  few  days7  absence  I  found  the  pamphlet  you  had 
sent  me.  I  am  very  glad  that  you  have  reprinted  this 
address  of  your  distinguished  husband,  thus  over  forty 
years  after  its  delivery  at  Erskine  College.  It  is  like 
old  wine ;  it  is  better  than  new.  Would  that  its  words 
of  wisdom  may  make  a  deep  impress  upon  the  minds 
of  many  now  young,  and  of  many  yet  unborn  who, 
though  not  privileged  to  have  known  Governor  Perry 
save  by  report,  will  yet  partake  in  this  way  of  that  wis 
dom  which  he  so  illustriously  displayed  among  those 
who  knew  him  personally.  I  esteem  it  one  of  my 
greatest  privileges  of  life  to  have  enjoyed  his  friendship 
and  confidence.  The  purity  of  his  character,  the  nobility 
and  fearlessness  of  his  nature,  his  firm  maintenance  of 
what  he  thought  right  and  just  and  patriotic  in  the 
midst  of  contrary  influences  of  the  good  and  great,  and 
in  defiance  of  the  detraction  of  the  base  and  mean,  give 
a  force  that  cannot  be  measured  to  all  his  words  of 
morality  and  virtue.  He  was  one  of  the  very  few  who 
could  handle  the  pitch  of  political  life  and  not  be 
defiled.  I  thank  God  for  the  example  given  in  him  of 
one  so  pure  and  true  a  man.  No  one  can  tell  what  an 
influence  it  had  upon  his  day  and  generation.  I  am 
glad  that  you  will  aid  in  perpetuating  it  through  the 
.reprint  of  this  pamphlet. 


606  LETTERS. 


Eulogy  by  HON.  JOHN  D.  ASHEMORE. 

The  following,  written  in  pencil  in  1870,  by  the  late  John 
D.  Ashemore,  Representative  in  the  Congress  of  1858-59, 
from  the  Fourth  District  of  South  Carolina,  was  found  in 
the  back  of  a  volume  of  Walter  Scott,  borrowed  by  that 
gentleman  from  Governor  Perry's  library  and  subsequently 
returned  : 

"HoN.  B.  F.  PERRY,  Greenville  C.  H.,  S.  C." 
"  Pencilled  by  a  friend  and  admirer,  and  one  who  has 
known  him,  boy  and  man,  for  well  nigh  forty  years, 
and  has  been  for  more  than  half  that  period  associated 
with  him  more  or  less  in  the  councils  of  this  distracted 
and  now  well-nigh  ruined  country,  and  who  can  with 
truth  and  sincerity  assert  and  proclaim  him  to  be  the 
most  truthful,  sincere,  upright  and  honest  statesman,  as 
well  as  the  purest,  and  by  far  the  most  reliable  man  it 
has  ever  been  the  fortune  of  him  who  now  pens  these 
words  ever  to  have  met ;  a  man  whom  it  is  an  honor  to 
know,  possessed  of  more  moral  courage  than  any  one 
of  the  many  hundreds  with  whom  he  has  been  most 
intimately  associated  in  the  trying  scenes  through  which 
this  country  has  been  of  late  years  called  on  to  pass, 
and  of  whom  it  can  be  truthfully  said,  '  he  is  a  man 
without  blur  or  blemish.'  Above  disguise  and  mean 
ness  in  all  things,  with  heart  and  character  pure  as  the 
crystal  drops  that  form  the  mountain  stream,  and  wise 
as  the  Sages  of  Scripture,  the  Consuls  of  Rome,  or  the 
Satraps  of  the  East,  and  in  patriotism  high  and  pure  as- 
that  of  the  c  Father  of  his  country/  himself,  and  mani 
festing  a  wisdom,  sagacity,  penetration*  and  statesman 
ship  in  the  recent  unhappy  struggles  of  his  country,  far 
beyond  that  of  any  living  man. 

"  Oh  !  that  his  counsel  and  wisdom  had  been  followed 
and  carried  out  as  the  guiding  star  of  our  cause,  that  a 
nation  might  rise  up  and  call  him  '  blessed ; '  for  full 
well  would  he  have  merited  the  blessing  and  been 


LETTEES.  607 

entitled  to  the  proud  distinction  'of  the  saviour  of  his 
country.'  But  alas !  alas !  his  counsels  have  been  set 
aside,  his  country  a  doomed  wreck,  and  he  with  all  the 
rest  of  us  victims  to  the  mad  lust  of  power  and  misrule 
which  has  overwhelmed  country  and  countrymen  in  one 
common  vortex  of  ruin.  When  the  hand  that  pencils 
these  lines  is  cold  in  death,  and  the  nature's  nobleman 
to  whom  they  are  dedicated  is  recalled  to  his  fathers, 
and  his  memory  alone  is  left  to  be  cherished  by  his 
family,  friends,  kindred,  and  countrymen,  let  them  not 
be  effaced,  but  remain  as  a  feeble  tribute  from  one  who 
has  known  him  long  and  known  him  well,  and  though 
often  differing  with  him  in  judgment,  has  almost 
invariably  found  by  the  test  of  scrutiny  and  of  time, 
his  own  error,  while  it  has  also  vindicated  the  correct 
ness  and  accuracy  of  the  views  of  this  '  nature's  noble 
man/  the  Hon.  Benjamin  F.  Perry,  of  Greenville,. 
S.  C." 


A  MONUMENT  TO  GOVERNOR  PERRY. 

A  handsome  and  imposing  monument  has  been  erected 
over  the  grave  of  ex-Governor  Benjamin  Franklin  Perry 
in  the  cemetery  of  Christ  Episcopal  Church,  in  Greenville. 
The  monument  is  of  a  design,  chaste  and  beautiful  and 
befitting  the  character  of  the  noble  patriot  and  states 
man,  whose  memory  it  will  commemorate.  It  stands  in 
the  southeast  corner  of  the  family  burying  lot,  rising  to 
a  height  of  twenty  feet  from  the  grass  sod  at  its  feet. 

The  monument  made  and  erected  by  Van  Gunden  & 
Young  of  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  is  of  Barre  granite.  It 
consists  of  three  bases,  supporting  a  die,  upon  which 
rests  a  cap,  from  which  in  turn  rises  the  pyramidal 
spire.  The  lower  base  is  plain.  On  the  western  face 
of  the  second  base  is  the  name  "  Perry,"  sculptured  in 
bold  letters  in  relief.  There  are  no  other  inscriptions 
on  the  bases. 

On  each  of  the  four  faces  of  the  die  are  raised  tablets, 
on  the  polished  face  of  which  are  lettered  the  inscrip 
tions.  The  western  face  contains  the  following  : 

In  memory  of 

BENJ.  FRANKLIN  PERRY, 

Born 

November  20,  1805. 

Died 
December  3,  1886. 

On  the  opposite  face  of  the  die  appears  the  following 
inscription : 

District  Judge 

and 
District  Attorney 

of  the 
Southern  Confederacy. 

State  Senator  and 

Provisional  Governor 

of  South  Carolina 

and 

United  States  Senator 
608  elect. 


MONUMENT.  609 

On  the  southern  tablet  are  the  words,  "  The  world  is 
better  that  he  lived,"  and  on  the  northern  side,  "  Safe  in 
the  keeping  of  everlasting  love." 

The  shaft  that  rises  from  the  cap  of  the  die  is  plain, 
except  that  on  the  western  face  is  an  artistic  monogram 
of  the  letters  "  B.  F.  P."  comprising  the  governor's 
initials. 

The  whole  effect  of  the  monument  is  fmpressive.  It 
stands  next  to  the  grave  of  the  young  daughter  of  Gov 
ernor  and  Mrs.  Perry,  and  the  contrast  thus  brought 
to  pass  between  the  sturdy  statesman,  dead  in  the  ripe 
ness  of  an  honored  old  age,  and  the  maiden  taken  in 
the  flower  of  youth  and  loveliness,  heightens  the  impres- 
siveness  of  the  solid  granite  shaft. —  Greenville  News. 


INDEX. 


Address  to  Democracy  Fifth  Congressional  District 153 

Adams,  James,  President 248 

Ames,  Fisher,  Statesman  and  Orator 518 

Acceptance  Nomination  for  Congress 203 

Approval  of  Governor  Perry's  Nomination  for  Congress, 

Editorials 204 

Butler,  Pierce,  United  States  Senator 459 

Cleveland,  Colonel   Benjamin,    Leader  of  a  Hundred 

Fights 577 

Comments,  Editorial,  on  Death  of  Governor  Perry. ...     13 

Cowpens,  Battle  of,  Anniversary  Address 65 

Crawford,  William  H.,  Member  of  Cabinet 270 

Choate,  Rufus,  United  States  Senator 507 

Court  Common  Pleas,  Proceedings  on  Death  Gov.  Perry    37 

Disunion,  Discussion  of  in  1860 171 

Dray  ton,  William  H.,  Provincial  Congress  President. .  441 

Erskine  College,  Address  by  B.  F.  Perry 85 

Ellsworth,  Oliver,  Chief  Justice  United  States 403 

Eulogy  of  Governor  Perry,  by  John  D.  Ashemore 606 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  Illustrious  Philosopher 308 

Greenville  Bar,  Proceedings  on  Death  of  Gov.  Perry. . .     27 

Governor  Perry's  Address  to  his  Constituency 212 

Gadsden,  Christopher,  Prime  Mover  American  Revolu 
tion  264 

Grundy,  Felix,  Attorney-General  and  U.  S.  Senator 546 

Hampton,  General  Wade,  Governor  and  U.  S.  Senator  564 
History  of  National  Democratic  Convention  of  1860. . .  186 
Henry,  Patrick,  First  Republican  Governor  of  Virginia  279 
Hamilton,  Alexander,  Confidential  Friend  of  Wash 
ington  289 

House  of  Representatives, Action  on  Death  of  Gov. Perry    19 

Jay,  John,  the  Boast  and  Pride  of  New  York 393 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  Founder  of  Virginia  University...  339 
Laurens,  Henry,  President  Old  Continental  Congress. .  420 
Lee,  Richard  Henry,  Delegate  ^Continental  Congress  362 
Lee,  Henry,  Dashing  Cavalry  Revolutionary  Officer. . .  535 
Legacy  to  His  Country  and  His  Children,  Gov.  Perry's  111 
Livingston,  Edward,  a  distinguished  Leader  of  Repub 
lican  Party 555 

Life  of  Governor  Perry 1 

Lowndes,  William,  First  Captain  of  W.L.  Infantry 371 

Letters,  Dr.  F.  Peyre  Porcher 599 

6n 


612  INDEX. 

Letters,  James  P.  Adams 600 

Letters,  Colonel  J.  N.  Brown 601 

Letters,  Charleston  Convention 602 

Letters,  Kev.  H.  Melville  Jackson 603 

Letters,  Rev.  James  P.  Boyce 605 

Madison,  James,  Father  of  the  Federal  Constitution. . .  350 
Morris,  Gouverneur,  Graceful  and  Accomplished  Gen 
tleman  428 

Middleton,  Arthur,  Signer  Declaration  of  Independence  454 
Marshall,  John,  Illustrious   Judge   and   Great  Diplo 
matist 467 

Monument  of  Governor  B.  F.  Perry 608 

Oration  Fourth  July,  B.  F.  Perry 47 

Otis,  James,  Sowed  the  Seeds  of  Rebellion  in  1761 243 

Parsons,  Theophilus,  "  The  Giant  of  the  Law  " 478 

Pinckney,  Chas.  Cotesworth,  Aide-de-Camp  to  General 

Washington 259 

Pinckney,  Charles,  Four  Times  Governor 447 

Pinkney,  William,  Accomplished  Gentleman,  Orator 

and  Lawyer 329 

Refusal  Admittance  of  South  Carolina  U.  S.  Senators  191 
Ramsay,  David,  Delivered  the  First  Fourth  July  Ora 
tion  496 

Randolph,  John,  "  Little  John,"  Eccentric  Orator 382 

Rutledge,  John,  a  Student  of  the  Temple  in  London. .   254 
Roebuck,  Colonel  Benjamin,  the  Beau  Ideal  of  a  Brave 

Officer 592 

Smith,   William,    the    First    Contested    Congressional 

Elector 410 

Sherman,  Roger,  Apprenticed  Shoemaker 488 

Speech  on  State  Federal  Affairs,  by  B.  F.  Perry Ill 

Speech  in  National  Democratic  Convention,  1860 145 

Sumter,  Thomas,  "  Game  Cock  of  Carolina  " 570 

The  Ancients  and  the  Moderns 217 

United  States  Senator  B.  F.  Perry 190 

Washington,  George,  the  Father  of  his  Country 297 

Wirt,  William,  author  of  "  British  Spy,"  "Old  Bach 
elor,"  etc 526 


ERRATA. 

Page  10,  ninth  line,  seven  children  should  be  nine. 
14     14,  twenty-fourth  line,  powers  should  be  power. 
"    47,  second  line  from  bottom,  imperfect  should  be  im 
perial. 
"    60,  twelfth  line  from  bottom,  not  is  left  out,  should  be, 

Let  not  the  voice. 
"    82,  fifth  line  from  bottom,  convert  should  be  covert 

and  insidious. 
"    94,  fourth  line  from  bottom,  the  should  be  left  out,  to 

read,  of  beauty, 

"  158,  sixteenth  line  from  bottom,  his  should  be  this. 
"  179,  seventh  line  from  top,  editor  should  be  editors. 
"  187,  eighteenth  line  from  bottom,  ca vailing  should  be 

cavilling. 

'  192,  ninth  line  from  top,  is  should  be  as. 
"  203,  letter  accepting  nomination  for  Congress  was  placed 

after  the  pages  were  numbered  and  forms  printed. 
"  204,  the  date  of  year  1872  is  omitted. 
11  212,  the  date  of  year  1872  is  omitted. 
"  217,  fifteenth  line  from  bottom,  stagarile  should  be  stag- 

arite. 

"  225,  tenth  line  from  bottom,  histories  should  be  histo 
rians. 

"  228,  tenth  line  from  bottom,  wastes  should  be  coasts. 
u  236,  fourth  line  from  top,  writing  should  be  uniting. 
"  237,  sixteenth  line  from  top,  could  should  be  would. 
"  260,  eleventh    line   from    bottom,    Raulin    should    be 

Rawlin. 
"  271,  eighteenth  line  from  bottom  should  read,  William 

taught. 
"  548,  second  line  from  bottom,  I  was  should  read,  and 

was. 
"  551,  thirteenth  line  from  top,  and  transcendent  should 

read,  of  transcendent. 
"  579,  sixteenth  line  from  top,  Petigru  should  be  Pettigru. 


mt 


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